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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 April 2011
The war between Bangkok and the Lao in the years 1827–29 constitutes a watershed in the relations between the Thai and the Lao. Up to now, this conflict has been accounted for largely by only one source: The Royal Chronicles of the Third Reign of the Bangkok Dynasty by Chao Phraya Thiphakarawong. It is time to go beyond this, and to explore the available Lao annals, Vietnamese primary documents, the archives of the Thai National Library and the accounts of western travellers at the beginning of the nineteenth century. This paper also introduces Lao historiography and historians who have written about the war.
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15 The first National Lao Seminar on Manuscripts was held in Vientiane, 10–13 March 1988. The Seminar sought to get some idea of the documents in existence in the country, and to urge provincial representatives responsible for cultural work to make an inventory of existing manuscripts, and master techniques to preserve them. We have, in the course of our research, tried to find the temple manuscripts listed by Finot, Louis, “inventaire des manuscrits des pagodes due Laos”, Bulletin de I'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient (1965): 429–545,Google Scholar but 90 per cent of these have already disappeared.
16 Interview of the Venerable Patriarch of the Buddhists, Khamchanh Virachit, Louang Prabang, 24 April 1987.
17 Deydier, Henri, Lo Kapala. Genies, totems etsorciers du Nord Laos (Paris: Plon, 1954), p. 117.Google Scholar See the same feeling expressed by Manich, M. L., History of Laos, including the history of Lannathai (Chiengmai Chalermit, Bangkok, 1967), pp. 1–2Google Scholar.
18 Viravong, Maha Sila, “Phongsavadane Lao” (Lao History), Ministry of Education Nationale (Vientiane, 1957);Google ScholarChampakeomany, Maha Kham, “Pavatsat Lao” (Lao History), 1980, 9 volumes typewrittenGoogle Scholar.
19 These manuscripts must have existed in numerous copies. Cf. Louis Finot, “Inventaire des manuscrits.…”
20 Prachum Phongsawadan, Vol. 44 (Bangkok: Khuru Sapha, 1969), pp. 131–52.Google Scholar
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24 Phothignanvisay, Phra, Nangseu Leuang Phra Ta Phra Vo (Chronicle about Phra Ta and Phra Vo) (Nongboualamphou, 1959), 81pp.Google Scholar
26 Vella, Walter, Siam under Rama III (New York: J. J. Augustin Inc., 1957), p. 6.Google Scholar
27 The Burney Papers (Bangkok: Vajirana National Library, 1910-1914), Vol. III, part 2, p. 385.Google Scholar For an academic use of these data, cf. Renard, Ronald R., “The role of the Karens in Thai society”, in Royalty and Commoners: Essays in Thai administrative, economic and social history, Contributions to Asian Studies, 1980, vol. 15, p. 20Google Scholar.
28 Department of Fine Arts, Chotmaihet Ruang Prap Khabot Vientiane (Documents concerning the suppression of the revolt of Vientiane) (Bangkok: Sophon, 1926), 84pp.Google Scholar
29 Low, James, “On the Government of Siam”, Asiatic Researches (Calcutta, 1839). On the appreciation of his superiors for his work, see The Burney Papers, vol. I, part 4, p. 579.Google Scholar
30 The Burney Papers, vol. II, part 4, pp. 53, 135.
31 The Burney Papers, vol. II, part 4, p. 9.
32 The Burney Papers, vol. V, part I, p. 89. On his part, Gamier, Francis wrote, “in 1826, the princes of Vienchang tried again to proclaim the independence of Laos, but the repression was rapid and terrible: the king of Vienchang was defeated, betrayed by the Annamities in whose country king Anou was seeking asylum, and died imprisoned in Bangkok” (p. 54).Google Scholar “Xieng Mai warmly solicited by king Anou to join him to reconquer the independence of the Lao race …” (p. 388); Gamier, Francis, “Voyage d'exploration en Indo-Chine”, Revue Tour du Monde (Paris, 1870-1871).Google Scholar Based on these remarks it is clear that these authors did not disagree at all with what Anou told his collaborators as reported by Thiphakarawong, Chao Phraya: “The situation became more than intolerable, we must not accept at all to continue to be a dependency (of Siam)” (p. 39). Cf.Google ScholarThiphakarawong, Chao Phraya, the Royal Chronicle of the Third Reign of the Bangkok Dynasty, p. 39.Google Scholar Furthermore, a Thai historian linked with the dynasty of the Vientiane Kingdom, Phraya Pramouanvisaphoum also wrote, “Phra Chao Anouroutharaj, Phra Chao Lane Xang Horn Khao Anou or Chao Anouvong, considering that Muong Lane Xang had in the past always been an independent country…but was then defeated by the armies of Krung Thonburi, and abducted as a vassal of Krungthep and at the same time lost the emerald Buddha, palladium of the country, decided to launch a national liberation war.…” Pramouanvisaphoum, Phraya, Phongsavadane Muong Lane Xang, Bangkok, 25 February 1484 (L 939) 2 ed, p. 43Google Scholar.
33 On this independent spirit of Anou as he approached Emperor Gia Long in 1805 on the occassion of the first Embassy which Anou sent to the Court of Hue after being crowned, see Boulanger, Paul Le, Histoire de Laos Francois: Essai d'une etude chronologique des principautes Laotiennes (Paris: Plon, 1932), p. 104.Google Scholar See also Thi, Nguyen Le (ed.), Compilation of ancient Vientnamese texts on Laos (in Vietnamese), Department of Southeast Asian Studies, Social Sciences Committee of Vietnam (Hanoi, 1977), p. 132.Google Scholar The fin de non recevoir opposed by Gia Long to Anou is certainly motivated by the fact that the relations between Hue and Bangkok were in the nature of a bonne entente. Rama V (1868–1910)Google Scholar commented on events of this period as follows: “Even if problems exist in Cambodia these are for the two countries to negotiate. But the friendship and the cordial relations (between the two countries) remain without any trouble.” Cf. Narinthonethewi, Princess, Chotmaihet kwam song cham khong krommalnang Narinthonethewi…lae phraratchawichan nai Phrabat Somdet Phra Chulachomklao chaoyuhoa (Recollections) (Bangkok: Khuru Sapha, 1963), p. 237.Google Scholar Furthermore, Gia Long was politically considered as the “son in law” of Rama I. On this point, see Pansa Sinsawat, idem, p. 32; and Gesick, Lorraine Marie: “Kingship and political integration in traditional Siam, 1767–1824” (Ph.D. thesis, Cornell University, 1976), p. 124.Google Scholar The successor of Gia Long, Minh Mang later sent an embassy composed of 4 nobles with a retinue of 30 persons to Anou on November 1826 to gorbid him to cause any troubles for Bangkok and to continue to accept being a vassal of Bangkok. The Thai document on Minh Mang's embassy to Anou is preserved at the Thai National Library (Manuscripts Division): Document Rama III (19) 1189/4, Phraya Phetphichai to Phraya Sisahathep, 17 April 1827. The refusal of the court of Hue to help Anou in any way followed the categorial rejection of a Burmese proposal for an offensive alliance against Bangkok. On this matter, see Sri Saxena, Krishna, “Causes leading to the deputation of a Burmese political mission to the court of Cochin-China (1822–1824) and its results”, Bulletin de L'Ecole Francaise D'Extreme Orient (1952), pp. 574–79;Google ScholarKarpeles, Suzanne, “Notules sur un manuscrit relatif a une ambassade Birmane en Cochin-Chine”, Bulletin de la Societe D'Etudes Indochinoises (1949): pp. 37–45.Google Scholar The relations between the Court of Hue and the Court of Bangkok began to deteriorate seriously after the massacre of a Vietnamese embassy by the Thai army at Nakhon Phanom at the end of 1828. This embassy was to convey a message of Minh Mang asking Anou to surrender to the Siamese and to recognize Thai domination on Laos. Contemporaries of the period predicted accurately that this slaugther was the beginning of the end of the Bangkok-Hue axis. Thus, General Bodinthondecha wrote ni his memoirs of the war, “the Thai officers had certainly committed faults contrary to orders. Undoubtedly serious conflicts would erupt in the near future with the Vietnamese. In spite of the fact that orders were violated, one cannot draw back, and we must prepare ourselves to cope with the consequences which will come without fail”. See Kulab, K. S. R., Anam Sayam yut (Annam and Siam at war), vol. 7 (Bangkok, Pra Phithaya, 1981), p. 395.Google Scholar Chao Phraya Thipakarawong later wrote in his chronicle of the Third Reign: “Thai officers have killed Vietnamese (diplomats) against orders” (p. 89). Rama V judged the action as follows: “this action constituted a major fact leading to the decline of the friendship between Siam and Vietnam”, “Sermon honoring Rama III”, Prachum Phongsawadan (Bangkok, 1965), vol. 8, part 33, p. 354.Google Scholar The missionary Charles Gutzalff commented on this massacre with these words, “The envoy was treacherously murdered by the Siamese, together with his whole retinue, consisting of one hundred men Enraged at such a breach of the law of nations, but feeling themselves too weak, the Cochin-Chinese then sent an ambassador to Bangkok.… Nothing could be more conciliatory than the letter addressed on the occasion to the king of Siam.…” Gutzlaff, Charles, Journal of the three voyages along the coast of China in 1831, 1832, 1833 with notices on Siam (London: Westly and Davis, 1834), p. 77;Google Scholar Walter F. Vella concluded in a more general sense, “the British defeat of Burma in 1825–1826 had removed the military threat to the Siamese from the West and freed Siamese forces for action elsewhere. The campaigns against Wiangchan had turned the attentions of the Siamese to the East, and the defeat of Wiangchan in 1828 had encouraged the Siamese to continue their expansion in that direction. The fact that the Vietnamese had not defended their claims in Eastern Laos against Siamese military opposition also undoubtedly led the Siamese to hope that the Annamese would yield in Cambodia as well.” Vella, Walter F., Siam under Rama III, p. 96Google Scholar.
34 The Burney Papers, vol. III, part 1, p. 99.
35 This letter has been published by the Thai National Library as A collection of accounts and documents concerning Nakhone Rajasima (Bangkok: Prachakwithaya, 1968), pp. 27–29. On the link between tattooing and troubles in the region of Kalasin. cf.Google ScholarBoonmathum, Theerachai, “A local history of Huamuang Kalasin, 1793–1907” (M.A. thesis, Chulalongkorn University, 1984), 267p. In ThaiGoogle Scholar.
36 Thawatt Poonothok (1982), p. 31.
37 Wiphakphothchanakit, Toem, A History of North-east Thailand (Bangkok: Social Science Association Press, 1970), in Thai, pp. 355–57.Google Scholar The British had also noted the Lao presence in the harsh labour at the mouth of the Chaophraya river, principally to construct defense work at the sea. Foreigners called this construction “The Lao fort”. Cf. The Burney Papers, vol. I, part I, p. 31.
38 Kylab, K. S. R., Anam Sayam yut, vol. II, p. 750.Google Scholar Furthermore, Chao Anou was an offspring of a 2,000 year-old dynasty, cf. Srichak, Kamphol, “Oubatborommachak Lao” (Birth of the Lao nation) (Bangkok: Syamvitthagnakan, 1879), p. 46Google Scholar.
39 Charles Gutzlaff, idem, p. 76. For a modern ethnological analysis of this incident, see Barber, M. J. P., “Migrants and Modernization: A study of change in Lao society” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Hull, 1979), p. 297;Google Scholar see also pp. 44, 45, 101, 102.
40 Playnoy, S., Saranoukom Prawatsat Thai (Dictionary of Thai history) (Bangkok: Houasasom, 1984), pp. 246–47.Google Scholar
41 Chitphasa, Phasit, “Phatchananoukom chababnirutisat”, Sinlapa Watthanatham (Bangkok, Nov. 1982), p. 61.Google Scholar “Lao phen” is in fact a “shifted” word from the original “Lao Khene”. Khene is a Lao organ, a popular folk musical instrument, and the Lao prisoners of war would have had it with them, no matter the adversity. Amatyakun, Phounphat, “Lao phen”, Sinlapa Watthanatham, August 1983, pp. 19–20,Google Scholar reproduces a long chant sung by the 1827 prisoners of war.
42 Wongthep, Prani, Pheun Ban Pheun Muang (Folk Traditions) (Bangkok: Samnakphim Chaophraya, 1982), p. 187.Google Scholar
43 On the Cambodian outlet, see Antonio, P. Gabriel-de San, Breve et veridique relation des evenements du Cambodge, written in 1603, edited by Cabaton, A. (Paris: Leroux, 1914), p. For. 78, 1.Google Scholar Cf. also Groslier, P. B., Angkor et le Cambodge au XVle…. (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1958), p. 162Google Scholar.
44 The Burney Papers, vol. II, part 4, p. 83.
45 The Burney Papers, vol. II, part 5, p. 136.
46 Schweisguth, P., Un siecle d'histoire dans la peninsule Indochinese (Paris, 1944).Google Scholar
47 Hall, D. G. E., A History of Southeast Asia, pp. 465–66.Google Scholar Also Francis Gamier, idem, p. 51.
48 Smuckarn, Snit and Breazeale, Kennon, “The Phuan, A culture in search of survival” (manuscript version), p. 59.Google Scholar
49 Amoravongvichit, Mom, Phongsawadan Huamouang Monthon Isarn, Prachum Phongsawadan, vol. 4 (Bangkok: Khuru Sapha, 1963), pp. 214–15.Google ScholarNartsupha, Chatthip, “The ideology of holy men revolts in North East Thailand”, History and Peasant Consciousness in Southeast Asia, ed. Turton, A. and Tanabe, S. (Kyoto: Senri Ethnological Studies, National Museum of Ethnology, 1984), p. 114Google Scholar.
50 Chatthip Nartsupha, idem, p. 115. Also Mulasip, Wuthichai, “Kabot Ai Sakietgong, Wikhro chak ekkasan Pheun Vieng” (the Sakietgong revolt: Analysis based on the Pheun Vieng chronicle) in Mulasip, Wuthichai and Waraphon, Thammanit (eds.), Kabot Phrai (Peasant Revolts) (Bangkok: Bangkok, Social Science Association, 1982), pp. 45–52Google Scholar.
51 More generally on this item, Lysa, Hong, Thailand in the Nineteenth Century, Evolution of the Economy and Society (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1984), 182 ppGoogle Scholar.
52 Turton, Andrew, “Thai institutions of slavery”, in Asian and African systems of slavery, ed. Watson, James L. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), p. 279.Google Scholar Slave manpower is pivotal of the Siamese social and economical system in the 1820s. Cf. The Crawfurd Papers (translated by Berland, Henri) Bulletin De La Societe D'Etudes Indochinoises (1941), pp. 69, 71, 75Google Scholar.
53 Chao Phraya Thiphakarawong, idem, p. 63.
54 One can read in the Burney Papers that in 1826 “Ordonnance Pun Yai in great demand and old cannon brings a price far beyond its value. Musket, Pun Khap Sila are now not in such great demand as they were 2 or 3 years ago.” The Burney Papers, vol. Ill, part 4, p. 101. On the arms race by Siam at this period, see Fistie, Pierre, L'evolution de la Thailande contemporaine (Paris: A. Colin, 1967), p. 51;Google ScholarThompson, Virginia, Thailand the New Siam (New York: Paragon, 1967), p. 31Google Scholar.
55 All the Lao chronicles say that Chao Anou had aimed at Khorat and not Bangkok. In the memoirs of war of Bodin, there was no mention of preparations by the Lao to invade Bangkok. We must take note of the character of the Governor of Khorat, whose megalomania had furiously hampered the Lao as was reported by Gutzlaff, idem, p. 76. Francis Gamier also confirmed this, idem, p. 388. See also the Vietnamese Annals, cf. Nguyen Le Thi, idem, p. 134. The history “Pheun Vieng” also abounds with such reference. See studies of Thawatt Poonothok. The governor of this out-post for the expansionist policy of Bangkok on the Lao country and on the highlands of Khorat, was a bastard of Taksin, brother-in-law of Bodin and father-in-law of Rama III. He was the highest provincial civil servant of Siam at this period. Cf. Department of Fine Arts, Chotmaihet khong Nakhon Rajasima (Documents concerning Nakhon Rajasima), 4th ed. (Bangkok, 1985), pp. 55–72Google Scholar and 283–313.
56 Department of Fine Arts, Documents concerning the suppression of the Vientiane revolt, p. 60.Google Scholar
57 As he entered Khorat and before the eruption of armed confrontation between the avant-guard of the Bangkok army and the Lao at Thong Samrit, Anou and the Lao had sent Lao from Khorat and from other villages in the Khorat Plateau to Nong Boua Lamphou and the Thai from Khorat or from other towns directly to Vientiane, cf. Department of Fine Arts, idem, p. 22.
58 Department of Fine Arts, Documents concerning the suppression of the revolt of Vientiane…., p. 23.Google Scholar Thiphakarawong, idem, p. 46.
59 In their report sent to Bangkok, the Thai officials did not mention any name of any woman, cf. Thai National Library (ed.), A collection of accounts and documents concerning Nakhon Ratchasima, pp. 29–34. Also,Google Scholar Thawatt Poonothok (1980), pp. 87–90, 158–63. However, Thai modern history stress that the victory on the Lao is due to a Thai woman: Khun Ying Mo.
60 Bibliotheque National Lao (ed.), Phongsavadane Muong Phouan (chronicle of Xieng Khouang) (Vientiane, 1969), pp. 15–18.Google Scholar On the help rendered by Chao Noi of Xieng Khouang, see the confirmation by the Vietnamese Annals, cf. Lang, Ngo Cao, Chronicle on our royal court's behaviour towards the affairs of the country often thousand elephants. Translated and ed. by Department of Southeast Asian Studies, Social Science Committee of Vietnam (Hanoi, 1977), p. 28Google Scholar.
61 On the Anou embassies, cf. Vongkotratana, Chao Khammanh, Phongsavadane Sat Lao (History of the Lao nation), Bibliotheque Nationale Lao, 1973, p. 65.Google Scholar Anou's letter was preserved “preciously” by his addressee, King Manthathourat of Luang Prabang, at the royal pagoda, the Vat Mai. On the request of Anou in 1827, see Thai National Library (Manuscripts Division), “document Rama III (119) 1189/4”. Phraya Phetphichai to Phraya Sisahathep, 17 April 1827Google Scholar.
62 Thai National Library (Manuscripts Division), “Document Rama III (18) 1189/4, memo 13, June 1827. Despatch from Phraya Phetphichai, 23 May 1827: Phetphichai learnt that Phraya Nan had sent Saen Louang Thipsomsak to see Ai Phraya Souriyawongsa at Lomsak. Anou was exhorting the governors of Nan and Phrae to take their armies and attack towards Phichai, and that of Lampang and Xieng Mai and Lamphun to attack via Tak, meeting the Nan-Phrae armies at Chainat.…”
63 Department of Fine Arts, Documents concerning the suppression of Vientiane revolt, p. 55.Google Scholar More generally for a reconstitution of the military operation of this 1827 campaign, see Kennedy, Victor, “An indigenous Early Nineteenth century map of Central and Northeast Thailand”, in Bunnag, Tej and Smithies, Michael (eds.), In memoriam Phraya Anuman Rajadhon (Bangkok: The Siam Society, 1970), pp. 315–48.Google Scholar On the circumstances leading to Chao Anou's departure from Vientiane, see the accounts of the wife of the Governor of Khorat: “On 23 May 1827 the Rong Phaen of Saraburi and the Samian Tra of Khorat brought the wives of Chaophraya Khorat and 3 children fleeing from Vientiane. They said Anou knew that the Bangkok armies had defeated the Zankhao Sarn post. But the Lao army had not withdrawn into Vientiane, so he could not reorganise them for defence. So he and his family fled by boat on 22nd May….” Thai National Library (manuscripts Division), “Document Rama III (36) 1189/10 Kai; despatch 28 May 1827”. In fact, Lao armies, were encircled and struck down by the fire power of the Siamese armies as revealed by the Memoirs of war by Bodin. The chronicle of Nan said: “When news of the coming of the massive armies to Vientiane reached him, Chao Anou and the people deserted the city….”, The Nan Chronicle, trans. Churatana, Prasoet, ed. Wyatt, David K., Paper, Data (Cornell, 1966), p. 69Google Scholar.
64 Thawatt Poonothok (1980), p. 55.
65 This popular chronicle is sung in the monasteries and in homes during evening entertainment at religious festivals and marriages. In 1942, Chane Khene, a former monk from the Paksane region, married to a woman of the plateau of Khorat, wrote a popular and oral chronicle in 8 big sets of palm leaves. His manuscript is published by the National Lao Library (ed.): Thai Lao Kham. Chao Ratsavong, ed. Oudomsomphou, Maha Kikeo (Vientiane, 1973), 237p.Google Scholar See also Sourignavong, Phaa Achan Yanna, Lam Pheun Muong Vientiane (Pheun Muong Vientiane poems, 1985),Google Scholar Vat Mixay (Vientiane, Lao P.D.R.).
66 Phongsawadan Muang Yasothon (chronicle of Muang Yasothon), in Phongsawadan, Prachum, Vol. 44, Part 70 (Bangkok: Khuru Sapha, 1969), pp. 74–77.Google Scholar
67 Vongthep, Prani, “Pheun Ban Pheun Muang” (Folk traditions), pp. 178–87.Google Scholar For Maha Vankham Sourignadet, these “chants of Chao Ratsavong” were the work of General Lao Phagna Xiengsa, one of the Chao Anou's best officers. The manuscript on Ratsavong is called “Kab Phagna Xiengsa” (Poems of Phagna Xiengsa) dated 10–1-1944, at Vat Nong Nam Chanh, Champone in the south Laos.
68 “Testimony of Aunt Khamsouk Vongvichit collected 20 years ago by Somsi S. Desa” (Our interview with Somsi S. Desa in Vientiane on 15 August 1986.) This testimony is confirmed by another author, Maha Sila Viravong, who reported that in his youth, in the region of Khonken he sang the same refrains on the powress of Chao Ratsavong (Our interview with Maha Sila Viravong in Vientiane on the 11 July 1978.) Other versions are also found in Lao provinces as reported by Phoungchan, Chaelun in “Phone pavatsat Lao” (Assessment of Lao history), Typewritten manuscript. Volume 3, pp. 21–23.Google Scholar See also Somsi S. Desa, ”Kang Kheun ko henh.…“
69 Reuangsuwan, Charubut “Kham Phien” (“shifted” words), Sinlapa Watthanatham, Bangkok, June 1983, p. 53.Google Scholar
70 An article dealing with Lao patriotism in history has been published under this title by Mayoury. “Mak Mai bo hone Ion kai kok” (“The fruit won't fall far away from the tree”), Pasason (Daily of the Central Committee of the Lao Revolutionary People's Party), 8 June 1987, no. 3634.
71 In Kulab, K. S. R.: “Anam Sayam yut”, p. 282.Google Scholar
72 Gutzlaff, Dr, “The country of the free Laos”, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society (London, 1849), pp. 33–41.Google Scholar
73 Phomvihane, Kaysone, “La Revolution Lao” (Moscow: Editions du Progress, 1980), p. 9.Google Scholar On the “Ratsavong Unit”, cf. , Sisana and , Vongsay, “Telling about the Revolutionary Traditions” (in Lao). Sat, Lao Hak (ed.), 1970, pp. 21–29Google Scholar.
74 Desa, Somsi, “Kang khuen ko henh, kang venh houng” (“See in the night and day”) (n.d.); “konelam Pravatsat” (Poem on Lao history) (Vientiane, 1977);Google Scholar “Lao douang deuane” (Lao song on the shining moon) (Vientiane, State Press of the Lao PDR., 1981).
In fact, in his letter to the Siamese king Rama III, Chao Anou had made an unambiguous reference to the help requested by Rama III (cf. Ruam Ruang Muang Nakhon Rajasima) (Collected documents on Khorat) (Bangkok: Phrachakwitthaya, 1968, p. 27).Google Scholar And in the account of F. A. Neale, it seems that some Englishmen were in the Thai army: ”In this crisis, Mr Hunter bethought him of turning to some use the guns that were rusting on board the vessels of war…, several of the guns were transhipped into smaller craft, and, with ample supply of ammunition, and under the direction of a few Englishmen and Siamese, the expedition, composed of nearly twelve thousand men, sailed up…. Here, under the superintendence of Messrs. H—r and M—n (the latter in the Siamese service) serviceable batteries were soon constructed, the cannon well and firmly mounted…. (The frightened inhabitants of the village) would have fled instantly, had not the English and Manillamen, aided by a few staunch Malaya Lascars….” Neale, F. A., Narrative of a residence in Siam (London, National IIIustrated Library, 1852, pp. 48–51).Google Scholar It is worth noting also that a report from the general headquarters of the Commander in chief Bovorn camping nearby Vientiane after the defeat of Chao Anou, mentioned the receipt of a letter in English (cf. Thai National Library. Document Rama III (86) 1189/11 ching) (Chasenyakone-Phraya Sihathep, 25 June 1827).
The thinking that some collusion had existed between the Thai and the English is a deep-rooted one among some Lao. For instance, some Lao historians, during the royalist regime, maintained that the Thai commander Bodin is an English, cf. Pradith, Khamchanh: “Pawatsat Kane Thout Lao” (History of the Lao Diplomacy), Pakpassak, Vientiane, ed. (1971), p. 17Google Scholar and Phommakak, Prasit: “Kho Hay Lao Chong Chafern” (For a progressive Laos), Pakpassak, Vientiane, ed. (1974), p. 34.Google Scholar
75 Viravong, Maha Sila: “Lao History” edited in 1957 (301 pages).Google Scholar In an interview with him on 12 October 1979, Maha Sila Viravong told us that the first draft of his “Lao history” was finished in 1945, but with the fleeing of the Lao Issara to Thailand and the coming back of the French Army, this draft had been kept in safekeeping with Oukham Phomvongsa, who edited it under the title “The past of the Lao country” in 1955.Google Scholar The Sila Viravong Lao history has been subsequently re-issued many times in Laos as a textbook and translated into English, edited by the Paragon Press (New York, 1958), “…A traditional Lao viewpoint”, J. M. Halpern called it, and went on: “Interestingly, Europeans are not mentioned in this account which ends at the beginning of the period of French colonization” [Halpern, J. M., Government, Politics, and social structure in Laos. A Study of Tradition and Innovation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964), p. 97].Google Scholar See also the comment by Archaimbault, Charles in “Les annales de l'ancien royaume de S'ieng Kwang”, Bulletin de L'Ecole Francise D'Extreme Orient (1967): 559.Google Scholar
The other book by Maha Sila Viravong on Chao Anou is also in Lao and entitled: “Phraraj Pawat Khong Somdej Phrachao Anouvong savong Vientiane” (Royal chronicle of His Majesty the King Anouvong, the Past monarch of the dynasty of Vientiane) (Vientiane, Ministry of Religious Affairs, 1969, Kingdom of Laos), 74pp. The title exemplifies the nationalistic flavour of the book which considers Chao Anou as a king, and not “an ungrateful prince” as viewed by Bangkok.
It is interesting to notice that before his death one year ago, Maha Sila Viravong told us that things did not happen in the fashion of the scenario he put forward in his “Lao history”, and in a worthy endeavour, he succeeded in producing a new draft of his “Lao history”, among the other masterpieces which this respected veteran historian has penned.
76 Even after 1975. See Kinghom, Thao Thanongsingh: “The uprising of the Lao people under the leadership of Chao Anou, 1827–1829” (in Lao) (Vientiane University, 1986), p. 47Google Scholar.
77 Joel M. Halpern, idem, footnote 48, pointed out: “Outside of a few school textbooks and some volumes on Lao history, printed matter in Lao is severely limited….” “…for [there is] difficulty attracting a sufficient audience”.
78 “The Lao are very sensitive to domination by the Thai”, J. M. Halpern, idem, p. 24.
79 Wyatt, David K., Thailand. A short history (Bangkok: Thai Watana Panich — Yale University Press, 1984).Google Scholar We think that this book is certainly a continuation of an history of Laos that his father. Prince Phetsarath, intended to write. Prince Phetsarath, late viceroy of Laos “was currently preparing book on the history of Laos (as far as I can determine unfinished at his death Oct. 1959)”. Joel M. Halpern, idem, p. 123.
80 The latter summarised and translated by Archaimbault, Charles, “Contribution a 1'etude d'un cycle de legendes Lao” (Paris: Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, 1980)Google Scholar.
81 The first Lao National Seminar on palm-leaf manuscripts has been organised by the Lao People's Democratic Republic Government on 10th–13th March 1988.
82 Moppert, Francoise, La revolte des Bolovens (1901–1936), in Brocheux, Pierre (ed.), “Histoire de l'Asie du Sud-Est. Revoltes, reformes et revolutious” (Paris: Presses Universitaires de Lilley, 1980).Google Scholar
83 See note 70.
84 See Say, Fang, “Thousand and thousand Ratsavong” (in Lao), Vannasinh (Ministry of Culture, Lao P.D.R., February 1984), pp. 9–11.Google Scholar
Each year, in May, the Lao people in the South, at the town of Savanakhet, perform a ceremony in honour of the spirit of Chao Ratsavong.
