In the light of the extensive dialect leveling found in Francophone Louisiana, the suggestion made in Byers (1988) is a particularly interesting one, that the geographical distribution of qui and quoi, both meaning ‘what’, reflects the differential settlement histories of early 18th century Creoles, and Acadians, respectively. In this article I document these two interrogative patterns as to form and locales of attestation, and I explore the evidence for Byer's claim, showing that a strong case can be made by considering not only settlement history but also the interrogatives of Louisiana Creole, the origins of which arguably predate the arrival of the Acadians in Louisiana.