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The London Press and the First Decade of American Independence, 1783-1793

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 January 2014

Extract

The years immediately following the War for American Independence have been rightly called the “critical period” in the history of the United States. Internal order, stability, even national existence were the issues of the struggle culminating in the Constitution. The times were critical for the new nation, too, in the regulation of her external affairs. The French attempted to make her a satellite. The Spanish would forbid her the Mississippi. By far the greatest problem in foreign affairs, however, was the reestablishment of peace-time relations with Britain, the erstwhile Mother Country.

Anglo-American relations during the decade after the Peace of 1783 have claimed much attention from American historians. Disagreement about internal developments are often bitter; but evaluations of British policy toward the former colonies are remarkably unanimous. Whether “Federalist” or “Jeffersonian,” American writers generally depict Britain as the villain. Beaten in war and vengeful, she manifested “disgust and exultation” at the difficulties which befell the new republic. Seizing upon every occasion to show her “casual contempt,” Britain adopted a policy based on “an intention of humiliating the Americans”; and her subjects plotted “how to punish their former colonies.” The British nation resolved to disregard the Treaty of 1783 with a callousness and a cynicism which made a mockery of their pledged word.

Resting upon studies in the voluminous American sources, these judgements and assumptions correctly reflect the convictions of many important Americans of the time. They accord but little, however, with a dispassionate examination of British sources.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 1963

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References

1. Adams, John, The Works of John Adams, ed. Adams, Charles Francis (Boston, 1850), I, 424 .Google Scholar

2. Schachner, Nathan, Founding Fathers (New York, 1954), pp. 134–35.Google Scholar

3. Fiske, John, The Critical Period of American History (Boston, 1888), p. 141 .Google Scholar

4. Jensen, Merrill, The New Nation (New York, 1950), p. 166 .Google Scholar

5. Bateson, F. W. (ed.), Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (Cambridge, 1940), II, 688730 Google Scholar, gives a complete list of London and provincial news-papers with dates of activity and names of editors, publishers, or conductors. There is, however, no information on circulation. Aspinall, A., Politics and, the Press, ca. 1780-1854 (London, 1949)Google Scholar, finds nine dailies in the kingdom in 1783, all in London, and ten aimed at the provincial reader, appearing in the capital two or three times a week. Andrews, A., History of British Journalism (London, 1859), I, 236 Google Scholar, counts fourteen dailies in 1790, seven bi-weeklies and eleven weeklies. In 1792, there were thirteen dailies, twenty bi-weeklies and weeklies. No lists are given, however. Discrepancies are explained by the frequency with which papers appeared, disappeared, or amalgamated.

6. Bateson, , Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature, II, 688730. Google Scholar

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9. Coleman, D. C., British Paper Industry, 1495-1860 (Manchester, 1958), pp. 101–02.Google Scholar

10. Andrews, , British Journalism, I, 234. Google Scholar Much valuable information on the newspapers of Manchester, Leeds, and Sheffield is to be found in Reed, Donald, Press and People, 1790-1850, Opinion in Three English Cities (London, 1961).Google Scholar See esp. the circulation figures in App., pp. 209-10.

11. Coleman, , British Paper Industry, pp. 101–02.Google Scholar

12. Andrews, , British Journalism, I, 236. Google Scholar These figures are to be compared with those for 1704 given by Coleman: nine newspapers with an annual circulation of 45,000.

13. Aspinall, , Politics and the Press, pp. 67 .Google Scholar

14. Ibid., pp. 25, 27, 29.

15. Andrews, , British Journalism, I, 227–28.Google Scholar

16. Aspinall, , Politics and the Press, p. 67 .Google Scholar

17. Ibid., pp. 163-64, 74-75.

18. Andrews, , British Journalism, I, 165–66.Google Scholar

19. Bateson, , Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature, II, 701. Google Scholar

20. Aspinall, , Politics and the Press, p. 69 .Google Scholar

21. See William Woodfall to William Adam, Feb. 24, 1784, printed in ibid., App., p. 444.

22. Harlow, V. T., Founding of the Second British Empire (London, 1952), p. 482 .Google Scholar

23. William Eden to William Adam, Jan. 9, 1785, printed in Aspinall, , Politics and the Press, App., p. 445 .Google Scholar

24. Wead, Eunice, “British Public Opinion of the Peace with America, 1782,” A.H.R., XXXIV (1929), 513–31Google Scholar, clearly establishes the importance of contemporary British newspapers in guiding, forming, and reflecting public opinion. The present study is based on the collection of London newspapers in the British Museum. Started by Sir Hans Sloane and added to by others, including George III, the collection of papers is primarily the work of Dr. Charles Burney (brother of Fanny).

25. Oct. 19, 1785, Jefferson, Thomas, The Jefferson Papers, ed. Boyd, Julian P. (Princeton, 1953), VIII, 653–54.Google Scholar

26. Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, Sep. 1, 1785. Ibid., VIII, 460-62. See also Jefferson to van Hogendorp, Oct. 13, 1785, Ibid., VIII, 631-34, ironically expressing thanks to British newspapers for having destroyed America's commercial credit and thus preventing the country from running further into debt.

27. David Humphreys to George Washington, Nov. 1, 1785, Humphreys, F. L., The Life and Times of David Humphreys (Boston, 1917), I, 333–34.Google Scholar

28. See, for example, two pieces by Jefferson, , Jefferson Papers, VII, 540–43Google Scholar, which appeared in the Leyden Gazette on Dec. 7 and 10, 1784. Jefferson posed as a wounded British veteran of the American War. See also David Humphreys to John Jay. Dec, 1785, Humphreys, , Life and Times of David Humphreys, I. 341. Google Scholar

29. See Humphreys, , Life and Times of David Humphreys, I, 341 Google Scholar: “the news-papers of both parties have co-operated to produce a belief throughout the continent that the United States are on the brink of perdition.” The virtual unanimity greatly simplifies the problem of analysis.

30. Morning Chronicle, Nov. 7, 1783; “A Plain Letter to the Common People of England and Wales,” ibid., Oct. 27, 29, 1783; Crito,” Morning Herald, Sep. 20, 1783 Google Scholar; Public Advertiser, Mar. 16, 1786.

31. Morning Herald, Feb. 17, 1783; “G. A.,” Morning Chronicle, Aug. 23, 1783.

32. Harlow, , Second British Empire, pp. 457–58.Google Scholar

33. Ibid., pp. 450-54.

34. For representatives of the West Indian point of view, see “Nauticus,” Morning Chronicle, July 23, 1783; “A West Indian Planter,” ibid., Nov. 11, 1783; “A West Indian,” Morning Herald, Dec. 27, 1783; and “H. G.,” Morning Chronicle, May 4, 1784. The most powerful presentation of the West Indian case, however, was Edwards', Bryan pamphlet, Thoughts on the Late Proceedings (2nd ed.; London, 1784)Google Scholar, designed as an answer to Sheffield, Lord's Observations on the Commerce of the American States (London, 1783).Google Scholar See below p. 96.

35. Morning Chronicle, Dec. 27, 1783. See also the London Packet, Mar. 17, 1784.

36. “Commercialis,” Morning Herald, Aug. 20, Sep. 3, 1784; John Stevenson's violent diatribe in ibid., Sep. 24, 1784. See also his pamphlet, Address to Bryan Edwards (London, 1784).Google Scholar A more authoritative and dispassionate answer to the islanders was Chalmers', George Opinions on Interesting Subjects (London, 1784).Google Scholar See further “Injured Loyalist,” Public Advertiser, July 22, 1786. For Canadian opposition to the West Indians, see “Canadiensis,” Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser, Feb. 7, 1786, and “Mercator,” Morning Chronicle, Feb. 27, 1786.

37. See, for example, Anderson, James, The Interest of Great Britain with Regard to Her American Colonies, Considered (London, 1782).Google Scholar

38. Holroyd, John B., Observations on the Commerce of the American States (London, 1783).Google Scholar See Harlow, , Second British Empire, p. 454 .Google Scholar

39. “Philodemus,” Morning Chronicle, Oct. 30, 1783; “Legion,” Morning Herald, Sep. 30, 1784; “Z,” Morning Chronicle, Aug. 7, 1783.

40. Public Advertiser, Feb. 15, 1786.

41. Morning Chronicle, April 22, 1785.

42. Public Advertiser, Oct. 4, 1788.

43. The Report is printed in Collection of Interesting and Important Reports and Papers on Navigation and Trade (London, 1807).Google Scholar See also Harlow, , Second British Empire, pp. 482–83.Google Scholar

44. “Sum Veras,” Morning Herald, Sep. 23, 1785. The letter contained a violent denunciation of Minister John Adams and a denial of the rumor that several New York trading houses had cancelled their orders in Britain until a commercial treaty was negotiated.

45. Ibid., Mar. 20, 1783. See also Morning Chronicle, Feb. 17, 1783.

46. “Arion,” Morning Chronicle, Sep. 6, 1783.

47. Ibid., Oct. 4, 1783. See also “A Briton,” ibid., Feb. 17, 1783.

48. Public Advertiser, Jan. 2 and Aug. 4. For a similar and early expression see Morning Chronicle, Sep. 1, 1784.

49. “Scourge,” Public Advertiser, Oct. 19, 1786. For the similar views of John Adams, see Adams, John, Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. Butterfield, L. H. (Cambridge, Mass., 1961), III, 201, note 1.Google Scholar

50. The word is Thomas Jefferson's. See his letter to James Monroe, London, May 10, 1786, Jefferson, , Jefferson Papers, IX, 499503: Google Scholar “Whether England gives up the posts or not, the debts must be paid, or our characters stained with infamy among all nations and to all times. As to the satisfaction for slaves carried off, it is a bagatelle which if not made good before the last installment becomes due, may be secured out of that.” The American authorities were suspiciously reluctant or unable to supply detailed information about the number and value of the slaves allegedly carried away. Despite frequent requests from British officials and from American Minister John Adams himself, no statement comparable to that presented by the British in behalf of the pre-war creditors was ever forthcoming from the American government.

51. Morning Chronicle, April 23, 1787.

52. Ibid., May 4, 1787. Additional letters from “A Hater of Incendiaries,” all of which have been used below, are ibid., May 18, June 8, and June 15, 1787. For “A Lover of Humanity” see ibid., May 14, 1787. [followed by] certain passages, particularly the “pledge” that legal impediments to the collection of pre-war debts would be removed if only Britain herself would fulfill the treaty, seem to indicate an intimacy with American official circles.

53. The Congressional Resolution was dated March 21, 1787, and it was embodied in a Circular Letter to all the States on April 13, 1787. The question of “prior infraction” of the Treaty of Peace has much exercised American historians, who generally defend the United States by charging Britain with the first breach of the Treaty. The best and fairest of these is Bemis, Samuel Flagg, Jay's Treaty (New York, 1923), ch. iGoogle Scholar; and ch. v, pp. 101-02. He rests his case upon the assertion that it cannot be proven that the United States violated the treaty first; and the burden of his argument is essentially negative: his task is not the positive vindication of the United States, but the criticism and destruction of British charges of prior American infraction. A more balanced view is found in Burt, A. L., The United States, Great Britain, and British North America (New Haven, 1940), p. 82 Google Scholar: “Both Britain and the United States violated the Treaty of Paris from the very beginning. Each side entered upon this unhappy course quite independently, and then tried to cast the blame on the other.” Legalistic hair-splitting quite aside, the fact remains that the British public had not the slighest doubt of American guilt and welcomed the Government's retention of the American posts as just retaliation.

54. “Revolution” appeared on Sep. 27, Oct. 1, 7, 14, and 27. Among her many antagonists, “Scourge,” Sep. 30, 1788, and “The People of Great Britain and Ireland,” Oct. 20, 1788, are particularly to be noted.

55. “Civis,” Morning Chronicle, April 22, 1785; “Whipcord,” ibid., Nov. 29, 1787.

56. “Sting,” ibid., Oct. 24, 1788.

57. Morning Chronicle, Dec. 8, 1787, July 22, Oct. 3, 1788; Public Advertiser, Dec. 2, 1789.

58. Morning Chronicle, Oct. 3, 1788.

59. The Resolution of the Committee of Merchants trading to North America, dated April 13, 1787 and signed by Edward Payne, the Chairman, is in BM, Add. MSS., 38221, f. 334.

60. Morning Chronicle, April 28, 1787.

61. Ibid., May 6, 1787, signed “Committee of Merchants trading to America,” a signature to which the author was not entitled, although it appears likely that he was a member of the group. “Plain Truth” replied on May 17, 1787; and the “Committee of Merchants” — this time, the genuine article — entered the fracas on May 28, 1787. “One Word More” appeared on June 6, 1787.

62. This is not to deny that several Loyalists rose to positions of power and influence. Among these were George Chalmers, First Clerk of the Board of Trade; William Smith, Dorchester's chief adviser in Canada; General Simcoe, Governor of Upper Canada; Phineas Bond and Sir John Temple, both consuls-general in the United States. The list could be extended. Suspicions and assertions of American statesmen and politicians to the contrary notwithstanding, there is no evidence that Loyalists ever influenced British policy toward the United States to any decisive degree. Loyalist influence behind the British political scene was largely a figment of the American imagination.

63. Public Advertiser, Dec. 2, 1789.

64. Ibid., “Weekly Review of Politics,” Dec. 12, 1791.

65. Ibid. When the news of the appointment of Charles Pinckney as American Minister was made public, press response was enthusiastic, much being made of his English education. See ibid., Aug. 10, 12, 1792.

66. Woodfall's Register, Aug. 17, 1792.