Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-tj2md Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-23T10:59:26.669Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Race–gender bias in white Americans’ preferences for gun availability

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 October 2020

Matthew Hayes
Affiliation:
Rice University, Houston, USA
David Fortunato*
Affiliation:
University of California, San Diego, USA and Copenhagen Business School, Denmark
Matthew V. Hibbing
Affiliation:
University of California, Merced, USA
*
*Corresponding author. E-mail: dfortunato@ucsd.edu

Abstract

We argue that Americans’ policy attitudes on firearm availability are influenced by the identity of the prospective owner. We use an experiment to demonstrate that attitudes towards gun control/availability are influenced by both race and gender; whether subjects are primed to think of African-Americans versus whites or men versus women has a substantial impact on the degree to which they support firearm access. We find that for many white Americans, Black men and white women stand on opposite poles – priming white Americans with the thought of a Black man decreases support for gun availability, whereas priming the thought of a white woman increases support for gun availability. Further, the magnitude of this effect is quite large – comparable to the difference between Democrats and Republicans. These findings underscore the importance of thinking about the complicated role identity groups play in understanding Americans’ preferences for government (in)action, even in policy areas with explicit Constitutional mandates.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abramowitz, AI (2010) The Disappearing Center: Engaged Citizens, Polarization, and American Democracy. Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Alesina, A, Miano, A and Stantcheva, S (2018) Immigration and Redistribution. National Bureau of Economic Research.Google Scholar
Bauer, NM (2015) Emotional, Sensitive, and Unfit for Office? Gender Stereotype Activation and Support Female Candidates. Political Psychology, 36(6): 691708.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bertrand, M and Mullainathan, S (2004) Are Emily and Greg More Employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination. The American Economic Review, 94(4): 9911013.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Blalock, HM (1967) Toward a Theory of Minority-Group Relations. Social Forces, 46, 430.Google Scholar
Blumer, H (1958) Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position. Pacific Sociological Review, 1(1): 37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Butler, DM and Broockman, DE 2011. Do Politicians Racially Discriminate Against Constituents? A Field Experiment on State Legislators. American Journal of Political Science, 55(3): 463477.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Butler, DM and Homola, J (2017) An Empirical Justification for the use of Racially Distinctive Names to Signal Race in Experiments. Political Analysis, 25(1): 122130.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carlson, J (2014) The Equalizer? Crime, Vulnerability, and Gender in Pro-gun Discourse. Feminist Criminology, 9(1): 5983.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carlson, J and Goss, KA (2017) Gendering the Second Amendment. Law & Contemporary Problems, 80, 103.Google Scholar
Cassese, EC and Barnes, TD (2018) Intersectional Motherhood: Investigating Public Support for Child Care Subsidies. Politics, Groups, and Identities, 7, 775793.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cicero, TJ, Ellis, MS, Surratt, HL and Kurtz, SP (2014) The Changing Face of Heroin use in the United States: A Retrospective Analysis of the Past 50 Years. JAMA Psychiatry, 71(7): 821826.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Converse, PE (1964) The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics. Ideology and Discontent. London: Free Press of Glencoe pp. 206–261.Google Scholar
Cook, PJ and Ludwig, J (2003) Fact-Free Gun Policy? University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 151(4): 13291340.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cramer, CE (1994) The Racist Roots of Gun Control. Kansas Journal of Law & Public Policy, 4, 17.Google Scholar
Dawson, MC (1995) Behind the Mule: Race and Class in African-American Politics. Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
DeSante, CD (2013) Working Twice as Hard to Get Half as Far: Race, Work Ethic, and America’s Deserving Poor. American Journal of Political Science, 57(2): 342356.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dixon, TL (2008) Crime News and Racialized Beliefs: Understanding the Relationship between Local News Viewing and Perceptions of African Americans and Crime. Journal of Communication, 58(1): 106125.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Doherty, C, Kiley, J and Jameson, B (2015) Continued Bipartisan Support for Expanded Background Checks on Gun Sales; More Polarized Views on NRA’s Influence. https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2015/08/08-13-15-Guns-release.pdf Google Scholar
Eagly, AH and Steffen, VJ (1986) Gender and Aggressive Behavior: A Meta-Analytic Review of the Social Psychological Literature. Psychological Bulletin, 100(3): 309.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Eitle, D, D’Alessio, SJ and Stolzenberg, L (2002) Racial Threat and Social Control: A Test of the Political, Economic, and Threat of Black Crime Hypotheses. Social Forces, 81(2): 557576.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Entman, RM (1992) Blacks in the News: Television, Modern Racism and Cultural Change. Journalism Quarterly, 69(2): 341361.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Filindra, A and Kaplan, NJ (2016) Racial Resentment and Whites’ Gun Policy Preferences in Contemporary America. Political Behavior, 38(2): 255275.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fiorina, MP, Abrams, SJ and Pope, JC (2005) Culture War? New York: Pearson Longman.Google Scholar
Gilens, M (2009) Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media, and the Politics of Antipoverty Policy. University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Gilliam, FD Jr and Iyengar, S (2000) Prime Suspects: The Influence of Local Television News on the Viewing Public. American Journal of Political Science, 44, 560573.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gimpel, JG (1998) Packing Heat at the Polls: Gun Ownership, Interest Group Endorsements, and Voting Behavior in Gubernatorial Elections. Social Science Quarterly, 79, 634648.Google Scholar
Goss, KA (2017) The Socialization of Conflict and its Limits: Gender and Gun Politics in America. Social Science Quarterly, 98(2): 455470.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Green, D, Palmquist, B and Schickler, E (2002) Partisan Hearts and Minds.Google Scholar
Haider-Markel, DP and Joslyn, MR (2001) Gun Policy, Opinion, Tragedy, and Blame Attribution: The Conditional Influence of Issue Frames. The Journal of Politics, 63(2), 520543.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Huddy, L (2004) Contrasting Theoretical Approaches to Intergroup Relations. Political Psychology, 25, 947967.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hurwitz, J and Peffley, M (1997) Public Perceptions of Race and Crime: The Role of Racial Stereotypes. American Journal of Political Science, 41, 375401.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Iyengar, S, Sood, G and Lelkes, Y (2012) Affect, Not Ideology a Social Identity Perspective on Polarization. Public Opinion Quarterly, 76(3): 405431.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kahan, DM and Braman, D (2003) More Statistics, Less Persuasion: A Cultural Theory of Gun-risk Perceptions. University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 151(4): 12911327.10.2307/3312930CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kahan, DM and Braman, D (2006) Cultural Cognition and Public Policy. Yale Law & Policy Review, 24(1): 149172.Google Scholar
Kleck, G (1996) Crime, Culture Conflict and the Sources of Support for Gun Control A Multilevel Application of the General Social Surveys. American Behavioral Scientist, 39(4): 387404.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lee, W and Roemer, JE (2006) Racism and Redistribution in the United States: A Solution to the Problem of American Exceptionalism. Journal of public Economics, 90(6–7): 10271052.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Leonardatos, CD (1999) California’s Attempts to Disarm the Black Panthers. San Diego Law Review, 36, 947.Google Scholar
Levendusky, M (2009) The Partisan Sort: How Liberals Became Democrats and Conservatives Became Republicans. University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ludwig, J, Cook, PJ and Smith, TW (1998) The Gender Gap in Reporting Household Gun Ownership. American Journal of Public Health, 88(11): 17151718.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
McConnaughy, CM and White, IK (2011) Racial Politics Complicated: The Work of Gendered Race Cues in American Politics. In Unpublished manuscript, New Research on Gender in Political Psychology Conference. Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ. https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/6391/925becfa1e1f0a76f331ba0e52d3ab51b0e3.pdf Google Scholar
McGinty, EE, Webster, DW and Barry, CL (2013) Effects of News Media Messages About Mass Shootings on Attitudes Toward Persons with Serious Mental Illness and Public Support for Gun Control Policies. American Journal of Psychiatry, 170(5): 494501.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
McMahon, JM and Kahn, KB (2016) Benevolent Racism? The Impact of Target Race on Ambivalent Sexism. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 19(2): 169183.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Merry, MK (2020) Warped Narratives: Distortion in the Framing of Gun Policy. University of Michigan Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mettler, S (2011) The Submerged State: How Invisible Government Policies Undermine American Democracy. University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Middlewood, A, Joslyn, MR and Haider-Markel, DP (2019) Intersectionality in Action: Gun Ownership and Women’s Political Participation. Social Science Quarterly, 100(6): 25072518.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Muhammad, KG (2011) The Condemnation of Blackness. Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Pearson, H (1995) The Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America. Da Capo Press.Google Scholar
Peffley, M and Hurwitz, J (2002) The Racial Components of “race-neutral” Crime Policy Attitudes. Political Psychology, 23(1): 5975.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Phelan, JE, Sanchez, DT and Broccoli, TL (2010) The Danger in Sexism: The Links Among Fear of Crime, Benevolent Sexism, and Well-being. Sex Roles, 62(1–2): 3547.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Primm, E, Regoli, RM and Hewitt, JD (2009) Race, Fear, and Firearms: The Roles of Demographics and Guilt Assuagement in the Creation of a Political Partition. Journal of African American Studies, 13(1): 6373.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schneider, A and Ingram, H (1993) Social Construction of Target Populations: Implications for Politics and Policy. American Political Science Review, 87(2): 334347.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schneider, MC, Holman, MR, Diekman, AB and McAndrew, T (2016) Power, Conflict, and Community: How Gendered Views of Political Power Influence Women’s Political Ambition. Political Psychology, 37(4): 515531.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schuman, H and Presser, S (1977) Attitude Measurement and the Gun Control Paradox. Public Opinion Quarterly, 41(4): 427438.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Selk, A (2017) Gun Owners are Outraged by the Philando Castile Case. The NRA is Silent. The Washington Post June 21, 2017.Google Scholar
Shapiro, RY and Mahajan, H (1986) Gender Differences in Policy Preferences: A Summary of Trends from the 1960s to the 1980s. Public Opinion Quarterly, 50(1): 4261.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sidanius, J and Pratto, F (2001) Social Dominance: An Intergroup Theory of Social Hierarchy and Oppression. Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Smith, TW (1980) The 75% Solution: An Analysis of the Structure of Attitudes on Gun Control, 1959-1977. The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology (1973-), 71(3): 300316.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Spitzer, RJ (2015) Politics of Gun Control. Routledge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tesler, M (2012) The Spillover of Racialization Into Health Care: How President Obama Polarized Public Opinion by Racial Attitudes and Race. American Journal of Political Science, 56(3): 690704.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Theiss-Morse, E (2009) Who Counts as an American?: The Boundaries of National Identity. Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Winter, NJG (2008) Dangerous Frames: How Ideas about Race and Gender Shape Public Opinion. University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wolpert, RM and Gimpel, JG (1998) Self-interest, Symbolic Politics, and Public Attitudes Toward Gun Control. Political Behavior, 20(3): 241262.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wozniak, KH (2017) Public Opinion about Gun Control Post–Sandy Hook. Criminal Justice Policy Review, 28(3): 255278.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zhu, L and Wright, K (2016) Why do Americans Dislike Publicly Funded Health Care? Examining the Intersection of Race and Gender in the Ideological Context. Politics, Groups, and Identities, 4(4): 618637.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Supplementary material: Link

Hayes et al. Dataset

Link
Supplementary material: PDF

Hayes et al. Supplementary Materials

Hayes et al. Supplementary Materials

Download Hayes et al. Supplementary Materials(PDF)
PDF 104.1 KB