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Who but a Woman? The Transnational Diffusion of Anti-Communism among Conservative Women in Brazil, Chile and the United States during the Cold War


This article examines transnational connections among anti-communist women in Brazil, Chile and the United States from the 1960s to the 1980s. It explores the political beliefs and networks upon which these women drew and built in order to promote their role in the overthrow of João Goulart and Salvador Allende and to encourage other women across the Americas to join them in the fight against communism. This paper shows that these women reversed the flow of ideas, served as models for each other and for anti-communist women, and built gendered transnational networks of female anti-communist activists.

Este artículo examina las conexiones transnacionales entre mujeres anticomunistas en Brasil, Chile y los Estados Unidos de las décadas de 1960s a 1980s. El trabajo explora las creencias políticas y redes sobre las que estas mujeres edificaron sus ideas con el fin de promover su papel en el derrocamiento de João Goulart y Salvador Allende y que animaron a otras mujeres a lo largo de las Américas a unírseles en su lucha contra el comunismo. El material muestra que estas mujeres revirtieron el curso de las ideas del momento, se apoyaron como modelos entre sí y entre otras mujeres anticomunistas y construyeron redes transnacionales, basadas en sus conceptos de género, de activistas femeninas anticomunistas.

Este artigo examina as conexões transnacionais entre mulheres anticomunistas do Brasil, Chile e Estados Unidos entre as décadas de 1960 e 1980. Exploram-se as crenças políticas e redes de contatos nas quais estas mulheres basearam-se de modo a promover seus papéis nas golpes contra João Goulart e Salvador Allende e para encorajar outras mulheres ao redor das Américas a juntarem-se na luta contra o comunismo. Este artigo demonstra que estas mulheres reverteram o fluxo de ideias, servindo como exemplos umas para as outras e para mulheres anticomunistas, além de desenvolverem redes transnacionais de ativistas anticomunistas femininas.

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1 The CIA encouraged her to defect from Cuba because she had great ‘value as a propaganda instrument’: Shackley, Theodore, Spymaster: My Life in the CIA (Dulles, VA: Potomac Books, 2005), pp. 77–8.

2 Labarca Goddard, Eduardo, Chile invadido: reportaje a la intromisión extranjera (Santiago: Empresa Editorial Austral, 1968), p. 73.

3 On Brazil's role in the Southern Cone, see McSherry, J. Patrice, Predatory States: Operation Condor and Covert War in Latin America (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005), p. 53; and Harmer, Tanya, Allende's Chile and the Inter-American Cold War (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2011), pp. 94–5, 184–5, 227–8, 273–4.

4 The literature on these topics is extensive. For Brazil and Chile, see Blum, William, Killing Hope: U. S. Military and CIA Interventions since World War II (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1995). For Brazil, see Fico, Carlos, Além do golpe: versões e controvérsias sobre 1964 e ditadura militar (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Record, 2004); and Dreifuss, René Armand, 1964: a conquista do estado (Petrópolis: Editora Vozes, 1987). For Chile, see Uribe, Armando, The Black Book of American Intervention in Chile (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1975); US Congress, Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, Covert Action, 94th Congress, 1st Session, 4 and 5 Dec. 1975; and Haslam, Jonathan, The Nixon Administration and the Death of Allende's Chile: A Case of Assisted Suicide (London: Verso, 2005).

5 On Chile, see Baldez, Lisa, Why Women Protest: Women's Movements in Chile (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002); and Power, Margaret, Right-Wing Women in Chile: Feminine Power and the Struggle against Allende, 1964–1973 (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2002). On Brazil, see notes 15, 16 and 17 below.

6 ‘The Country that Saved Itself’, Reader's Digest, Nov. 1964, p. 143. This is how the article, discussed below, described Amélia Bastos, the leader of CAMDE, one of the anti-Goulart women's groups.

7 The US government fostered the idea, endorsed by Ambassador Lincoln Gordon, that anti-Goulart women had built a climate favourable to his ouster. For example, a 1965 report from the US Embassy in Rio de Janeiro to the Department of State stated, ‘It is now a matter of Brazilian political history that the Brazilian women played an important role in the ouster of Goulart. Through the political action groups such as CAMDE (Guanabara), LIMDE (Belo Horizonte), and their counterparts in São Paulo, Recife, and other major cities, the women helped to shape and crystallize public opinion against the Goulart regime, thereby contributing to the creation of an atmosphere favorable to the revolution.’ Department of State, ‘Survey of Group Attitudes Toward Castello Branco Government’, AmEmbassy, Rio de Janeiro, RG 59, Subject-Numeric Files of the Department of State 1964–1966, Box 1937, National Security Archives, p. 34. I thank Carlos Fico for sending me a copy of this airgram.

8 In her excellent study of the women who opposed Goulart, Solange de Deus Simões discusses the organisations they built and their contacts with other anti-communist women in the Americas: see her Deus, pátria e família: as mulheres no golpe de 1964 (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1985), p. 132. This article builds on her study to explore these connections further.

9 After Quadros resigned in 1962, Goulart assumed the presidency, albeit with limited powers due to the military's suspicion that he had leftist sympathies. In 1963 a plebiscite gave him full presidential powers.

10 Green, James, We Cannot Remain Silent: Opposition to the Brazilian Military Dictatorship in the United States (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010), p. 3.

11 Dreifuss, 1964. IPES started in the late 1950s; once Goulart became president it worked assiduously to remove him. Ibid., pp. 161–2. IBAD, which was funded by Brazilian businessmen, formed in 1962 to finance candidates opposed to Goulart: see Skidmore, Thomas E., Politics in Brazil, 1930–1964: An Experiment in Democracy (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 231.

12 Dreifuss, 1964, pp. 291–9.

13 De Deus Simões, Deus, pátria e família, p. 138.

14 Fico, Além do golpe, p. 37.

15 Deutsch, Sandra McGee, ‘Christians, Homemakers, and Transgressors: Extreme Right-Wing Women in Twentieth-Century Brazil’, Journal of Women's History, 16: 3 (2004), p. 132. For studies that explore these women's agency, see Assis, Denise, Propaganda e cinema a serviço do golpe (Rio de Janeiro: FAPERJ/MAUAD, 2001), pp. 5366; Cordeiro, Janaina Martins, Diretas em movimento: Campanha da Mulher pela Democracia e a ditadura no Brasil (Editora FGV: Rio de Janeiro, 2009); Aline Alves Presot, As Marchas da Família com Deus pela Liberdade e o golpe de 1964, unpubl. Master's thesis, Rio de Janeiro, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, IFCS, 2004.

16 Cordeiro, Janaina Martin, ‘Femininas e Formidáveis’, Revista Genero, 8 (2009), pp. 175208.

17 Pérola Sestini, ‘A “mulher brasileira” em ação: motivações e imperativos para o golpe militar de 1964’, unpubl. Master's thesis, University of São Paulo, 2008, p. 96. Other studies on these women include Murgel Starling, Heloísa Maria, Os senhores das gerais: os novos inconfidentes e o golpe militar de 1964 (Rio de Janeiro: Vozes, 1986).

18 Opposition forces had originally called the protest the ‘March to Make Amends to the Rosary’. They changed it to the Marcha da Família com Deus pela Liberdade (March of the Family with God for Liberty) so as not to exclude non-Catholics. Leacock, Ruth, Requiem for Revolution (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1990), p. 193.

19 ‘Marcha da família com Deus pela liberdade’, O Estado de São Paulo, 18 March 1964.

20 I have not been able to determine what percentage of the marchers were women.

21 ‘Auro na marcha pediu fé nas forças armadas’, O Correio da Manha, 20 March 1964.

22 In his previous position as foreign minister, Dantas had ‘defended Brazil's neutrality on Cuba, thereby provoking the ire of the right’: Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, p. 218.

23 Presot, As Marchas da Família com Deus, p. 21.

24 ‘The Country that Saved Itself’, Reader's Digest, Nov. 1964, p. 144.

25 Ibid. Anchieta was a sixteenth-century Jesuit missionary in Brazil who sought to convert the indigenous population to Catholicism. These women defined Anchieta as the ‘apostle of Brazil who defended native Brazilians against enslavement’: Sestini, ‘A “mulher brasileira” em ação’, p. 86.

26 ‘Auro na marcha pediu fé nas forças armadas’, O Correio da Manha, 20 March 1964.

27 For a list of the dates of these marches and the cities where they took place, see Fico, Além do golpe, pp. 208–10.

28 Dantas, Eudoxia Ribeiro, Voltando no tempo (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Sette Letras, 1985), p. 88.

29 Correio da Manha, 2 April 1964.

30 The OEF also received funding from the Agency for International Development, Sears Roebuck, International Petroleum and the Rockefeller Foundation. Mrs Walt W. (Elspeth) Rostow and Mrs Rodman Rockefeller chaired the organisation in the early 1960s: ‘The Overseas Education Fund’, Oct. 1964, Overseas Education Fund Archives (OEFA), Special Collections, University of Maryland Libraries, Box 22, p. 2. Also see Young, Louise M., In the Public Interest: The League of Women Voters, 1920–1970 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1989), pp. 63, 153; and Neuman, Nancy M., The League of Women Voters in Perspective 1920–1935 (Washington, DC: League of Women Voters, 1994), pp. 27–8. Elspeth Rostow had a personal connection with CAMDE. She met with members of the group in Brazil and spoke with them about how women could contribute to the fight against inflation. ‘Sra. Rostow diz na CAMDE que a mulher pode ajudar na luta contra a inflacão’, O Globo, 28 Aug. 1964.

31 ‘The Overseas Education Fund of the League of Women Voters’, Oct. 1964, OEFA, Box 22, p. 1.

32 ‘Summary Statement re the Overseas Education Fund of the League of Women Voters’, undated, OEFA, Box 22, pp. 2–3.

33 ‘Minutes of the Meeting of the Board of Directors’, 8 Oct. 1964, OEFA, Box 10, p. 7.

34 ‘Participants Lists’, undated, OEFA, Box 248. It is not clear who selected the women.

35 Van Zandt, Lydia, ‘Brazilian Women Fight Communism’, Christian Science Monitor, 27 Nov. 1964.

36 CAMDE, ‘Actividades’, I Congresso Sul-Americano Da Mulher em Defesa Da Democracia, Archivo General de la Administración, Alcalá de Henares, Spain, Delegación Nacional de la Sección Femenina, Departamento de Coordinación (03)095, Box 5783 (hereafter AGA), Dec. 1964, p. 10. I thank Vanessa Tessada for sending me these files.

37 ‘Board Meeting Notes’, 19 May 1964, OEFA, Box 223, p. 2. The OEF planned such tours well in advance. Later newspaper reports indicate that the Brookings Institution hosted the events as planned.

38 Van Zandt, Lydia, ‘Brazilian Women Fight Communism’, Christian Science Monitor, 27 Nov. 1964.

39 CAMDE, ‘16/9/64 a 16/10/64, Conferencias’, AGA, p. 8.

40 Dantas, Voltando no tempo, p. 89.

41 Of course, it is possible that the women did talk about their religious beliefs and the US media chose not to include their comments.

42 Van Zandt, ‘Brazilian Women Fight Communism’; Elizabeth Shelton, ‘They're Wedded to the Freedom of Brazil’, Washington Post, 11 Nov. 1964, Section E1 (‘For and About Women’).

43 ‘The Country that Saved Itself’, Reader's Digest, Nov. 1964; Shelton, ‘They're Wedded’.

44 CAMDE, ‘16/10/64 a 16/11/64, Conferencias’, AGA, p. 8; Van Zandt, Lydia, ‘South America Takes a Long Look’, Christian Science Monitor, 13 Oct. 1964.

45 ‘She Helped Save Brazil from Reds’, Catholic Standard, 13 Nov. 1964. The article was printed immediately below one from the Archbishop of Washington, DC, welcoming women to the convention.

46 Van Zandt, ‘Brazilian Women Fight Communism’.

47 O Globo, 9 Nov. 1964.

48 ‘EUA: mulheres achan que houve golpe’, O Correio da Manha, 13 Nov. 1964.

49 CAMDE, ‘16/11/64 a 16/12/64, Conferencias’, AGA, p. 10.

50 Sestini, ‘A “mulher brasileira” em ação’, pp. 37–8.

51 In fact, CAMDE members’ vision of the nature of the anti-communist struggle transcended the western hemisphere. In August 1967 they travelled to Madrid, where they met with women in the pro-Franco Falange Feminina, and to Lisbon, where the president of the Movimento Feminino Nacional welcomed them. ‘Relatório de junho a setembro’, Arquivo Nacional do Rio de Janeiro (ANRJ), Fundo Campanha da Mulher pela Democracia, File 1.

52 See de Deus Simões, Deus, pátria e família, p. 133; and CAMDE, ‘Relatório março–abril–maio, 1967’, ANRJ, Fundo CAMDE, File 1, p. 7. I thank Pérola Sestini for sending me this information. The groups represented were Acción de Mujeres Venezolanas, Comité Central de Ayuda Social (Ecuador), Unión Ciudadanas (Colombia), Acción de Mujeres de Chile, Confederación Nacional de Instituciones Femeninas (Bolivia), Consejo de Mujeres de la República Argentina, Ateneo de Montevideo, Consejo de Mujeres del Perú and Entidades Femeninas (Paraguay). ‘Esboçadas as primeiras resolucões no Congresso da Mulher Democrata’, O Globo, 19 April 1967; CAMDE, ‘Relatório março–abril–maio, 1967’, ANRJ, Fundo CAMDE, Box 46, File 1, pp. 2–3.

53 CAMDE, ‘I Congresso Sul-Americano da Mulher em Defesa da Democracia, discurso pronunciado por Amelia Molina Bastos’, PE.0.0.102/4, ANRJ, CAMDE Collection, p. 13.

54 CAMDE, ‘Boletim No. 1’, AGA, p. 2; ‘Aberto o I Congresso Sul-Americano da Mulher em Defesa da Democracia’, O Globo, 18 April 1967. According to CAMDE, Magdalena Picón was ‘the only Venezuelan deputy to vote against breaking relations with Brazil’ following the overthrow of Goulart. CAMDE, ‘Campanha del Mulher pela Democracia’, AGA, p. 15.

55 Ibid.

56 ‘Mulheres em Congresso: defesa da democracia’, Diário de Notícias, 23 April 1967.

57 ‘Mulheres democratas defendem sua presença na vida política’, O Globo, 20 April 1967.

58 ‘Esboçadas as primeiras resolucões no Congresso da Mulher Democrata’, O Globo, 19 April 1967.

59 ‘Camde: um congresso só mulheres’, Jornal do Brasil, 16 April 1967. Members of CAMDE met with US and Brazilian corporations and financial institutions such as Squibb, Union Carbide, 3M, Dupont, Johnson & Johnson, Sul America Seguros, Petrobrás, Coca-Cola and Volkswagen do Brasil to solicit financial support for the conference. However, the records do not indicate whether or not they received anything. CAMDE, ‘Relatório’, ANRJ, Fundo CAMDE, Box 46, pp. 8–9, 11–12.

60 ‘Mulheres democratas defendem sua presença na vida política’, O Globo, 24 April 1967.

61 ‘Aberto o I Congresso Sul-Americano da Mulher em Defesa da Democracia’, O Globo, 18 April 1967. For two articles that explore the right wing's focus on youth, see Benjamin Cowan, “‘Why Hasn't This Teacher Been Shot?”: Moral-Sexual Panic, the Repressive Right, and Brazil's National Security State’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 92: 3 (2012), pp. 403–36; and Victoria Langland, ‘Birth Control Pills and Molotov Cocktails: Reading Sex and Revolution in 1968 Brazil’, in Joseph, Gilbert M. and Spenser, Daniela (eds.), In from the Cold: Latin America's New Encounter with the Cold War (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008), pp. 308–49.

62 ‘Representantes de 10 países para o I Congresso da CAMDE’, O Globo, 15 April 1967.

63 ‘D. Amélia encerra congresso da CAMDE defendendo a distribuição do supérfluo’, Jornal do Brasil, 23 April 1967.

64 ‘Mulheres democratas defendem sua presença na vida política’, O Globo, 24 April 1967.

65 Ibid. It is not clear whether or not such a meeting took place.

66 CAMDE, ‘I Congresso Sul-Americano da Mulher em Defesa da Democracia’, AGA, 16/22 April 1967, p. 1.

67 De Deus Simões, Deus, pátria e família, p. 134.

68 CAMDE, ‘Junho, julho, agosto de 1965’, AGA, p. 15.

69 De Deus Simões, Deus, pátria e família, p. 134.

70 Ibid. The women did not act alone. For a discussion of contacts between anti-Brazilian men and their Chilean counterparts, see Dreifuss, 1964, p. 460 n. 41; and Marlise Simon, ‘The Brazilian Connection’, Washington Post, 6 Jan. 1974.

71 A Venezuelan newspaper published an interview with the two Venezuelan delegates after they returned from the Congress: see ‘Despolitizar las universidades’, El Nacional, 3 June 1967.

72 Leaders of the Chilean Right and businessmen, for example, met with ‘exiles’ in ‘Bolivia and Argentina and travelled repeatedly and openly to the United States’: see ‘Green Light for the Generals’, NACLA's Latin America and Empire Report, 7: 8 (1973), p. 4. Orlando Sáenz, the president of the National Association of Manufacturers, was a ‘friend and admirer of [Brazilian] Roberto Campos’, who was the Brazilian minister of economic planning: ibid., p. 5. US businessmen learned what Brazilians had done by reading ‘a story hitherto untold: how São Paulo businessmen conspired to overthrow Brazil's Communist-infected government’: see Philip, Siekman, ‘When Executives Turn Revolutionaries’, Fortune, 70 (Sep. 1964).

73 Juanita Castro (as told to María Antonieta Collinas), Fidel y Raúl, mis hermanos: la historia secreta (Mexico City: Santillana Ediciones Generales, 2009), pp. 274–7; ‘Castro's Sister: My Work with the CIA Didn't Threaten Brothers’ Lives’, Miami Herald, 27 Oct. 2009.

74 ‘Cuba Claims Confession; Retired Exile Spills All’, Miami Herald, 27 Jan. 1965.

75 ‘Juanita Castro contou para as senhoras da CAMDE todos os dramas de Cuba comunista’, O Globo, 25 Aug. 1964.

76 CAMDE, ‘CAMDE’, AGA, p. 6.

77 For more on Larraín, see Power, Right-Wing Women in Chile, pp. 75–6.

78 Interview with Elena Larraín, Santiago, 16 March 1994.

79 ‘Telegram from the Ambassador of Brazil (Gordon) to the Department of State’, 28 March 1964, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, vol. 31 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 2004), pp. 412–18, emphasis added.

80 See Power, Right-Wing Women in Chile, chaps. 3 and 5.

81 To date, I have not been able to determine why the women's role was not mentioned. I suspect that the Chilean Right did not yet understand the value of projecting women as central figures in the anti-communist struggle. However, this was a lesson it learned rapidly. By May and June 1964, women figured prominently in the anti-Allende propaganda disseminated in the pages of El Mercurio and elsewhere: ibid., chap. 3.

82 El Mercurio, 21 March 1964.

83 El Mercurio, 25 March 1964.

84 El Mercurio, 3 April 1964.

85 ‘Goulart to Face Navy Critics’, New York Times, 30 March 1964.

86 Dreifuss, 1964, pp. 291–9.

87 Siekman, ‘When Executives Turn Revolutionaries’, pp. 215–16.

88 Not coincidentally, after Salvador Allende was elected president the Chilean opposition parties defined anti-Allende women as the saviours of the nation.

89 In the 1950s and 1960s, Reader's Digest was widely read, influential and anti-communist, both in the United States and in other countries. It reflected and reinforced Cold War antagonism toward the Soviet Union and communism and assumed and generated an image of the United States as morally, culturally, economically and politically superior to the rest of the world. For a penetrating discussion of the ideological impact and values of the magazine, see Sharp, Joanne P., Condensing the Cold War: Reader's Digest and American Identity (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minneapolis Press, 2000).

90 Dantas, Voltando no tempo, p. 91. Dantas writes that Reader's Digest treated the women well. It lodged them in the Saint Regis hotel, ‘one of the most famous in New York’, and provided them with a limousine ‘night and day’: ibid.

91 ‘The Country that Saved Itself’, Reader's Digest, Nov. 1964, p. 143.

92 Ibid., pp. 147–9.

93 For a reproduction of the cover page published in Brazil, see Presot, As Marchas da Família com Deus, p. 321. The special feature was also published in Australia, Canada (in both English and French), India, Italy, Japan, Portugal, South Africa and the United Kingdom: Ann DiCesare, head librarian, Editorial Research Library, Reader's Digest Association, personal communication, 26 Sep. 2006. Seleções do Reader's Digest was not a disinterested party; it contributed to IPES, as did many other Brazilian banks, financial interests and companies: see Dreifuss, 1964, p. 638.

94 Black, Jan Knippers, United States Penetration of Brazil (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1977), p. 107. Castello Branco's comment reflects the high regard that sectors of the Brazilian public had for US culture. For background on Brazil's acceptance of US cultural influences, see Tota, Antonio Pedro, The Seduction of Brazil: The Americanization of Brazil during World War II (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2009). I thank Ben Cowan for this reference.

95 For a fuller discussion of US newspaper coverage, see Margaret Power, ‘Transnational Connections among Right-Wing Women’, in Blee, Kathleen M. and Deutsch, Sandra McGee (eds.), Women of the Right: Comparisons and Interplay across Borders (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2012).

96 Chamberlain, John, ‘Brazilians Upset Castro's Applecart’, Pacific Stars and Stripes, 15 April 1964.

97 Cleland, Daisy, ‘Gold Rings Against Reds’, Washington Star, 11 Oct. 1964.

98 Power, Right-Wing Women in Chile.

99 The National Party formed in 1964, after the election of Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei and the defeat of Socialist Salvador Allende. Since neither the Conservative nor the Liberal party, the traditional parties of the Chilean Right, had generated the support needed to defeat Frei or Allende, conservative forces created a new party that they hoped would be more successful. See Correa, Sofía S., ‘La derecha en Chile contemporáneo: la pérdida del control estatal’, Revista de Ciencia Política, 11: 1 (1989), pp. 519.

100 Interview with Carmen Saenz, Santiago, 27 Dec. 1993.

101 Interview with Carmen Saenz, Santiago, 4 Jan.1994.

102 The Chilean Left charged that the activities of the anti-Goulart women in Brazil served as a model for the anti-Allende women in Chile. ‘Imperialism is putting the “Plan Goulart” into practice since the same demonstrations are taking place in our country as those that preceded the overthrow of the constitutional President in Brazil’: ‘Plan Goulart, March of Empty Pots and Pans’, El Siglo, 3 Dec. 1971.

103 El Rancagüino, 23 May 1973.

104 See Power, Margaret, ‘The U. S. Movement in Solidarity with Chile in the 1970s’, Latin American Perspectives, 36: 6 (2009), pp. 4666.

105 See, for example, ‘Chilean Police Tear-Gas Protesting Women’, Christian Science Monitor, 14 Aug. 1973; ‘Corn Pie Plot’, Los Angeles Times, 31 Jan. 1974.

106 See, for example, de Onis, Juan, ‘The Ominous Pounding of Pots’, New York Times, 5 Dec. 1971.

107 Daily Review (Haywood, CA), 19 Sep. 1974.

108 Star-Los Angeles Times, 6 March 1974.

109 Sword, Lew, ‘Chile's Problem: A “Human” Question’, Harrisonburg Daily News Record (Virginia), 18 Oct. 1974.

110 Ibid.

111 Phyllis Schlafly started the Eagle Forum in 1975 as ‘the alternative to women's lib’: see Critchlow, Donald T., Phyllis Schlafly and Grassroots Conservatism: A Woman's Crusade (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), p. 221. For Schlafly's work in defeating the Equal Rights Amendment, see Mansbridge, Jane, Why We Lost the ERA (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1986).

112 Phyllis Schlafly, email to author, 22 Oct. 2009.

113 Phyllis Schlafly, ‘Chile's Unheralded Gift to the West’, Aiken Standard (South Carolina), 16 March 1977.

114 Schlafly, Phyllis, The Power of the Positive Woman (New York: Jove, 1987), pp. 221–3.

115 Jill A. Irvine, ‘Exporting the Culture Wars: Concerned Women for America in the Global Arena’, in Blee and Deutsch (eds.), Women of the Right, p. 37.

116 LaHaye, Beverly, Who but a Woman? (New York: Thomas Nelson, 1984), p. 14. I thank Jill Irvine for bringing this reference to my attention.

117 Ibid., p. 9.

118 Ibid., p. 13.

* I gratefully thank Ben Cowan for his invaluable help on this article. I also thank Sandra McGee Deutsch, Pérola Sestini, Vanessa Tessado, Mary Kay Vaughan and Barbara Weinstein for their contributions at different points. Shawn Moura did an outstanding research job, for which I am most grateful, as I am to Karin Rosemblatt for suggesting him. The four anonymous reviewers offered me both encouragement and, very importantly, suggestions on how to improve this article. I owe them all a great deal for their insights and generosity.

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