3. Scholars generally note a shift from the nineteenth century, when third parties “functioned as complete political organizations,” to the twentieth century, when third parties are often “more accurately labeled independent campaigns than political parties.” Rosenstone, Steven J., Behr, Roy L., and Lazarus, Edward H., Third Parties in America, 2nd ed. (Princeton, 1984;1986), 48, 81Google Scholar. Third parties, also called minor parties, are the subject of a robust political science literature. Analysts disagree as to whether third parties indicate systemic decay or are a sign of democratic health, but there is a general consensus as to their origins, roles, and the structural constraints they face. Third parties are seen to perform an array of vital functions beyond the winning of elections, including formulating issues and reforms, generating ideas for major parties, serving as an avenue of protest or a safety valve for discontent, and indicating potential electoral realignments. For summaries of the major interpretations, see Gillespie, David, Politics at the Periphery: Third Parties in Two-Party America (Columbia, S.C., 1993), esp. chap. 1Google Scholar, and Rosenstone et al., Third Parties in America, in Hazlett, Joseph, The Libertarian Party and Other Minor Political Parties (Jefferson, N.C., 1992)Google Scholar, analyzes the Libertarian Party with reference to this literature, arguing that its primary function has been as an issue innovator and issue educator. The Libertarian Party can be labeled a “continuing doctrinal party” according to V. O. Key's classic dichotomy, and it fits Clinton Rossiter's definition of a “minor Political Party,” one of six third-party types he identifies (others are one-issue obsessionists, one-state party, personality parties, major party factions, and left-wing splinter groups). Key, V. O. Jr., Politics, Parties, and Pressure Groups (New York, 1964), 281Google Scholar; Rossiter, Clinton, Parties and Politics in America (Ithaca, 1960), 5Google Scholar.