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Assyrian Writing-Boards

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 August 2014

D. J. Wiseman
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Extract

In Iraq, Vol. XVI, Pt. I, pp. 98–107, Professor Mallowan described the unique discovery of Assyrian writing-boards made of ivory and wood at Nimrud in 1953. They had been preserved in silt below water-level in a well in Room A B of the “North-West” Palace of Aššur-naṣir-pal. It is claimed that these boards, which originally formed a polyptych, are the earliest form of ancient book and as such warrant a more detailed study. In the article which follows, on pages 14 ff., Miss Howard describes the ivory boards and discusses the technique employed in their manufacture. It therefore remains to add such further evidence for the use of writing-boards in the Neo-Assyrian period as is available from contemporary literature. Scholars have long suspected that the Assyrians must have used wax-covered boards as a writing-material, but no example had hitherto been found.

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 17 , Issue 1 , Spring 1955 , pp. 3 - 13
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 1955

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References

1 Mallowan, , Iraq XVI, Pt. 1, p. 99Google Scholar.

2 Cf. Mallowan, loc. cit., p. 99, n. 1; p. 105, n. 1.

3 E.g. San Nicolò, in Orientalia, XVII, (1948), 59–70Google Scholar.

4 See below, p. 8f.

5 Discussed below, p. 10.

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7 A.J.S.L. XXVII, 213, 8Google Scholar.

8 H.A.B.L., 429, 6Google Scholar.

9 H.A.B.L., 340, 11Google Scholar; 452, 8, 12; J.A.D.D. 1053, 6Google Scholar.

10 Probably for this reason the determinative GIŠ is used even when referring to boards of ivory or other materials.

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12 K.3163, r. 11; K.A.R. 151 and 68.

13 B.I.N. I, 47, 11 ffGoogle Scholar. (533–526 B.C). Or. XVII 69, n. 1Google Scholar.

14 Iraq XVI, Pt. 1, p. 98Google Scholar. A visiting Forestry Officer, Mr. D. Evans, who was engaged in planting walnut E. of Erbil, made a similar visual identification at Nimrud soon after the discovery.

15 See Guest, E., Notes on Plants and Plant Products with their colloquial names in Iraq (Dept. of Agriculture, Iraq, Bulletin No. 27 (1933) under joz.Google Scholar

16 Hehn, V., Kulturpflanzen u. Haustiere in ihren Ubergang aus Asien nach Griechenland (1902), 393–4 (translation by Stallybrass, pp. 294–7)Google Scholar.

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21 Sargon: Khorsabad i. 142 ff. (D.A.B. 336). Erišu (scent) here refers only to riqqē.

22 Cf. Iraq XVI, Pt. 1, p. 98Google Scholar and n. 4. A check of the dimensions of the hinges and margins of fragments of the wooden boards now in the Institute of Archaeology shows that the wooden boards were of three different sizes, two apparently larger than the ivory boards.

23 A convenient comparison of early forms is given in Driver, G. R.Semitic Writing (1948), 142–169Google Scholar.

24 See p. 15. The reconstruction of the boards make it certain that there were nine hinges and not eight or nine as was suggested in Iraq XVI, Pt. 1, p. 98Google Scholar, before Miss Howard had completed her reconstruction of them.

25 See Mallowan, loc. cit., pp. 100–1.

26 I owe these facts to Miss M. Bimson of the British Museum Laboratory.

27 pašaṭu “scratch off, cancel” (T.C.L. XII, 160, 12 fGoogle Scholar.)

28 Archaeologia LV (1897), 257–282Google Scholar.

29 du Buisson, Du Mesnil, Le site archéologique de Misbrifé Qatna, 128Google Scholar. I am indebted to my colleague Mr. R. D. Barnett for this reference.

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36 The latter reading has been suggested to me by Dr. C. J. Gadd.

37 San Nicolò, loc. cit. 67, n. 4. 8.

38 B.I.N. I, 47, 11 ffGoogle Scholar. (c. 533–526 B.C.); San Nicolò, loc. cit. 69, n. 1.

39 Inscriptions on wax ND. 3578–9. See Fig. 1.

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41 See also Iraq XVI, Pt. 1, Plate XXIII. Reverse is shown on Plate XXII.

42 This accounts for the slight gap made in the join which was made after the two halves had been exposed to the air for differing periods.

43 Cf. Weidner, E. F. in A.f.O. XIV, 369Google Scholar (based on preliminary photograph published in I.L.N., 22nd August, 1953).

44 See discussion on pages 10–12.

45 Allocated to the Iraq Museum.

46 See below, p. 9.

47 In addition to the front cover (ND. 3557) one board has only one side with raised margins; this therefore must have been the back cover.

48 VAT 7814; A.O. 6470. Weidner, E. F., A.f.O. XIV, 186–7Google Scholar (and especially n. 75).

49 If MU.ŠIT.BI.IGI.DUs A.MEš refers to individual omens the argument proposed here still holds good.

50 E. F. Weidner, loc. cit., 185.

51 174 B.C.

52 P. 7.

53 This is unlikely since the text would not be inscribed until all the boards had been made.

54 See p. 18–19.

55 See Iraq, Vol. XII, Pt. 2, pp. 168, 179Google Scholar; Vol. XVI, Pt. 1, p. 67.

56 This could, of course, be due to the improbability of preservation except in extraordinary conditions or to some subsequent removal.

57 G. Loud assumes that the texts were moved to Nineveh on the death of Sargon, (Khorsabad I, 121, 101; II, 103)Google Scholar.

58 Schott, A., Z.D.M.G. XIII, 3Google Scholar.

59 III R. 2, 1.2.

60 N.D. 1120 (Iraq XIV, Pt. 1. pp. 65–66)Google Scholar. The royal scribe in 714 B.C. was Nabū-šallimšunu.

61 III R. 2, 1.2. ff.

62 For the wide range of skill represented by this word see e.g. Driver op. cit. 65, n. 10.

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64 This is true also of many periods and places outside Assyria and Babylonia, e.g. at Alalakh, Syria (Sarruwa and Tutu) and in Judah (e.g. Sheva and his sons, 2 Sam. xx, 25; I Chron. xviii, 16; 1 Kings iv, 3).

65 O.L.Z. XXIII, 205 ffGoogle Scholar. Meissner, , Baby. u. Assyr. II, 332Google Scholar.

66 K. 9452.

67 K. 13839.

68 K. 131656.

69 K. 14939. Since this is the twelfth tablet it may indicate that he copied the whole Gilgamesh Epic. A fragment of the Epic of Creation (ND.3416—Iraq XV, Pt. 2, p. 139)Google Scholar thrown out in the general destruction of the temple area c. 705 B.C. is probably further evidence of Nabu-zukup-kena's work.

70 K. 3074 (III R.2. XIII) dated 13th Araḫsamna, 15th year of Sargon. Others of the series copied include K. 10967, Sm 985, 1070 (all unpublished); Rm 155, Sm. 930.

71 K.11309, 11614, Rm. 222.

72 I owe this to Professor Mallowan. The photograph was kindly provided by Signora Luisa Banti. It is reproduced on Plate III by permission of the Soprintendenza Antichità, Firenze.

73 Minto, A., Marsiliana d'Albegna, 236–247Google Scholar. Cf. Iraq XVI, Pt. 1, Pl. XXII.

74 Hutchinson, R. W., A.A.A. XVII, 30Google Scholar; A. Minto, op. cit. 245.

75 81–2–4, 64, may refer to individual boards grouped together (following Goetze, A., Language, 22 (1946), 121–130)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. (iṣ) lē'e in 81–7–27, 31.13. It is possible that the basic meaning of the verb lē'u may be “to overlay.”

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77 K.U.B. XIII, 35, iv. 36Google Scholar.

78 K.174, r II; K.687 r II; K.1116, 6; 81-7-27, 31.

79 K.1896, 8; 83-1-18, 77; 81-7-27, 31.

80 K.5466, r 12; K.468, 5.

81 K.465, 8; (H.A.B.L. 545; R.C.A.E. i, 386). nikkassi may here denote property or simply “accountability.” It is possible that this text refers to the length of life to be granted to the king and his successors. For the expression epeš nikkasi see San Nicolò, , Or. 23, 351 fGoogle Scholar.

82 K.664, r 2.

83 Bu. 91-5-9, 105, 11.

84 K.1235 r 5.

85 see p. 9 above.

86 see p. 6, n. 38.

87 Landsberger, Z.A. (N.F.) VIII, 155, n. 5Google Scholar.

88 E.g. 3 GIŠ.DA? of ivory were among the tribute collected by Tukulti-Ninurta II from Anat on the Euphrates c. 884 B.C. (Scheil, V., Annates de Tuleulti-Ninip II, 18, 1.70)Google Scholar.

89 H.A.B.L. 429, 6Google Scholar; 452, r 8; 1340, 11.

90 e.g. J.A.D.D. 1053, 6 probably on the rhebus principle for ZU—lê'u, “to be wise.”

91 R.T.C. 225, i. I am indebted to Drs. I. J Gelb and Castellino for these and a number of the following references.

92 I.T.T. I, 17, 1275Google Scholar. Erim. ḫus vi. 1.

93 ḪHAR.RA-ḫubullu corpus (Information from Dr. Gelb). Cf. Dossin, G., R.A. XXX, 101, 102. n. 21Google Scholar.

94 e.g. A.R.M. I, 63, 7Google Scholar.

95 Marḫaši (KI) ii-um-ma gur-ru-dé (P.B.S. V.75, 6—B.E. VI/2. 130. 5) and T.C.L. XVI, 64, 20Google Scholar.

96 Guterbock, , Symbolae. … … Koschakeer, 266f.Google Scholar; Bossert, , Belleten XXI, 9–16Google Scholar.

97 Bossert, loc. cit., pl. V.

98 Cf. Gordon, C. H., J.N.E.S. VII, 109 and n. 7Google Scholar; A.Alt, Forschungen und Fortschritte, 1948, 121 ff.Google Scholar

99 see n. 95.

100 e.g., Ugaritic lwb; lh (Gordon, Ugaritic Handbook, 1074); Hebrew lûah (Isaiah xxx. 8).

101 Mallowan, loc. cit. p. 101–102.

102 Dougherty, , J.A.O.S. 48, 135Google Scholar.

103 see p. 6 above.

104 Clay, A. T., B.R. I. 8, 22Google Scholar.

105 e.g. Stela of Bar Rekub. Also C. Clermont—Ganneau, Album d'antiquités orientales i/i & 2 (Driver op. cit. pl. 54). See also Rosenthal, F., Die Aramaistische Forschung, 3–23Google Scholar.

106 The Phoenician inscription of Azzituwadna. Dated by Gordon, (J.N.E.S. VIII, 109 and n. 7Google Scholar) to the ninth century B.C.

107 For a useful summary see Bowman, R. A., J.N.E.S. VII, 65 ff.Google Scholar especially 72–76.

108 E. G. Bronze lion weights from Numrud. Layard, , Nineveh and its Remains, I, 127–8Google Scholar; C.I.S. II. 1Google Scholar: J.A.D.D. II, 256 ffGoogle Scholar; dated 745–681 B.C. Other inscriptions occur on Nimrud bronze bowls.

109 Thompson, R. and Hamilton, R. W., J.R.A.S. 1932, 29–31Google Scholar.

110 see p. 15 n 1; cf. Woolley, L.A.J. vii, 410, pl. xlixGoogle Scholar.

111 ND.806-809 (Iraq XIII, Pt. 2, p. 118Google Scholar); ND.1115, 1117–19, 1124 (Iraq XIV, Pt. 1, pp. 65–66Google Scholar).

112 Cameron, G. G., Persepolis Treasury Tablets, 27 and pl. XL VIcGoogle Scholar.

113 Driver, op. cit. 22 and fig. 4.

114 Assyrian Sculptures in the British Museum (From Shalmaneser III to Sennacherib) pl. XI.

115 ibid. pl. XLVII (B.M. 124782); pl. LV (B.M. 124.…); B.M. 124955 (part shown on Plate III), cf. Gadd, C. J.The Assyrian Sculptures, 69Google Scholar.

116 Illustrated in A.f.O. XV, 137Google Scholar (in Glasgow Art Gallery-late Assyrian Period). Now to be interpreted as two diptychs rather than two clay tablets.

117 Cf. Driver op. cit. 22, 85 f.

118 The word for scroll, (mašak)magallatu(m) (Heb. megillah) occurs in two late Babylonian colophoift (unpublished). Cf. galalu, Clay, , Y.B.T. 4, 6–8Google Scholar.

119 E.g. Dougherty loc. cit. 109–135 contra Eilers, , O.L.Z. XXXIV, 931–3Google Scholar.

120 Dougherty, loc. cit. 131f.

121 Dougherty, loc. cit. 125, n. 103.

122 Or. 22 (1953), 113Google Scholar. The latest dated tablet in the B.M. is 44/45 A.D. (B.M. 45982).

123 II R. 3, 5. 64–65. For references and the latest discussion see Lewy, J., H.U.C.A. XXV. 188–191Google Scholar.

124 J.A.D.D. II, 109Google Scholar. Contrast amēl A.BA amēl maşurata, “The Egyptian A.BA.”

125 J.A.D.D. IV, 241Google Scholar.

126 Contrast amēl A.BA amēl muşuraia. Cf. the rab šaqe at Jerusalem in 701 B.C., 2 Kings xviii, 13–37; Isaiah xxxvi, 1–22.

127 Dougherty, loc. cit. 129 and n. 128.

128 Bu. 89-4-26, 16, 8-10 (H.A.B.L. 472).

129 See p. 33 f. No. V (ND. 2603).

130 Wandel, C., Die griechisch-römische Bucbbescbrtibmg verglichen mit der des vorderen Orients, 93ffGoogle Scholar.