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Quoting from T. Hodgkin, Nationalism in Colonial Africa (New York: New York University Press, 1957) in id. In his opening chapter, “Discourse of Power and Knowledge of Otherness,” Mudimbe references Hodgkin's classic treatment of the politics of late colonial Africa, particularly the Rousseauian image of the continent. Mudimbe notes the co-existence of seemingly contradictory myths of African otherness.Google Scholar

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This view on indigenous survival is the very foundation of the fields of American Indian, Native American and Indigenous Studies. Affirming the survival of peoples and promoting their greater well-being is the reason that there even exists an international “indigenous” movement.Google Scholar

Wilson, W. A. and Schommer, W. C., Remember This! Dakota Decolonization and the Eli Taylor Narratives (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2005). Non-Dakota thinkers have also treated the 1862 War at length, providing valuable insights, particularly into U.S. Indian policy that led to the war (Anderson, G. C., Little Crow: Spokesman for the Sioux [St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1986] and Meyer, R. W., History of the Santee Sioux: United States Indian Policy on Trial [Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1967]). But when I say that 1862 is a prominent figure in our understanding of our Dakotaness today, I do not want to mislead the reader by citing non-Dakota thinkers. We do not acquire our understanding of who we are in relation to 1862 by reading the necessarily narrow works of non-Dakota historians. The various Dakota communities throughout the upper Midwest and parts of Canada since 1862 have lived a history largely untreated in the scholarly literature. That is why the book by Wilson and Schommer – two Dakota thinkers – is so important. Throughout Dakota country, we refer daily to 1862, and Wilson and Schommer foreground Dakota narratives of that history. The many other citations that should be here – narratives handed down from my great-grandfather (his great-grandfather was Te-oyate-duta, a reluctant leader of the Dakota effort in 1862) to my mother and to many other family members – are largely undocumented.Google Scholar

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Not unlike the Mashpee Wampanoag that James Clifford high-lights in his essay, (“Identity in Mashpee,” The Predicament of Culture [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988]: at 285), the Seaconke Wampanoag would appear to be challenged by dominant societal racial images of what constitutes a “real” Indian. Clifford describes the cultural politics at play in courtroom exchanges during the 1977 trial in which the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribal Council, Inc. sued for the return of 16,000 acres of land, or three-quarters of the town of Mashpee, Massachusetts. Similarly to other eastern tribes, the Mashpee Wampanoag had intermarried extensively with other peoples and did not appear strongly Indian according to idealized standards. Clifford observes that some “could pass for black, others for white.”Google Scholar

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