Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-wzw2p Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-05-14T22:56:13.005Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

What would a Bronze-Age world system look like? Relations between temperate Europe and the Mediterranean in later prehistory

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2017

Andrew Sherratt
Andrew Sherratt*
Affiliation:
Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford, Oxford OX1 2PH
Get access

Abstract

This paper examines differences in the nature of inter-regional relations in the Neolithic, Bronze Age, and early Iron Ages, in an attempt to define the specific characteristics of Bronze-Age world systems. It distinguishes between the slow spread of innovations and the active intervention of trade networks related to the expansion of urbanism. The former dominate in the Neolithic, and similar phenomena continue to occur in later periods. Following a suggestion by Jane Schneider, a distinction is drawn between a core area of urban consumers, a periphery that is actively altered by its role as a supplier of raw materials to the core, and an outer margin that is indirectly affected through the spread of innovations. For most of prehistory, temperate Europe acted as a margin to a Near Eastern/Mediterranean core-periphery system. The formation of long-distance routes linking northern and southern Europe (successive axial routes along the Danube and Black Sea, and from Italy to Scandinavia) was critically affected by the spread of urban-eentred trading systems along the Mediterranean. The ‘amber route’ was an important precursor of the structures underlying the later development of European polities.

Diese Arbeit untersucht Verschiedenheiten in der Art interregionaler Beziehungen in der Jungsteinzeit, der Bronzezeit und der frühen Eisenzeit, um versuchsweise die spezifischen Weltsystemmerkmale der Bronzezeit zu definieren. Sie differenziert zwischen der langsamen Ausbreitung von Innovationen und der aktiven Intervention von Handelszentren im Zusammenhang mit der Expansion von Urbanismus. Das erstgenannte Phänomen dominiert in der Jungsteinzeit, und ähnliche treten weiterhin in späteren Perioden auf. Leistet man einem Vorschlag von Jane Schneider Folge, so ist zu unterscheiden zwischen einem Kernraum städtischer Konsumenten, zwischen einer Peripherie, die durch ihre Rolle als Rohstofflieferant für den Kernraum aktiv verändert wird sowie zwischen einem äußeren Randgebiet, das indirekt beeinflußt wird durch die Ausbreitung von Innovationen. In der Urgeschichte fungierte Europa mit seinem gemößigten Klima größtenteils als Rand hinsichtlich des Kernraum-Peripheriesystems im Nahen Osten, bzw. dem Mittelmeergebiet. Auf die Entstehung von Routen, die über weite Distanzen hinweg Nord- und Südeuropa miteinander verbanden (und auf hieraus späterer Routen, die eine Achse zueinander bildeten, entlang der Donau und dem Schwarzen Meer sowie von ltalien nach Skandinavien), wirkte sich die Ausbreitung von Handelssystemen, die von städtischen Orten beherrscht wurden, negativ aus. Die ‘Bernsteinroute’ war ein wichtiger Wegbereiter für jene Strukturen, welche der späteren Entwicklung europäischen Gemeinwesens zugrunde liegen.

Cette étude examine les différents types de relations inter-régionales au Néolithique, à l'Age du Bronze et au début de l'Age du Fer, afin d’ essayer de définir les caractéristiques propres aux systèmes mondiales de l'Age du Bronze. La distinction est faite entre la lente propagation des innovations et l'intervention active des résaux commerciaux liés au développement de l'urbanisme. La lente propagation domine au Néolithique et on retrouve des phénomènes similaires dans des périodes plus tardives. Selon une suggestion de Jane Schneider, on doit différencier le noyau avec ses consommateurs urbains, une périphérie qui est activement transforme par son rôle de foumisseur de matières bruts à la région central et les régions en marge qui sont indirectement touchées par la propagation des innovations. Durant la plus grande partie de la préhistoire, l'Europe tempérée a joué le rôle de la marge face au système centre-périphérie du Proche-Orient et de la Méditerranée. La mise en place de longues routes reliant le nord et le sud de l'Europe (et une serie de routes autour d'axes importants le long du Danube et de la Mer Noire, de l'Italie à la Scandinavie) a été sérieusement touchée par le développement, le long de la Méditerranée, des systèmes de commerce centrés sur la ville. La'amber route’ fut un précurseur important des structures à la base du développement des Européennes communautés politiques.

Type
Articles
Information
Journal of European Archaeology , Volume 1 , Issue 2 , Autumn 1993 , pp. 1 - 58
Copyright
Copyright © European Association of Archaeologists 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Bader, T., 1990. Bemerkungen über die ägäischen Einflüsse auf die alt- und mittelbronzezeitliche Entwicklung im Donau-Karpathenraum. In Orientalisch-ägäische Einflüsse in der europäischen Bronzezeit: 181–205. Bonn: Habelt (Monographien des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, vol. 15).Google Scholar
Barber, E. J. W., 1991. Prehistoric Textiles: the development of cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages. Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Bath-Bílková, B., 1973. K problému původu hřiven. Památky Archeologické 64: 24–41.Google Scholar
Bökönyi, S., 1968. Data on Iron Age horses of central and eastern Europe (Mecklenberg Collection I). Cambridge (Mass.): American School of Prehistoric Research.Google Scholar
Bökönyi, S., 1983. Trade of domestic animals between Pannonia and Italy. Savaria 16: 335–9.Google Scholar
Bóna, I., 1975. Die mittlere Bronzezeit Ungarns und ihre südöstlichen Beziehungen. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó.Google Scholar
Bouzek, J., 1985a. The Aegean, Anatolia and Europe: Cultural Interrelations during the Second Millennium BC. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 29).Google Scholar
Bouzek, J., 1985b. Relations between barbarian Europe and the Aegean civilisations. Advances in World Archaeology 4: 71–114.Google Scholar
Bronzezeit, In Ungarn, 1992. Bronzezeit in Ungarn: Forschungen in Tell-Siedlungen an Donau und Theiss 1992, [Exhibition Catalogue, Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte/Archäologisches Museum], Frankfurt-am-Main.Google Scholar
Brun, P., 1987. Princes et Princesses de la Celtique: le premier âge du Fer en Europe, 850–450 av. J.-C. Paris: Errance.Google Scholar
Bukowski, Z., 1988. Critically about the so-called amber route in the early Iron Age. Archaeologia Polona 28: 71–122.Google Scholar
Butler, J. J., 1978. Rings and ribs: the copper types of the ‘ingot-hoards’ of the central European early Bronze Age. In Ryan, M. (ed.) The Origins of Metallurgy in Atlantic Europe: 345–62. Dublin: [Government] Stationery Office.Google Scholar
Chernykh, E. N., 1992. Ancient Metallurgy in the USSR: the Early Metal Age. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Childe, V. G., 1936. Man Makes Himself London: Watts Google Scholar
Childe, V. G., 1957. The Dawn of European Civilisation. London: Kegan Paul.Google Scholar
Coblenz, W., 1986. Ein frühbronzezeitliche Verwahrfund von Kyhna, Kr. Delitzsch. Arbeits- und Forschungsberichte zur Sächsischen Bodendenkmalpflege 30: 37–88.Google Scholar
Curtin, P., 1984. Cross-cultural Trade in World History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ekholm, K., 1972. Power and Prestige: the rise and fall of the Kongo kingdom. Uppsala.Google Scholar
Ekholm, K. and Friedman, J., 1979. ‘Capital’, imperialism and exploitation in ancient world systems. In Larsen, M. T. (ed.), Power and Propaganda: 41–58. Copenhagen: Akademisk Verlag.Google Scholar
Ekholm, K. and Friedman, J., 1985. Towards a global anthropology. Critique of Anthropology 5 (1): 97–119.Google Scholar
Eluère, C. (ed.), 1989. Le premier or de l'humanité en Bulgarie, 5e millénaire, [Exhibition Catalogue, Musée des antiquités nationales, St-Germain-en-Laye]. Paris: Editions de la Réunion des Musées nationaux.Google Scholar
Frank, A. G., 1933. Bronze Age world system cycles. Current Anthropology 34 (4): 383–429.Google Scholar
Frankenstein, S. and Rowlands, M. J., 1978. The internal structure and regional context of early Iron Age society in south-western Germany. [London University] Institute of Archaeology Bulletin 15: 73–112.Google Scholar
Gerloff, S., 1975. The Early Bronze Age Daggers in Great Britain, and a Reconsideration of the Wessex Culture. Munich: Beck (Prähistorische Bronzefunde VI, 2).Google Scholar
Gerloff, S., in press. Zu Fragen der mittelmeerländischen Kontakte und der absoluten Chronologie der Frühbronzezeit in Mittel- und Westeuropa. Prähistorische Zeitschrift.Google Scholar
Gosden, C, 1985. Gifts and kin in early Iron Age Europe. Man n.s. 20: 475–493.Google Scholar
Gosden, C., 1989. Debt, production and prehistory. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 8: 355–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hachmann, R., 1957a. Die Frühe Bronzezeit im westlichen Ostseegebiet und ihre mittel- und südosteuropäischen Beziehungen. Hamburg: Flemming (Beihefte z. Atlas d. Urgeschichte 6).Google Scholar
Hachmann, R., 1957b. Bronzezeitliche Bernsteinschieber. Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter 22: 1–36.Google Scholar
Härke, H., 1979. Settlement Types and Patterns in the West Hallstatt Province. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports (I.S. 57).Google Scholar
Harding, A. F., 1983. The Bronze Age in central and eastern Europe: advances and prospects. Advances in World Archaeology 2: 1–50.Google Scholar
Harding, A. F., 1984. The Mycenaeans and Europe. London: Academic Press Google Scholar
Harding, A. F. and Hughes-Brock, H., 1974. Amber in the Mycenaean world. Annals of the British School of Archaeology at Athens 69: 145–72.Google Scholar
von Hase, F.-W., 1990. Ägäische Importe im zentralen Mittelmeergebiet in späthella-discher Zeit (SH I-SH IIIC). In Orientalisch-ägäische Einflüsse in der europäischen Bronzezeit: 80–108. Bonn: Habelt (Monographien d. Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums vol. 15).Google Scholar
Herbert, E., 1984. Red Gold of Africa. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.Google Scholar
Horst, F., 1986. Hallstattimporte und -einflüsse im Weser-Oder-Raum. In Jerem, E. (ed.), Hallstatt Kolloquium Veszprém 1984: 99–106. Budapest: MTA Archaeological Institute.Google Scholar
Hugh-Jone, S. and Humphreys, C., 1992. Barter, Exchange and Value: an anthropological approach. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Hundt, H.-J., 1978. Die Rohstoffquellen des europäischen Nordens und ihr Einfluss auf die Entwicklung des nordischen Stils. Bonner Jahrbücher 178: 125–62.Google Scholar
Jensen, J., 1965. Bernsteinfunde und Bernsteinhandel der jüngeren Bronzezeit Dänemarks. Acta Archaeologica 36: 43–86.Google Scholar
Jensen, J., 1982. Nordens Güld: en bog om oldtidens rav, mennesker og myter. Copengagen: Glydendal.Google Scholar
Jockenhövel, A., 1975. Zu befestigten Siedlungen der Urnenfelderzeit aus Süddeutschland. Fundberichte aus Hessen 14: 19–62.Google Scholar
Jockenhövel, A., 1990. Bronzezeitliche Burgenbau in Mitteleuropa: Untersuchungen zur Struktur frühmetallzeitlicher Gesellschaften. In Orientalisch-ägäische Einflüsse in der europäischen Bronzezeit. 209–228. Bonn: Habelt (Monographien d. RömischGermanischen Zeltraimuseums, Bd. 15).Google Scholar
Jockenhövel, A., 1991. Räumliche Mobilität von Personen in der mittleren Brozezeit des westlichen Mitteleuropa. Germania 69 (1): 49–62.Google Scholar
Kalicz, N., 1982. Die terminologischen und chronologischen Probleme der Kupfer- und Bronzezeit in Ungarn. In II Passagio dal Neolitico all'Età del Bronzo nell'Europa centrale e nella regione Alpina: 117–137. Verona: Museo Civico.Google Scholar
Kohl, P., 1987. The ancient economy, transferable technologies and the Bronze Age world-system: a view from the northeastern frontier of the Ancient Near East. In Rowlands, M., Larsen, M. and Kristiansen, K. (eds), Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World: 13–24. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Kohl, P., 1989. The use and abuse of world systems theory: the case of the ‘pristine’ west Asian state. In Lamberg-Karlovsky, C. C. (ed.), Archaeological Thought in America: 218–240. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Korfmann, M., 1993. Troia – Ausgrabungen 1990 und 1991. Studia Troica 2: 1–43.Google Scholar
Kristiansen, K., 1981. Economic models for Bronze Age Scandinavia – towards an integrated approach. In Sheridan, A. and Bailey, G. (eds), Economic Archaeology: towards an integration of ecological and social approaches: 239–303. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports (Int. Ser. 96).Google Scholar
Kristiansen, K., 1987. Center and periphery in Bronze Age Scandinavia. In Rowlands, Larsen and Kristiansen (1987): 74–85.Google Scholar
Malinowski, T., 1971. Über den Bernsteinhandel zwischen den südöstlichen baltischen Ufergebiet und dem Süden Europas in der frühen Eisenzeit. Prähistorische Zeitschrift 46: 102–110.Google Scholar
Matthäus, H., 1988. Heirloom or tradition? Bronze stands of the second and first millennium BC in Cyprus, Greece and Italy. In French, E. and Wardle, K. (eds), Problems in Greek Prehistory: 285–300. Bristol: Bristol Classical Press.Google Scholar
Von Merhart, G., 1969. Hallstatt und Italien: gesammelte Aufsätze zur frühen Eisenzeit in Italien und Mitteleuropa. Mainz: Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums.Google Scholar
Mozsoucs, A., 1967. Bronzefunde des Karpathenbeckens: Depotfundhorizonte von Hajdúsám-son und Kosziderpadlás. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó.Google Scholar
Nash, D. M., 1985. Celtic territorial expansion and the Mediterranean world. In Champion, T. C. and Megaw, J. V. S. (eds) Settlement and Society in the First Millennium BC: 45–68. Leicester: Leicester University Press.Google Scholar
De Navarro, J. M., 1925. Prehistoric routes between northern Europe and Italy defined by the amber trade. Geographical Journal 66: 481–507.Google Scholar
Niesiolowska-Wedzk, A., 1989. Procesy Urbanizacyjne w Kulturze Luzyckiej w Swietle Oddziatywan Kultur Poludniowych [Urbanisation processes in the Lausitz culture considering the influences of southern cultures]. Warsaw: Ossolineum.Google Scholar
O'Shea, J., 1992. A radiocarbon-based chronology for the Maros Group of southeast Hungary. Antiquity 65: 97–102.Google Scholar
Pare, C., 1987. Wheels with thickened spokes, and the problem of cultural contact between the Aegean world and Europe in the late Bronze Age. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 6 (1): 43–62.Google Scholar
Piggott, S., 1983. The First Wheeled Transport: from the Atlantic Coast to the Caspian Sea. London: Thames and Hudson.Google Scholar
Piggott, S., 1992. Wagon, Chariot and Carriage: symbol and status in the history of transport. London: Thames and Hudson.Google Scholar
Randsborg, A., 1978. Resource distribution and the function of copper in early Neolithic Denmark. In Ryan, M. (ed.), The Origins of Metallurgy in Atlantic Europe: 303–318. Dublin: [Government] Stationery Office.Google Scholar
R⊘nne, P., 1989. Early Bronze Age spiral ornament – the technical background. Journal of Danish Archaeology 8: 126–43.Google Scholar
Rörig, F., 1933. Mittelalterliche Weltwirtschaft: Blüte und Ende einer Weltwirtschaftsperiode. Jena: Fischer (Kieler Vorträge 40).Google Scholar
Rottländer, R. C. A., 1973. Der Bernstein und seine Bedeutung in der Ur- und Frühgeschichte. Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 4: 11–32.Google Scholar
Rowlands, M. J., 1980. Kinship, alliance and exchange in the European Bronze Age’ In Barrett, J. and Bradley, R. (eds), Settlement and Society in the British later Bronze Age: 15–55. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports (Brit. Ser. 83).Google Scholar
Rowlands, M. J., 1984. Conceptualising the European Bronze- and early Iron Age. In Bintliff, J. (ed.), European Social Evolution: archaeological perspectives: 147–156. Bradford: University of Bradford.Google Scholar
Rowlands, M., Larsen, M. T., and Kristiansen, K., 1987. Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Sandars, N. K., 1978. (2nd. ed. 1985) The Sea Peoples: warriors of the ancient Mediterranean 1250–1150 BC. London: Thames and Hudson.Google Scholar
Sandars, A., 1983. North and South at the end of the Mycenaean age: aspects of an old problem. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 2 (1): 43–68.Google Scholar
Schauer, P., 1984. Spuren minoisch-mykänischen und orientalischen Einflusses im atlantischen Westeuropa. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums 31: 137–186.Google Scholar
Schauer, P., 1985. Spuren orientalischen und ägäischen Einflusses im bronzezeitlichen Nordischen Kreis. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums 32: 123–195.Google Scholar
Schneider, J., 1977. Was there a pre-capitalist world-system? Peasant Studies 6 (1): 2029.Google Scholar
Schuhmacher-Matthäus, G., 1985. Studien zu bronzezeitlichen Schmucktrachten im Karpathenbecken: ein Beitrag zur Deutung der Hortfunde im Karpathenbecken. Mainz: von Zabern (Marburger Studien zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte, 6).Google Scholar
Shennan, S. J., 1982. Exchange and ranking: the role of amber in earlier Bronze Age Europe. In Renfrew, C. and Shennan, S. (eds), Ranking Resource and Exchange: aspects of the archaeology of early European society: 33–45. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Shennan, S. J., 1986. Central Europe in the third millennium BC: an evolutionary trajectory for the beginning of the European Bronze Age. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 5: 115–46.Google Scholar
Sherratt, A. G., 1976. Resources, technology and trade: an essay in early European metallurgy. In Sieveking, G., Longworth, I. and Wilson, K. (eds), Problems in Economic and Social Archaeology. 557–81. London: Duckworth.Google Scholar
Sherratt, A. G., 1981. Plough and pastoralism: aspects of the secondary products revolution. In Hodder, I., Isaac, G. and Hammond, N. (eds), Pattern of the Past: studies in honour of David Clarke: 261–306. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Sherratt, A. G., 1982. Mobile resources: settlement and exchange in early agricultural Europe. In Renfrew, C. and Shennan, S. (eds), Ranking, Resource and Exchange: aspects of the archaeology of early European society: 13–26. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Sherratt, A. G., 1983. The secondary exploitation of animals in the Old World. World Archaeology 15 (1): 90–104.Google Scholar
Sherratt, A. G., 1987. Cups that cheered. In Waldren, W. and Kennard, R. (eds), Bell-Beakers of the West Mediterranean: 81–114. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports (Int. Ser. 331).Google Scholar
Sherratt, A. G., 1990. The genesis of megaliths: monumentality, ethnicity and social complexity in Neolithic north-west Europe. World Archaeology 22 (2): 147–67.Google Scholar
Sherratt, A. G., 1991. Sacred and profane substances: the ritual use of narcotics in later Neolithic Europe. In Garwood, P., Jennings, D., Skeates, R. and Toms, J. (eds), Sacred and Profane: proceedings of a conference on archaeology, ritual and religion: 5064. Oxford: Committee for Archaeology (OUCA Monograph 32).Google Scholar
Sherratt, A. G., 1993a. Core, periphery and margin: perspectives on the Bronze Age. In Mathers, C. and Stoddart, S. (eds), Development and Decline in the Mediterranean Bronze Age. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.Google Scholar
Sherratt, A. G., 1993b. Who are you calling peripheral? Dependence and independence in European prehistory. In Scarre, C. and Healy, F. (eds), Trade and Exchange in Prehistoric Europe: 245–255. Oxford: Oxbow (Prehistoric Society Monograph).Google Scholar
Sherratt, A. G. and Sherratt, E. S., 1991a. From luxuries to commodities: the nature of Bronze Age Mediterranean trading systems. In Gale, N. (ed.), Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean: 351–386. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 90).Google Scholar
Sherratt, A. G. and Sherratt, E. S., 1991b. Urnfield reflections. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 1 (2): 247–253.Google Scholar
Sherratt, A. G. and Taylor, T., 1989. Metal vessels in Bronze Age Europe and the context off Vulchetrun. In Best, J. G. P. and de Vries, N. M. W. (eds), Thracians and Mycenaeans: 106–134. Leiden: Brill.Google Scholar
Sherratt, E. S., forthcoming. Commerce, iron and ideology: metallurgical innovation in 12th-11th century Cyprus. [Paper prepared for the Conference on Cyprus in the 11th century BC, Nicosia 1993].Google Scholar
Sherratt, E. S. and Sherratt, A. G., 1993. The growth of the Mediterranean economy in the early first millennium BC. World Archaeology 24 (3): 361–378.Google Scholar
Simiand, F., 1932. Les fluctuations économiques à longue période et la crise mondiale. Paris: Alcan.Google Scholar
Spindler, K., 1970. Zur Herstellung der Zinnbronze in der frühen Metallurgie Europas. Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 2: 199–253.Google Scholar
Struve, K. W., 1979. Geschichte Schleswig-Holsteins: Die jüngere Bronzezeit. Neumünster: Wacholz.Google Scholar
Taylor, T., 1989. Iron and Iron Age in the Carpatho-Balkan region: aspects of social and technological change 1700–400 BC. In S⊘rensen, M. L. S. and Thomas, R. (eds), The Bronze Age-Iron Age Transition in Europe: aspects of continuity and change in European societies c. 1200 to 500 BC: 68–92. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports (Int. Ser. 483).Google Scholar
Thrane, H., 1975. Europæiske Forbindelse: bidrag til studiet af fremmede forbindelse i Danmarks yngre broncealder (Periode IV-V). Copenhagen: National Museum (National-museets Skrifter, Ark.-Hist. ser. XVI).Google Scholar
Točík, A., 1981. Nitriansky Hrádok-Zámecek: bronzezeitliche befestigte Ansiedlung. Nitra: SAV Archaeological Institute.Google Scholar
Vagnetti, L., 1986. Cypriot elements beyond the Aegean in the Bronze Age. In Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium ‘Cyprus between the Orient and the Occident’: 201–216. Nicosia.Google Scholar
Vandkilde, H., 1989. Von der Steinzeit bis zur Bronzezeit in Dänemark. Zeitschrift für Archäologie 23: 175–200.Google Scholar
Vladár, J., 1973. Osteuropäische und mediterrane Einflüsse im Gebiet der Slovakei während der Bronzezeit. Slovenská Archeológia 31 (2): 253–357.Google Scholar
Wachsman, S., 1987. Aegeans in the Theban Tombs. Louvain (Orientalia Louvaniensia Analecta 20).Google Scholar
Wallerstein, I., 1974. The Modern World-System: capitalist agriculture and the origins of the European world-economy in the sixteenth century. New York: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Wanscher, O., 1980. Sella Curulis, the Folding Stool, an Ancient Symbol of Dignity. Copenhagen: Rosenkilde and Bagger.Google Scholar
Wielowiejski, J., 1980. Glówny Szlak Bursztynowy w Czasach Cesarstwa Rzymskiego [The main amber route at the time of the Roman empire]. Warsaw: Ossolineum.Google Scholar
Wilkinson, D., 1991. Cores, peripheries and civilisations. In Chase-Dunn, C. and Hall, T. D. (eds), Core/Periphery Relations in Precapitalist Worlds: 113–66. Oxford: Westview Press.Google Scholar
Wolf, E., 1982. Europe and the People without History. Berkeley: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Woolf, G., 1993. Rethinking the oppida. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 12 (2): 223–234.Google Scholar
Yün, L., 1986. A re-examination of the relationship between bronzes of the Shang Culture and of the Northern Zone. In Chang, K. C. (ed.), Studies of Shang Archaeology: Selected Papers from the International Conference on Shang Civilization: 237–73. New Haven: Yale University Press.Google Scholar