Published online by Cambridge University Press: 19 February 2026
In this article we consider the relationship between phonetic possibility and phonological permissibility of segment types. We ask (i) are any phonetically impossible segments phonologically permissible? and (ii) are any phonetically possible segments phonologically impermissible? Our main focus is on answering (ii). We analyze the implications of the only relevant case we can find, which is in Cohn's (1990, 1993a) examination of nasality spreading in Sundanese, and relates to the description of glottal nasals (produced with glottal place of articulation and lowered velum). Cohn tentatively proposes that nasalized [h] and [?] occur phonetically but not phonologically. We show that a persuasive theory of nasality spreading suggests otherwise, and it is supported by evidence from several languages. Our conclusion is that no sound argument exists for excluding any pronounceable segment from phonology on theoretical grounds. The relation between the phonetically possible and the phonologically possible accordingly becomes somewhat more straightforward.