¹ E. T. Burke to Minister of Transport and Minister of Health, 29 August 1935, and City of Salford, VD Scheme Annual Report, 1934, The National Archives (hereafter TNA), MH 55/1371.

² Memorandum on “Road Transport and VD,” Municipal Clinic, Salford, 29 August 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

³ News Chronicle, 23 October 1936.

⁴ People on Sunday, 15 November 1936.

⁵ News of the World, 17 August 1935.

⁶ Minutes of a Departmental Conference held at the Home Office, 23 October 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

⁷ Sir. S. Hoare, Oral Answer to Question on Motor Lorries (Girl Passengers), 19 May 1938, Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 5th ser., vol. 336 (1938–39), cols. 570–71.

⁸ Ibid. For more on sex scandals and the interwar press, see Bingham, Adrian, Family Newspapers? Sex, Private Life, and the British Popular Press, 1918–1978 (Oxford, 2009), 15–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ The Times, 22 January 1954, 3B.

¹⁰ For the creation and dissolution of the British Road Services, see Richardson, J. J., “The Administration of Denationalization: The Case of Road Haulage,” Public Administration 49, no. 4 (1971): 385–402CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ The Times, 22 January 1954, 3B.

¹² Ibid.

¹³ Minutes of a meeting held by the Approved Schools Central Advisory Committee, Home Office, 13 January 1954, TNA, HO 45/24986.

¹⁴ Ibid.

¹⁵ For a social history of the motor car in Britain, see O'Connell, Sean, The Car in British Society: Class, Gender and Motoring, 1896–1939 (Manchester, 1998)Google Scholar; Merriman, Peter, Driving Spaces: A Cultural-Historical Geography of England's M1 Motorway (Oxford, 2007), 35CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Howard Taylor argues that police carefully manipulated road prosecutions in tandem with nonindictable crimes. See Taylor, Howard, “The Politics of the Rising Crime Statistics of England and Wales, 1914–1960,” Crime, Histoire, et Sociétés 2, no. 1 (1998): 5–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Clive Emsley examines the problematic way that road prosecutions represented an expansion of the “policeman state,” even though the ruling class was “regulating the leisure activities of individuals largely drawn from its own ranks.” See Emsley, Clive, “‘Mother, What Did Policemen Do When There Weren't Any Motors?”: The Law, the Police and the Regulation of Motor Traffic in England, 1900–1939,” Historical Journal 36 (1993): 357–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Pamela Donovan and Paul Lawrence explore how the magistrate's court had a large role to play in determining the number, kind, and result of motoring prosecutions. Lawrence, Paul and Donovan, Pamela, “Road Traffic Offending and the Courts in England, 1913–1963,” Crime, Histoire et Sociétés 12, no. 2 (2008): 119–40Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Scott, Peter and Reid, Chris, “‘The White Slavery of the Motor World': Opportunism in the Interwar Road Haulage Industry,” Social History 25, no. 3 (2000): 311CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷ For some examples of memoirs and popular histories of hitchhiking and motorway travel, particularly on modern “frontiers,” see Baskin, Gertrude, Hitchhiking the Alaska Highway (Toronto, 1944)Google Scholar; Gunther, Hans, I'm Wearing My Ninth Pair of Shoes: On the Author's Experiences While Hitchhiking from Germany to Melbourne (London, 1958)Google Scholar; Rees, Coralie, Spinifex Walkabout: Hitchhiking in Remote North Australia (London, 1953)Google Scholar; Whishaw, Lorna, As Far as You'll Take Me: On the Author's Hitchhiking Holiday in British Columbia and Alaska (London, 1959)Google Scholar. Interestingly, hitchhiking long distances by women appears to have formed a small subgenre of travel writing in the 1940s and 1950s.

¹⁸ For travel on the new roadways of Britain, see, for instance, Priestly, J. B., English Journey: being a rambling but truthful account of what one man saw and heard and felt and thought during a journey through England during the autumn of the year 1933 (London, 1934)Google Scholar, wherein Priestly supplements some of his journeys by train with those by motor coach and private automobile. Michael Goss presents some interesting versions of “phantom hitchhiker” myths on the roads of Britain in the second half of the twentieth century, demonstrating how they continued to be tied to images of women's mobility and vulnerability on the roads: the most common manifestation of the ghostly hitchhiker being the young women killed in a car crash, attempting to return to her boyfriend or her family. Goss, Michael, The Evidence for Phantom Hitchhikers (Wellingborough, 1984)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ For work on deviant, “new,” or “modern” young women in the early twentieth century, see, for instance, Pamela Cox, “Girls in Trouble: Defining Female Delinquency, Britain, 1900–1950,” and Davin, Anna, “City Girls: Young Women, New Employment, and the City, London, 1880–1910,” in Secret Gardens, Satanic Mills: Placing Girls in European History, 1750–1960, ed. Maynes, Mary Jo, Søland, Birgitte, and Benninghaus, Christina (Bloomington, 2005), 192–208 and 209–23Google Scholar, respectively; Melman, Billie, Women and Popular Imagination in the Twenties: Flappers and Nymphs (London, 1984)Google Scholar; Todd, Selina, “Flappers and Factory Lads: Youth and Youth Culture in Interwar Britain,” History Compass 4, no. 4 (2006): 715–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁰ For a brief treatment of male sex-buying, see Hall, Lesley, “Impotent Ghosts from No Man's Land, Flapper's Boyfriends, or Crypto-Patriarchs? Men, Sex and Social Change in 1920s Britain,” Social History 21, no. 1 (1996): 60–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hall, Lesley, Hidden Anxieties: Male Sexuality, 1900–1950 (Cambridge, 1991), chap. 2Google Scholar.

²¹ Cox, Gender, Justice and Welfare, 1–3.

²² Tinkler, Penny and Jackson, Carolyn, “‘Ladettes’ and ‘Modern Girls’: ‘Troublesome’ Young Femininities,” Sociological Review 55, no. 2 (2007): 251–72Google Scholar.

²³ For young women and independent income, see Alexander, Sally, “Becoming a Woman in London in the 1920s and 1930s,” in Metropolis: Histories and Representations of London Since 1800, ed. Jones, Gareth Steadman (London, 1990), 245–71Google Scholar; Fowler, David, The First Teenagers: The Lifestyle of Young Wage-Earners in Interwar Britain (London, 1995)Google Scholar; Langhammer, Claire, Women's Leisure in England, 1920–60 (Manchester, 2000)Google Scholar. For a reassessment of the real impact of women's wage earning on social position and freedom, see Todd, Selina, “Poverty and Aspiration: Young Women's Entry to Employment in Inter-war England,” 20th Century British History 15, no. 2 (2004): 119–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²⁵ Report of the Royal Commission on Venereal Disease, 1917. On the regulation of prostitution, promiscuity, and ideas about venereal disease after WWI, see Cox, Pamela, “Compulsion, Voluntarism, and Venereal Disease: Governing Sexual Health in England after the Contagious Diseases Acts,” Journal of British Studies 46 (2007): 91–115CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Davidson, Dangerous Liaisons, 17–74; Laite, Julia, Common Prostitutes and Ordinary Citizens: Commercial Sex in London, 1885–1960 (Basingstoke, 2011)Google Scholar.

²⁶ Hall, Gladys Mary, Prostitution: A Survey and a Challenge (London, 1933), 21Google Scholar.

²⁷ Cox, “Girls in Trouble,” 198.

²⁸ Memorandum on “Road Transport and VD,” Municipal Clinic, Salford, 29 August 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

²⁹ News Chronicle, 23 October 1936.

³⁰ Hall, Prostitution, 37.

³¹ Report of the New Scotland Yard A4 Branch, 16 May 1938, TNA, MEPO 2/8401.

³² Report on questionnaire administered by Church of England Advisory Board for Moral Welfare Work, 17 November 1936, TNA, MH 55/1371.

³³ Report of the New Scotland Yard A4 Branch, 16 May 1938, TNA, MEPO 2/8401.

³⁴ Ibid.; Summary of replies received to Home Office Circular addressed to 26 Chief Constables and the Metropolitan Police, 15 November 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

³⁵ Alison Neilans, “Moral Problems of the Road,” Association for Moral and Social Hygiene (AMSH) Pamphlet (c 1937), 2. For more on the AMSH, see Laite, Julia Ann, “The Association for Moral and Social Hygiene, Abolitionism, and Prostitution Law in Britain, 1915–1959,” Women's History Review 17, no. 2 (2008): 207–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁶ Shiels, Dr. Drummond, “The Transport Worker and the Lorry Girl,” Health and Empire 11, no. 1 (1936): 6Google Scholar.

³⁷ Laybourn, Keith, Unemployment and Employment Policies Concerning Women in Britain, 1900–1951 (New York, 2002)Google Scholar. For more on women's employment and unemployment in this period, see Todd, Selina, “‘You'd the Feeling You Wanted to Help’: Young women, Employment and the Family in Inter-war England,” in Women and Work Culture: Britain, c. 1850–1950, ed. Cowman, Krista and Jackson, Louise A. (Aldershot, 2005), 123–40Google Scholar; Young Women, Work and Family in England, 1918–1950 (Oxford, 2005)Google Scholar; Todd, “Poverty and Aspiration.”

³⁸ Hill, Barry K., “Women and Unemployment in Birmingham, 1918–1939,” Midland History 27 (2002): 130–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁹ Ibid., 139–40; Laybourn, Unemployment, 1, 8.

⁴⁰ Laybourn, Unemployment, 115.

⁴¹ Summary of replies received to Home Office Circular addressed to 26 Chief Constables and the Metropolitan Police, 15 November 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

⁴² Ibid.

⁴³ Church of England Advisory Board for Moral Welfare Work to S. W. Harris, 17 November 1936, TNA, MH 55/1371.

⁴⁴ For more on concern over internal migration, see Feldman, David, “Migrants, Immigrants and Welfare from the Old Poor Law to the Welfare State,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6th ser., no. 13 (2003): 79–104CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a brief examination of women's migration and work, see Todd, Young Women, Work, and Family, 113–44. Colin Pooley and Jean Turnbull choose to focus on the similarities of migration experiences between men and women, and admit that more work needs to be done on gendered experiences of internal migration in Britain, citing especially migration for domestic service. Pooley, Colin and Turnbull, Jean, Migration and Mobility in Britain Since the 18th Century (London, 1998), 331Google Scholar. For more on women's internal migration in an earlier period, see Gordon, Wendy, Mill Girls and Strangers: Single Women's Independent Migration in England, Scotland and the United States, 1850–1881 (Albany, 2002)Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ British Social Hygiene Council (BSHC) to Minister of Transportation, 19 September 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371. For more on the “problem girl” and venereal disease, see Davidson, Dangerous Liaisons, 114–18.

⁴⁶ Church of England Advisory Board for Moral Welfare Work to S.W. Harris, 17 November 1936, TNA, MH 55/1371.

⁴⁷ Ibid.

⁴⁸ For more on the difficulties of contact tracing and continuity of treatment, see Davidson, Roger, “Searching for Mary, Glasgow: Contact Tracing for Sexually Transmitted Diseases in Twentieth-Century Scotland,” Social History of Medicine 9, no. 2 (1996): 195–214CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

⁴⁹ Report of Dorothy Peto, 19 April 1943, TNA, MH 102/895. This report also noted that “it is almost a matter of routine to examine an absconder for VD on her return to a School,” supporting Pamela Cox's arguments that compulsory venereal disease treatment continued long after the “voluntary” model had been established for certain vulnerable or marginal groups. Cox, “Compulsion, Voluntarism, and Venereal Disease.”

⁵⁰ Though this did not translate into a fall in incidents, and the medical community remained concerned that antibiotics provided a false sense of security that actually increased the rate of infection. Davidson, Dangerous Liaisons, 246–48.

⁵¹ Minutes of a meeting held by the Approved Schools Central Advisory Committee, Home Office, 13 January 1954, TNA, HO 45/24986.

⁵² See Julia Laite, Common Prostitutes and Ordinary Citizens.

⁵³ On the changing meaning of this kind of moral danger for girls, see Jackson, Louise, ‘“The Coffee Club Menace’: Policing Youth, Leisure and Sexuality in Post-war Manchester,” Cultural and Social History 5, no. 3 (2008): 293, 305CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Tinkler, Penny, “Girlhood in Transition? Preparing Girls for Adulthood in a Reconstructed Britain,” in When the War Was Over: Women, War, and Peace in Europe, 1940–1956, ed. Duchen, Claire and Bandhauer-Schöffmann, Irene (London, 2000)Google Scholar; Tinkler, Penny, Constructing Girlhood: Popular Magazines for Girls Growing Up in England, 1920–1950 (London, 1995)Google Scholar.

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⁵⁶ See, for instance, the film Scrubbers (1983) by director Mai Zetterling, which focused on the escape of two young women from an open borstal and was released on the heels of the controversial popularity of the film Scum (1979), set in a men's borstal. See also Oxford English Dictionary, “Scrubber” N2.2 (Slang) “A prostitute, a tart . . . an untidy, slatternly girl or woman. The first reference to the use of a ‘scrubber’ as meaning a tart or promiscuous woman is from 1959, in the London magazine Encounter, where ‘scrubbers’ are ‘very young girls who follow jazz bands round the country.’”

⁵⁷ Stanley C. Jones to R. I. Guppy (Assistant Undersecretary of State), 16 October 1951, TNA, HO 45/24986.

⁵⁸ William May, Coed-Y-Mwstwr School, Glamorgan to Home Office, 9 June 1951, TNA, HO 45/24986.

⁵⁹ Cox, Bad Girls, 84–85. Wills, Abigail, “Juvenile Crime in Post-War Britain,” in Childhood and Violence in the Western Tradition, ed. Brockliss, Laurence and Montgomery, Heather (Oxford, 2010), 254–71Google Scholar.

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⁶² Commander A to Home Office, 1 October 1957, TNA, MEPO 3/2262.

⁶³ Report of H Division, 22 August 1957, TNA, MEPO 3/2967.

⁶⁴ Wilkinson, Rosalind, Women of the Streets: A Sociological Study of the Common Prostitute, ed. Rolphe, C. H. (London, 1955) 244–47Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Cox, Gender, Justice and Welfare, 81.

⁶⁶ Alison Neilans, “A Warning to Girls,” in “Moral Problems of the Road,” AMSH Pamphlet, c 1937, 3/AMS/B/05/03 box 53, The Women's Library (WL).

⁶⁷ BSHC, Birmingham Branch, “Lorry Drivers and a Matter of Health,” Pamphlet, 1936, 2.

⁶⁸ Barker, Theo and Gerhold, Dorian, The Rise and Rise of Road Transport, 1700–1990 (Cambridge, 1993), 63, 68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁷⁰ Cooper, Howard, “Lorries and Lorry Driving, 1948–1968: The End of an Era,” Journal of Popular Culture 29, no. 4 (1996): 71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁷² The Times, 17 August 1936, 11G.

⁷³ Hollowell, Peter, The Lorry Driver (London, 1968), 49–54Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ An extended section from the unpublished report of the Long-Distance Road Haulage Committee appears in the Reports of the Royal Commission on Transportation 1929–31 (Cmd. 3416, 3365, 3751).

⁷⁵ Scott and Reid, “The White Slavery of the Motor World,” 311.

⁷⁶ BSHC, “Lorry Drivers and a Matter of Health,” 2.

⁷⁷ BSHC to Minister of Transportation, 19 September 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

⁷⁸ Hall, Lesley, “‘What Shall We Do with the Poxy Sailor?’: The Problem of Venereal Diseases in the British Mercantile Marine, 1860–1950,” Journal for Maritime Research (2004)Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Gibbons, T. C. N., “The Clients of Prostitutes,” in The Alison Neilans Memorial Lecture VI (London: Josephine Butler Society, 1962), 5Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Ibid., 9.

⁸¹ Minutes of a Departmental Conference held at the Home Office on 23 October 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

⁸² Ibid.

⁸³ Ibid.

⁸⁴ Burke Report reprinted in Shiels, “The Transport Worker and the Lorry Girl,” 6–9; for more on the growing culture of safety and transport in interwar Britain, see Esbester, Mike, “Reinvention, Renewal or Repetition? The Great Western Railway and Occupational Safety on Britain's Railways, c.1900–c.1920,” Business and Economic History Online 3 (2005)Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Charlesworth, George, A History of British Motorways (London, 1984), 11–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Merriman, Driving Spaces, 35.

⁸⁶ BSHC, “Lorry Drivers and a Matter of Health,” 1.

⁸⁷ Summary of police returns, January to June, 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

⁸⁸ Undated minute on lorry drivers, TNA, MH 55/1371.

⁸⁹ Summary of police returns, January to June, 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

⁹⁰ News Chronicle, 23 October 1936; Neilans, Alison, “The Menace of the Lorry Girl,” Shield 4, no. 5 (1936): 195Google Scholar.

⁹¹ The People, 22 November 1936, newspaper clipping from London, 3/AMS/B/05/03 box 53, WL.

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⁹³ Anonymous, “How a Lorry Driver Sees It by a Man on the Road,” Health and Empire 11, no. 1 (1936): 13–14Google Scholar. The new regulations put in place by the Road Haulage Act of 1938 were so difficult to navigate that a barrister produced a guide for drivers. See Smith, G. W. Quick, Lorry Drivers’ Wages and Conditions of Employment (London, c.1948)Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Joseph Mashford, of the Horse Shoe Café, Rochester, Kent to Alison Neilans, 20 January 1937, London, 3/AMS/B/05/03 box 53, WL.

⁹⁵ Frank S. Bricknell to Dr. E. T. Burke, 18 August 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

⁹⁶ Quick Smith, Lorry Drivers’ Wages.

⁹⁷ Cooper, “Lorries and Lorry Driving,” 72.

⁹⁸ The Times, 12 April 1958, 7F.

⁹⁹ Bugler, Jeremy, “The Lorry Men,” New Society, 4 August 1966, 181Google Scholar. “Dollar” in this instance was an old term (like “bob”) in use in the 1940s that usually meant around five shillings.

¹⁰⁰ Cooper, “Lorries and Lorry Driving,” 80–81.

¹⁰¹ Hollowell, “The Lorry Driver,” 192.

¹⁰² Charlesworth, British Motorways, 6.

¹⁰³ For the historical meanings of the American motorway, see Jakle, John A. and Sculle, Keith A, Motoring: The Highway Experience in America (Athens, GA, 2008)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Shiels, “The Transport Worker and the Lorry Girl,” 5.

¹⁰⁵ Hall, Prostitution, 36. In these comments, she included the use of taxi and private cars by prostitutes, the practice of “gutter crawling” by motorist customers, as well as the use of “lorry jumping.”

¹⁰⁶ E. T. Burke, City of Salford VD scheme Annual Report, 1934, 1.

¹⁰⁷ For these schemes to relieve the depressed areas, see Merriman, Driving Spaces, 28.

¹⁰⁸ For the motor car, popular culture, gender, and sexuality, see Pugh, Martin, We Danced All Night: A Social History of Britain between the Wars (London, 2008), 252–55Google Scholar; Sean O'Connell, The Car in British Society, 43–76.

¹⁰⁹ Report of the Committee on the Social Welfare of Girls in London, 9 December 1929, TNA, HO 45/14242.

¹¹⁰ Feldman, “Migrants, Immigrants and Welfare,” 79–104.

¹¹¹ For an examination of mobility, gender, and sexual danger in rail stations, see Bieri, Sabin and Gerodetti, Natalia, “‘Falling’ Women-Saving Angels: Spaces of Contested Mobility and the Production of Gender and Sexualities within Early Twentieth-Century Train Stations,” Social and Cultural Geography 8, no. 2 (2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹¹³ Ibid., 66.

¹¹⁴ Cooper, “Lorries and Lorry Driving,” 76. See also Report of H Division, 26 June 1958, TNA, MEPO 3/9715.

¹¹⁵ Report of X Division, 23 August 1936, TNA, MEPO 3/9713.

¹¹⁶ Cooper, “Lorry Drivers and Lorry Driving,” 69.

¹¹⁷ For the social importance of cafés, see Merriman, Driving Spaces, 185.

¹¹⁸ The Times, 17 August 1936, 11G.

¹¹⁹ Merriman, Driving Spaces, 185.

¹²⁰ Bugler, “The Lorry Men,” 181.

¹²¹ Ibid., 184.

¹²² Sculle, Keith A, “Review of The World Beyond the Windshield: Roads and Landscapes in the United States and Europe,” Material Culture 42, no. 2 (2010): 79Google Scholar.

¹²³ Emsley, “Mother, What Did the Policemen Do When There Weren't Any Motors?,” 357–81.

¹²⁴ E. T. Burke, Memorandum on “Road Transport and VD,” Municipal Clinic, Salford, 29 August 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

¹²⁵ Robinson, Assistant Minister of Transportation, to E. T. Burke, 30 August 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

¹²⁶ Report of the Long-Distance Road Haulage Committee, as cited in the Report of the Royal Commission on Transportation, 89–90. This lack of government intervention extended to car manufacturing, private motoring, and motorists as well, on which more work has been done. See, for instance, Plowden, William, The Motor Car and Politics, 1896–1970 (London, 1971)Google Scholar.

¹²⁷ Memorandum on “Road Transport and VD,” Municipal Clinic, Salford, 29 August 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371; Report of the Commercial Motor Users Association as cited in London, 3AMS/B/05/03, box 053, WL.

¹²⁸ Minutes of a Departmental Conference held at the Home Office, 23 October 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

¹²⁹ Summary of replies received to Home Office Circular of the 15 November 1935 addressed to 26 Chief Constables and the Metropolitan Police, TNA, MH 55/1371.

¹³⁰ To E. T. Burke from the proprietors of the Woodly Transport Café (Stone), 14 August 1935, TNA, MH 55/1371.

¹³¹ Daily Mirror, 2 May 1939.

¹³² Report of X Division, 23 August 1936, TNA, MEPO 3/9713.

¹³³ Summary of replies received to Home Office Circular of the 15 November 1935 addressed to 26 Chief Constables and the Metropolitan Police, TNA, MH 55/1371.

¹³⁴ Burgess, J. A., MD (Medical Officer, Stoke-on-Trent), “Venereal Disease and the Transport Worker,” Health and Empire 11, no. 1 (1936): 11Google Scholar.

¹³⁵ Ibid. For more on these “cinemotors” and venereal disease, see Davidson, Dangerous Liaisons, 141–42.

¹³⁶ This recommendation was made to the Home Office in 1935, “but apparently nothing was done about it.” Dorothy Peto, Report of the A4 Women's Branch, 16 May 1938, TNA, MEPO 2/8401.

¹³⁷ Jackson, Louise, Women Police: Gender, Welfare and Surveillance in the Twentieth Century (Manchester, 2006), 138–64Google Scholar; “Girl absconders from Approved Schools soliciting American soldiers in the streets and spreading venereal disease,” 19 April 1943, TNA, MH 102/895.

¹³⁸ G. T. Earle Ltd. Cement Manufacturers, Hull, Lorry Driver's Instruction Book (c.1947), 1, 2, 7.

¹³⁹ Mort, Frank, “Striptease: The Erotic Female Body and Live Sexual Entertainment in Mid-Twentieth Century London,” Social History 32, no. 1 (2007): 29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ Cooper, “Lorries and Lorry Driving,” 70.

¹⁴¹ For more on the social, political, and economic consequences of postwar mass consumerism, see, for instance, Cohen, Deborah, Household Gods: The British and Their Possessions (London, 2006)Google Scholar; Gurney, Peter, “The Battle of the Consumer in Post-war Britain,” Journal of Modern History 77, no. 4 (2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Matthew Hilton, Consumerism in Twentieth-Century Britain: The Search for a Historical Movement (2003).

¹⁴² Bugler, “The Lorry Men,” 183.

¹⁴³ For more, see Laite, Julia, “Historical Perspectives on Industrial Development, Mining, and Prostitution,” Historical Journal 52, no. 3 (2009): 739–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar. There is a large epidemiological and sociological literature on the relationship among truck drivers, long-distance road haulage, and commercial sex in these areas. See AidsWatch, “HIV/AIDS Intervention in Truck Driver Population in Southern Africa: A Review of Literature and BCC Materials,” where the authors write: “Truck drivers are highly mobile and spend long hours on the road away from their families. Their need for entertainment and female companionship, coupled with relative solvency compared to the rest of the population, makes them very likely to use the services of commercial sex workers in stop-over towns near major transportation routes. These truck stop towns have developed an entire infrastructure of networks and services meeting the business and recreation needs of truck drivers, including gas stations, inspection points, lodges, bars and brothels, and a high population of commercial sex workers.” http://www.aidsmark.org/ipc_en/pdf/sm/hr/mwmp/HIV-AIDS%20Intervention%20in%20Truck%20Driver%20Populations%20in%20South%20A.pdf (accessed 28 October 2011).

¹⁴⁴ For more on the concept of agency and resistance within residential reform schools, see Wills, “Resistance, Identity and Historical Change in Residential Institutions,” 215–34.

¹⁴⁵ Ibid.

¹⁴⁶ Report of the Royal Commission on Road Transport, 1930, 13.