Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-wg55d Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-05-19T20:44:00.880Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Dissidence of Despair: Rebellion and Identity in Early Modern Cornwall

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 January 2014

Mark Stoyle
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

In May 1648 a group of Cornishmen who had rebelled against Parliament in the name of Charles I met with comprehensive defeat at “the Gear,” near Helford, and were then pursued back across the Lizard peninsula to the seacoast beyond. Surrender seemed inevitable, yet a number of the fugitives refused to submit. Instead they “joyned hand-in-hand” and hurled themselves bodily into the water: “a desperate expedient on that rocky coast,” as one later writer remarked. What can have driven them to such despair? No convincing answer can be given by looking at the events of 1648 alone. The rebels' despairing plunge can be understood only if it is seen as the final act in a long-running drama, a story of repeated popular protest in West Cornwall that spanned over 150 years. It is a story that has gone largely unrecognized by previous historians, most of whom have portrayed the Cornish revolts of 1497, 1548, 1549, 1642, and 1648 as isolated events rather than as part of a continuum. Yet it is a story that deserves to be told, not only because it provides a dramatic new explanation for many of the most important rebellions of the Tudor and Stuart periods, but also because it serves as an enduring monument to a forgotten people and their struggle to preserve a separate identity for themselves in the face of overwhelming odds.

A fierce sense of distinctiveness has always characterized the inhabitants of Cornwall.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of British Studies , Volume 38 , Issue 4 , October 1999 , pp. 423 - 444
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 1999

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 British Library (BL), Thomason Tracts, E.445 (tract 28), “A Letter from the Isle of Wight,” June 1648, p. 6Google Scholar; and Coate, M., Cornwall in the Great Civil War and Interregnum, 1642–60: A Social and Political Study (Oxford, 1933), p. 240Google Scholar.

2 For some honorable exceptions (at least as far as the Tudor revolts are concerned), see Rowse, A. L., Tudor Cornwall (London, 1969), pp. 20, 22Google Scholar; Berresford-Ellis, P., The Cornish Language and Its Literature (London, 1974), p. 52Google Scholar; Cornwall, J., Revolt of the Peasantry, 1549 (London, 1977), pp. 41–42 ff.Google Scholar; and Payton, P., The Making of Modern Cornwall (Truro, 1992), pp. 58–62Google Scholar. Most recently, see Stoyle, M. J., “Pagans or Paragons? Images of the Cornish during the English Civil War,” English Historical Review 111, no. 441 (April 1996): 321–23Google Scholar; and Payton, P., Cornwall (Fowey, 1996), chaps. 6–7Google Scholar.

3 Sprigg, J., Anglia Rediviva: England's Recovery (London, 1647), p. 230Google Scholar.

4 See Todd, M., The South-West to AD 1000 (London, 1987), pp. 273–75Google Scholar.

5 For the earliest explicit statement of what might be termed the “Kernowsceptic” view, see Fowler, D. C., Authors of the Middle Ages, vol. 2: John Trevisa (Aldershot, 1993), p. 1Google Scholar. For the latest, see Chynoweth, J., “The Gentry of Tudor Cornwall” (Ph.D. diss., University of Exeter, 1994), esp. pp. 17–28Google Scholar.

6 The first Cornish scholar to attack the Anglocentric view of Cornwall's past was William Scawen, whose “Antiquities Cornu-brittanic” was written in the 1670s (see BL, Additional [Add.] MSS 33,420, fols. 108–125r). The latest is Philip Payton, whose Cornwall provides a radical rejection of the dominant paradigm.

7 See Ellis, S., “Not Mere English: The British Perspective, 1400–1650,” History Today 38, no. 12 (December 1988): 43, 46Google Scholar, and “Tudor State Formation and the Shaping of the British Isles,” in Conquest and Union: Fashioning a British State, 1485–1725, ed. Ellis, S. G. and Barber, S. (London, 1995), p. 58.Google Scholar; and Kearney, H., The British Isles: A History of Four Nations (London, 1995), p. 138Google Scholar.

8 Morrill, J., “The British Problem,” in The British Problem, 1534–1707: State Formation in the Atlantic Archipelago, ed. Bradshaw, B. and Morrill, J. (London, 1996), p. 1Google Scholar.

9 See Jenner, H., “Cornwall, a Celtic Nation,” Celtic Review 1 (1905): 234–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 Anderson, B., Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983), esp. chaps. 2–3Google Scholar; Gellner, E., Thought and Change (London, 1964), pp. 147–78Google Scholar, and Nations and Nationalism (London, 1983), esp. pp. 6, 49, 55Google Scholar. See also Colley, L., Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (London, 1992), esp. pp. 5–9Google Scholar.

11 Smith, A. D., The Ethnic Origin of Nations (London, 1994 ed.), p. 11Google Scholar.

12 Ibid., esp. pp. 13–14.

13 Davies, R. R., “The Peoples of Britain and Ireland, 1100–1400. I. Identities,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 4 (1994): 1–20, esp. 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 Ibid., pp. 18, 16.

15 Ibid., pp. 6, 11, 4, 9.

16 Thorpe, L., ed., Geoffrey of Monmouth: The History of the Kings of Britain (London, 1988), pp. 71–75Google Scholar.

17 See, e.g., Morrill, J. S., “The Fashioning of Britain,” in Ellis, and Barber, , eds., Conquest and Union, p. 15Google Scholar; and Davies, R. R., “The Peoples of Britain and Ireland, 1100–1400: II. Names, Boundaries and Regnal Solidarities,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 5 (1995): 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 Thorpe, , ed., Geoffrey of Monmouth, pp. 66, 72Google Scholar.

19 Admittedly, Geoffrey possessed strong links with Cornwall and may therefore have been particularly keen to stress its importance, see Padel, O. J., “Geoffrey of Monmouth and Cornwall,” Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 8 (1984): 8–9Google Scholar.

20 Gough, R., ed., Brittania: Or a Chorographical Description of the Flourishing Kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland, 4 vols. (London, 1806), 1:12Google Scholar.

21 Norden, J., Speculi Britanniae Pars: A Topographical and Historical Description of Cornwall (London, 1728), p. 7Google Scholar. See also Halliday, F. E., ed., Richard Carew of Anthony: The Survey of Cornwall (New York, 1969), p. 151Google Scholar.

22 BL, Add. MSS 33,420, fols. 122–23; Davies, , “Peoples of Britain and Ireland, 1100–1400. I. Identities,” pp. 6–7Google Scholar.

23 BL, Add. MSS 33,420, fol. 108.

24 The best introduction to the history of the Cornish language is Wakelin, M. F., Language and History in Cornwall (Leicester, 1975)Google Scholar.

25 Ibid., p. 22. The tradition continues, see maps in Ellis, , “Not Mere English,” p. 41Google Scholar; Ellis, and Barber, , Conquest and Union, p. 317Google Scholar; and Morrill, J. S., ed., The Oxford Illustrated History of Tudor and Stuart Britain (Oxford, 1996), p. 463Google Scholar.

26 Wakelin, , Language and History, p. 67Google Scholar.

27 On “the retreat of Cornish,” see Wakelin, , Language and History, pp. 93–97Google Scholar; and, more recently, George, K.J., “How Many People Spoke Cornish Traditionally?” Cornish Studies, o.s., 14 (1986): 67–70Google Scholar. George posits a slower rate of retreat than Wakelin: the truth probably lies somewhere in between.

28 Chynoweth notes that “many of the Western gentry” continued to speak Cornish until well into the 1500s (“Gentry,” p. 193). On Cornish-speaking clergy, see Wakelin, , Language and History, pp. 83, 88–89Google Scholar; and Peter , T.C., The History of Glasney Collegiate Church (Camborne, 1903), p. 117Google Scholar.

29 Halliday, , Survey of Cornwall, p. 154Google Scholar; Gough, , Brittania, 1:3Google Scholar; and Fuller, T., The History of the Worthies of England, 2 vols. (London, 1811), 1:214Google Scholar.

30 Stoyle, , “Pagans or Paragons?” pp. 304–5Google Scholar; and Middleton, T. and Rowley, W., A Faire Quarrel, ed. Price, G. R. (London, 1977), p. 41Google Scholar. Cornishmen clearly had gone barelegged during the 1500s, though by 1617 this may no longer have been the case, see Halliday, , Survey of Cornwall, p. 138Google Scholar.

31 Stoyle, , “Pagans or Paragons?” pp. 301, 313–14Google Scholar. The two pastimes had long been associated with Cornwall, see Thorpe, , Geoffrey of Monmouth, pp. 72–73Google Scholar; and Chynoweth, , “Gentry,” p. 107Google Scholar.

32 Norden, , Speculi Britanniae Pars, p. 26Google Scholar. For the most recent discussion of the “Cornish acre,” see Harvey, D., “The Tithing Framework of West Cornwall,” Cornish Studies 5 (1997): 38–47Google Scholar.

33 Lewis, G. R., The Stannaries: A Study of the Medieval Tin-Miners of Devon and Cornwall (Truro, 1965), esp. pp. 107–8Google Scholar.

34 Halliday, , Survey of Cornwall, p. 125Google Scholar; Chynoweth, , “Gentry,” pp. 54–56Google Scholar; and Camden, W., Remains Concerning Britain, ed. Lower, M. A. (London, 1870), p. 143Google Scholar.

35 Cullum, D. H., “Society and Economy in West Cornwall” (Ph.D. diss., University of Exeter, 1994), p. 288Google Scholar.

36 See Speight, H. M., “Local Government and Politics in Devon and Cornwall, 1509–49” (Ph.D. diss., University of Sussex, 1991), p. 16Google Scholar, citing comments made in a mid-sixteenth-century manorial survey.

37 See Stoate, T., ed., The Cornwall Military Survey: 1522 (Bristol, 1987)Google Scholar; and Douch, H. L., ed., The Cornwall Muster Roll for 1569 (Bristol, 1984)Google Scholar. These two sources reveal that the use of slings in Cornwall receded westward over time during the 1500s, just as the language did. Bearing this in mind, the fact that the community that boasted the highest number of sling owners in 1569 was the notoriously rebellious parish of St. Keverne (Douch, p. iii) seems unlikely to be mere coincidence. There are hints of a rich complex of interconnections here.

38 Halliday, , Survey of Cornwall, p. 138Google Scholar.

39 Davies, , “Peoples of Britain and Ireland, 1100–1400. I. Identities,” p. 11Google Scholar.

40 Fuller, , History of the Worthies, p. 209Google Scholar; and Norden, , Speculi Britanniae Pars, p. 29Google Scholar.

41 Halliday, , Survey of Cornwall, p. 147Google Scholar. See also Norden, , Speculi Britanniae Pars, p. 29Google Scholar.

42 Smirke, E., “Report,” Journal of the Royal Institute of Cornwall 6 (1866): vii–viiiGoogle Scholar; and Murdoch, B., Cornish Literature (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 134–35Google Scholar.

43 Harbyn-Pedler, E., “Notes on the Names of Places,” in The Ancient Cornish Drama, ed. Norris, E., 2 vols. (London, 1859), 2:507–14Google Scholar.

44 Peter, , Glasney Collegiate Church, p. 102Google Scholar.

45 Halliday, , Survey of Cornwall, pp. 127, 138–39Google Scholar.

46 Worth, R. N., The Buller Papers (privately printed, 1895), p. 103Google Scholar.

47 Hill, C., The English Bible and the Seventeenth Century Revolution (London, 1994), p. 138Google Scholar.

48 Ibid.

49 For similar depictions of the Cornish as “foreigners” during the Civil War, see Stoyle, , “Pagans or Paragons?” pp. 311, 320Google Scholar.

50 See Murdoch, , Cornish Literature, p. 137Google Scholar; and Wakelin, , Language and History, pp. 66, 89Google Scholar. Cf. Colley, , Britons, p. 13Google Scholar.

51 Halliday, , Survey of Cornwall, p. 127Google Scholar.

52 Wakelin, , Language and History, p. 90, n. 69Google Scholar.

53 George, , “How Many People Spoke Cornish Traditionally?” p. 70Google Scholar.

54 Pocock, J. G. A., “The Atlantic Archipelago and the War of the Three Kingdoms,” in Bradshaw, and Morrill, , eds., The British Problem, pp. 180–81Google Scholar.

55 Pocock, J. G. A., “The Limits and Divisions of British History: In Search of the Unknown Subject,” American Historical Review 87, no. 2 (April 1982): 336CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Pocock, , “The Atlantic Archipelago and the War of the Three Kingdoms,” pp. 181, 184Google Scholar.

56 See Wakelin, , Language and History, p. 97Google Scholar.

57 Halliday, , Survey of Cornwall, p. 139Google Scholar. See Norden's comment that the Cornish “retayne a kinde of conceyled envye agaynste the Englishe, whome they yet affecte with a desire of revenge for their fathers sakes by whom their fathers receyved the repulse” (Speculi Britanniae Pars, p. 28).

58 Davies, R. R., The Revolt of Owain Glyn Dwr (Oxford, 1995), pp. 34, 69, 159CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

59 Padel, O. J., “The Nature of Arthur,” Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 27 (Summer 1994): 4–5, 8–9Google Scholar.

60 Furnivall, F. J., ed., Arthur: A Short Sketch of His Life and History (London, 1864), p. 19Google Scholar.

61 Payton, , Cornwall, pp. 93–94Google Scholar.

62 Lewis, The Stannaries.

63 Payton, , Making of Modern Cornwall, p. 57Google Scholar.

64 George, , “How Many People Spoke Cornish Traditionally?” p. 70Google Scholar.

65 Fowler, D. C., “The Date of the Cornish Ordinalia,” Medieval Studies 13 (1961): 91–125CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

66 Scawen described “the loss of tongue” as “an infallible sign of subjection,” while the Cornish-speaking parish clerk of St. Just commented dejectedly in 1700 that “[the] tongueless man … lost his land.” See BL, Add. MSS 33,420, fol. 117r; and Deane, T. and Shaw, T., The Folklore of Cornwall (London, 1975), p. 14Google Scholar.

67 E. Harbyn-Pedler, who notes the “remarkable pertinacity” with which the Cornish subsequently clung to these plays, suggests that they regarded them as one of chief “surviving mark[s] of their race” (“Notes,” pp. 511, 513–14).

68 See Brinkley, R. F., Arthurian Legend in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1967), pp. 1–2Google Scholar; Anglo, S., Images of Tudor Kingship (London, 1992), p. 43Google Scholar.

69 Berresford-Ellis, , Cornish Language, p. 53Google Scholar; Payton, , Cornwall, pp. 122–23Google Scholar; and Bradshaw, B., “The Tudor Reformation in Wales and Ireland,” in Morrill, and Bradshaw, , eds., The British Problem, p. 51Google Scholar.

70 George, , “How Many People Spoke Cornish Traditionally?” p. 70Google Scholar.

71 Smith, , Ethnic Origin, pp. 50–67Google Scholar. On the effects of perceived threat to ethnic identity, see also Eriksen, T.H., Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives (London, 1993), pp. 68, 76Google Scholar.

72 A great deal has been written about the perturbations of 1537–49, in particular. For accounts that explain these disturbances in almost exclusively religious terms, see Rose-Troup, F., The Western Rebellion of 1549 (London, 1913)Google Scholar; and Caraman, P., The Western Rising, 1549 (Tiverton, 1994)Google Scholar. For accounts that stress the economic issues, see Youings, J., “The South-Western Rebellion of 1549,” Southern History 1 (1979): 99–122Google Scholar; and Whiting, R., The Blind Devotion of the People: Popular Religion and the English Reformation (Cambridge, 1991), esp. pp. 34–35Google Scholar. For a thesis that convincingly stresses the importance of factional rivalry among the local gentry, see Speight, “Local Government.” General accounts of the period continue to concentrate on these three “core” explanations; see, e.g., Fletcher, A., Tudor Rebellions (London, 1986), pp. 48–53Google Scholar. For accounts that stress Cornish particularism, see Cornwall, , Revolt of the Peasantry, pp. 41–47, 57Google Scholar; Payton, , Making of Modern Cornwall, pp. 59–60Google Scholar, and Cornwall, pp. 137–41.

73 Fletcher, , Tudor Rebellions, pp. 10–11Google Scholar; and Guy, J., Tudor England (Oxford, 1991), p. 58Google Scholar. For a recent argument that the rising possessed a political dimension as well, see Arthurson, I., The Perkin Warbeck Conspiracy, 1491–99 (Stroud, 1994), pp. 163–68Google Scholar.

74 See Payton, P, Making of Modern Cornwall, pp. 58–59Google Scholar; and Payton, P., “A Concealed Envy against the English: A Note on the Aftermath of the 1497 Rebellions in Cornwall,” Cornish Studies 1 (1993): 4–5Google Scholar.

75 Arthurson, I., “The Rising of 1497,” in People, Politics and Community in the Later Middle Ages, ed. Rosenthal, J. and Richmond, C. (Gloucester, 1987)Google Scholar; and Devonshire Record Office, Exeter, John Hooker's Commonplace Book, compiled between 1590 and 1601, bk 51, fol. 328.

76 Arthurson, , Perkin Warbeck Conspiracy, p. 181Google Scholar.

77 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic (1536), p. 166Google Scholar; and Rose-Troup, , Western Rebellion, pp. 29–32Google Scholar.

78 Rose-Troup, , Western Rebellion, pp. 73–74Google Scholar.

79 Ibid., pp. 74–82.

80 Ibid., pp. 81–84.

81 See, e.g., Norden, , Speculi Britanniae Pars, pp. 46–47Google Scholar.

82 Speight, , “Local Government,” pp. 181–82Google Scholar.

83 Rose-Troup, , Western Rebellion, pp. 497–501Google Scholar.

84 Norden, , Speculi Britanniae Pars, p. 31Google Scholar.

85 See MacCulloch, D., “Kett's Rebellion in Context,” Past and Present, no. 84 (1979), pp. 40–41Google Scholar; and Arthurson, , Perkin Warbeck Conspiracy, pp. 182–83Google Scholar. The fact that the 1549 rebels chose to assemble at the hill fort of Castle Kynnock, near Bodmin, just as Warbeck's men had done before them, hints at a perceived continuity of purpose.

86 Youings, , “South-Western Rebellion,” p. 109Google Scholar.

87 Rose-Troup, , Western Rebellion, p. 493Google Scholar.

88 On Cornwall's religious conservatism, see Coate, , Cornwall in the Great Civil War and Interregnum, p. 327Google Scholar; Stoyle , M.J., Loyalty and Locality: Popular Allegiance in Devon during the English Civil War (Exeter, 1994), pp. 237–38Google Scholar; and Duffin, A., Faction and Faith: Politics and Religion of the Cornish Gentry before the Civil War (Exeter, 1995), pp. 38, 42Google Scholar.

89 George, , “How Many People Spoke Cornish Traditionally?” p. 68Google Scholar.

90 Stoyle, , Loyalty and Locality, pp. 232–35, 241Google Scholar.

91 BL, E.124 (tract 20), “New News from Cornwall,” 27 October 1642, pp. 3–5Google Scholar.

92 Stoyle, , “Pagans or Paragons?” pp. 302–4Google Scholar.

93 See Stoyle, M. J., “The Last Refuge of a Scoundrel: Sir Richard Grenville and Cornish Particularism, 1644–46,” Historical Research 71, no. 174 (February 1998): 37–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Newman, P. R., “The 1663 List of Indigent Royalist Officers Considered as a Primary Source for the Study of the Royalist Army,” Historical Journal 30, no. 4 (1987): 895CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For some fascinating twentieth-century parallels, see Wegner, B., The Waffen SS: Organisation, Ideology and Function (Oxford, 1990), pp. 310–11, 328, 330–31Google Scholar.

94 Coate, , Cornwall in the Great Civil War and Interregnum, p. 331Google Scholar.

95 BL, Egerton MSS 2,657, “Borlase's Parochial History of Cornwall,” fols. 28r, 38; BL, Add. MSS, 33,420, fol. 123r; and BL, Thomason Tracts, E.445 (tract 28), “A Letter from the Isle of Wight,” June 1648, p. 5.

96 This figure is based on observations made in 1707 (see Wakelin, , Language and History, p. 92Google Scholar) and may well be a little too low.

97 On the 1648 rising, see Coate, , Cornwall in the Great Civil War and Interregnum, pp. 238–41Google Scholar; Worth, , Buller Papers, pp. 101–9Google Scholar; and “A Letter from the Isle of Wight,” pp. 3–6.

98 See Walter, J., “A Rising of the People? The Oxfordshire Rising of 1596,” Past and Present, no. 107 (May 1985), p. 107Google Scholar.

99 For the Lizard rising, see “A Letter from the Isle of Wight,” pp. 5–6; and Folger Library, Washington, D.C., Bennett Papers, XD.483, “Loggetts Letter to Mr. Sheriffe,” fol. 19.

100 “A Letter from the Isle of Wight,” p. 6.

101 Keast, J., The Travels of Peter Munday (Truro, 1984), p. 85Google Scholar. I am most grateful to Joanna Mattingley for this reference.

102 Wakelin notes that Cornish finally became “extinct” between 1700 and 1750 (Language and History, p. 96).

103 Fletcher, A. and MacCulloch, D., Tudor Rebellions (London, 1997), pp. 14–15, 17, 25–49, 97–99, and 119Google Scholar. (This is the fourth edition of Fletcher's, Tudor Rebellions [1986]Google Scholar, revised and updated.)

104 Ibid., pp. 66–67, 81–93; Kriehn, G., The English Rising in 1450 (Strasbourg, 1892), esp. pp. 80, 89–90, 112Google Scholar; and Everitt, A., The Community of Kent and the Great Rebellion, 1640–60 (Leicester, 1966), pp. 190–99, 204–5, 215–18, and 245–63Google Scholar.

105 See Witney, K. P., The Jutish Forest: A Study of the Weald of Kent (London, 1976), p. 2Google Scholar; Everitt, , Community of Kent, pp. 228–29Google Scholar; and Karkeek, P., “Fairfax in the West,” Transactions of the Devonshire Association 8 (1876): 144Google Scholar.

106 Recent work has revealed that, in most English counties, “county communitarian” sentiment was surprisingly weak during the early modern period: see Holmes, C., “The County Community in Stuart Historiography,” Journal of British Studies 19 (1980): 54–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hughes, A., “Local History and the Origins of the Civil War,” in Conflict in Early Stuart England: Studies in Religion and Politics, 1603–42, ed. Cust, R. and Hughes, A. (London, 1989), p. 228Google Scholar.

107 See Stoyle, , Loyalty and Locality, pp. 238–41Google Scholar; and Tucker, N., North Wales in the Civil War (Wrexham, 1992), pp. 131–46Google Scholar.

108 It is noteworthy that, during the 1640s, Gaelic cultural autonomy came to be regarded as “inextricably bound to the Royalist cause”; see MacInnes, A. I., “Scottish Gaeldom, 1638–51,” in New Perspectives on the Politics and Culture of Early Modem Scotland, ed. Dwyer, J.et al. (Edinburgh, 1980), p. 77Google Scholar.

109 For 1497–1548, see Hall, E., The Union of the Two Noble Families of Lancaster and York (1550; reprint, London, 1809), p. 479Google Scholar; Ellis, R. L.et al. eds., The Works of Francis Bacon (London, 1878), 6:182Google Scholar; Cotton, R. W. and Woollcombe, H., Gleanings from the Municipal and Cathedral Records Relative to the History of the City of Exeter (Exeter, 1877), pp. 41–42Google Scholar; and Speight, , “Local Government,” p. 184Google Scholar. For 1549, see Fletcher, , Tudor Rebellions, p. 47Google Scholar (total rebel casualties were 4,000, Cornishmen presumably made up around half of these). No precise figures survive for 1642–46, but 600 Cornishmen had already been killed in the King's service by early 1644 (see Bodleian Library, Oxford, Hope Add. MSS 1129, “A Continuation of Certain Speciall and Remarkable Passages,” 29 February 1644). For 1648, see Worth, , Buller Papers, p. 105Google Scholar.

110 Cornwall's population in 1550 was around 76,000; see George, , “How Many People Spoke Cornish Traditionally?” p. 70Google Scholar.