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Waiting for the ‘Just King’: The Agrarian World of South-Central Java from Giyanti (1755) to the Java War (1825–30)

  • Peter Carey (a1)
Extract

Students of Javanese society have long recognized that the Java War (1825–30), the bitter five-year struggle against European colonial rule in Java, constituted a watershed in the history of modern Indonesia. In his recent textbook, Professor Ricklefs has characterized the year 1830 as ‘the beginning of the truly colonial period in Java’, arguing that the Java War marked the transition point between the ‘trading’ era of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the years of ‘colonial’ exploitation ushered in by Johannes van den Bosch's well known ‘cultivation systems’. In military and political terms, the costly Dutch victory over the javanese made them, for the first time in their three and a half centuries of involvement in the archipelago, the undisputed masters of Java. At the same time, scholars of Javanese Islam have suggested that the defeat of the Javanese leader, Dipanagara (1785–1855), and the religious ideals for which he fought (most notably his goal of strengthening the institutional position of Islam in Javanese society), temporarily undermined the morale and self-confidence of the Islamic communities in Java. Specialists in the history of the central Javanese principalities (vorstenlanden), especially those interested in cultural developments, have also seen the Javanese failure in 1825–30 as a setback to the vitality and independence of the Javanese cultural tradition, a time when Javanese society began to turn in on itself and lose something of its strength and flexibility.

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The author would like to thank the following for their comments and help on earlier drafts of this paper: Professor Ben Anderson (Cornell University), Professor Merle Ricklefs (Monash University), Dr C. A. Bayly (St Catharine's College, Cambridge), Dr Jeya Kathirithamby-Wells (University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur) and Dr Peter Boomgaard (Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam). Much of the material in this paper was originally presented at the 2nd Anglo-Dutch Conference on Comparative Colonial History in Leiden in September 1981.

See end of text for note on currency values and abbreviations.

1 Ricklefs, M. C., A History of Modern Indonesia c. 1300 to the Present (London and Basingstoke: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1981), pp. 105, 114.

2 Ibid., p. 114.

3 See Akkeren, Philip van, Sri and Christ. A Study of the Indigenous Church in East Java (London: Lutterworth Press, 1970), p. 44; and Nakamura, Mitsuo, ‘The Cresent Arises over the Banyan Tree. A Study of the Muhammadiyah Movement in a Central Javanese Town’, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Cornell University, 1976), pp. 27ff, 101.

4 See Pigeaud, Th. G. Th., Javaanse Volksvertoningen. Bijdrage tot de Beschrijving van Land en Volk (Batavia: Volkslectuur, 1938), p. 129; Id., Literature of Java. Catalogue Raisonné of Javanese Manuscripts in the Library of the University of Leiden and other Public Collections in the Netherlands, vol. I (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1967), pp. 79; and Carey, P. B. R., ‘Aspects of Javanese History in the Nineteenth Century’, in Aveling, Harry (ed.), The Development of Indonesian Society from the Coming of Islam to the Present Day (St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1979), pp. 104–5.

5 van Hogendorp, H. Graaf (ed.) Willem van Hogendorp in Nederlandsch-Indië, 1825–1830 ('s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1913, p. 179. An original copy of Willem van Hogendorp's report on his visit to Java during the height of the Java War (1825–30) can be found in Hogendorp no. 531 pt C.

6 Dj. Br. 18, Valck, F. G., ‘Geheime Memorie behoorende bij het Algemecn Verslag der Residentie Djocjocarta over het jaar 1839’, 31 03 1840.

7 Carey, P. B. R. (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara. An Account of the Outbreak of the Java War (1823–30) (Kuala Lumpur: Art Printing Works Sdn. Bhd. for the Council of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1981), p. 260 n. 106, p. 266 n. 123; and Louw, P. J. F., De Java-Oorlog van 1825–30, vol. I (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij & 's-Hage: M. Nijhoff, 1894), pp. 251ff, 361ff.

8 See Carey, Peter, ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions of the Chinese Communities in Central Java, 1755–1825‘, Indonesia, no. 37 (04 1984), pp. 147.

9 See Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, chs X–XIV.

10 Dj. Br. 9B, MacGillavry, H., ‘Nota omtrent den staat der Javasche Vorstenlanden, de thans bestaande onlusten en de middelen welke tot herstel en verzekering der rust kunnen worden aangewend’, 13 05 1826.

11 Bosch, W., De vermeerdering van Java's bevolking beschouwd als de grootsle bron van rijkdom

12 Dj. Br. 1911, de Stuers, F. V. H. A. (?), ‘Inleiding tot de geschiedenis van den oorlog op Java’, n.d., p. 9; and see Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, pp. xxxixff, 276 n. 160.

13 Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, pp. XLIII, 284 n. 205.

14 For a photograph of the Laskar Putri Indonesia in Surakarta in 1946 during the Indonesian Revolution against the Dutch, see Notosusanto, Nugroho (ed.), 30 Tahun Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (Jakarta: Departemen Pertahanan—Keamanan, Pusat Sejarah ABRI, 1976), p. 23.

15 Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. LXVIII n. 185; de Klerck, E. S., De Java-Oorlog van 1825–30, vol. IV (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij & 's-Hage; M. Nijhoff, 1905), p. 682.

16 De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. IV, pp. 682ff; Carey, Peter, ‘The Indonesian Army and the State: Problems of Dwi Fungsi in Early Nineteenth Century Perspective’, Indonesia Circle (Java Number), no. 26 (11 1981), pp. 53–4.

17 dK 209, Cleerens, J. B. (Menorèh) to Cochius, F. D. (Magelang), 27 02 1830; de Klerck, E. S., De Java-Oorlog van 1825–30, vol. V (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij, & 's-Hage: M. Nijhoff, 1908), pp. 554–5, 723.

18 Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, pp. XLff.

19 See Carey, , ‘Pangéran Dipanagara and the Making of the Java War (1825–30): The End of an Old Order in Java’, VKI (forthcoming, 1986), ch. III; and Ricklefs, M. C., ‘Dipanagara's Early Inspirational Experience’, BKI, vol. 130 (1974), pp. 227–49.

20 S. Br. 55, Van Sevenhoven, J. I., ‘Nota over de landvcrhuringen aan partikulieren in de Vorsten Landcn op Java’, 16 03 1837; and Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, pp. LXVIII n. 186, 238 n. 20, 240 n. 27. Dipanagara's personal wealth was important in helping to finance the opening stages of the war.

21 De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. V. p. 744; Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 240 n. 27.

22 Hogendorp, Van, Willem van Hogendorp, p. 154; Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, pp. XLff; Dj. Br. 6, van Pabst, P. H. Van Lawick, ‘Nota ter betoogen der gelijkmatigheid van den oorlog van den jare 1746 met dien van den tegenwoordigen tijd [i.e. Java War (ed.)]’, 5 11 1828, f. 3.

23 On the Ratu Adil beliefs in Java, see Drewes, G. W. J., Drie Javaansche Goeroe's. Hun Leven, Onderricht en Messiasprediking (Leiden: Vros, 1925), pp. 168–82; Hardjamardjaja, A. C. Harjaka, Javanese Popular Belief in the Coming of Ratu Adil, a Righteous Prince (Rome: Pontifica Universitas Gregoriana, 1962); Kartodirdjo, Sartono, Religious Movements of Java in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Jogjakarta: Pertjetakan U.I.I., 1970); and Id., ‘Agrarian Radicalism in Java: Its Setting and Development’ in Holt, Claire (ed.), Culture and Politics in Indonesia (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1972), pp. 71125, esp. pp. 94–7.

24 Carey, (ed. and Trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XL.

25 Ibid., p. LXVIII n. 183.

26 For a discussion of these see Carey, , ‘Pangéran Dipanagara’, VKI (forthcoming, 1986), ch. X.

27 For a survey of these sources see Carey, P. B. R., ‘The Residency Archive of Jogjakarta’, Indonesia, no. 25 (04 1978), pp. 115–50; Id. (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara. pp. XXXIII–XXXVI; Blagden, C. O., Catalogue of Manuscripts in European Languages belonging to the Library of the India Office. Volume 1: The Mackenzie Collections. Part I: The 1822 and The Private Collection (London: Oxford University Press, 1916), pp. 10712; Houben, V. J. H., ‘Afstand van Gebied met Behoud van Aanzien. Ecn onderzoek naar De Koloniale verhouding op midden-Java in 1830’, unpublished Doctoraalscriptic (M.A. Thesis) (Leiden, 1982), passim: and de Klerck, E. S., De Java-Oorlog van 1825–30, vol. VI (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij & 's-Hage: M. Nijhoff, 1909), passim.

28 Hugenholtz, W. R.. ‘Traditional Javanese Society and the Colonial Exploitation System: Regional Differences in the ‘Appropriated Principalities' in 1830’, paper presented to the Fourth Indonesian-Dutch Historical Congress, 23–29 07 1983, Yogyakarta, Indonesia.

29 See Carey, , ‘Pangéran Dipanagara’, VKI (forthcoming, 1986).

30 On the sources used, see above n. 27. Reference has also been made to the two classic descriptions of the traditional Javanese apanage system by Rouffaer, G. P., ‘Vorstenlanden’, Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch-lndië, vol. IV (1st edn, 's-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff & Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1905), pp. 587653; and Moertono, Soemarsaid, State and Statecraft in Old Java: A Study of the Later Mataram Period, 16th to 19th Century (Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, 1968).

31 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, John, ‘Remarks on the Nature and Condition of landed tenures under the Native Government of Java with some suggestions for the improvement of the Land Revenue in the territories of the European power’, 17 05 1813 (henceforth: Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’), p. 232.

32 Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 610 n. 1. The use of the term tumbak (‘lance’, to refer to the lengths of one rood in land measurements is also significant here and dated back at least to the Demak dynasty of the late 15th to mid-16th centuries, see ibid., p. 617. On the military origins of other Bupati titles in Yogya (e.g. Natayuda, Yuda-asmara, Yudakusuma, Yudaprawira etc.) and the military character of the 18th century Javanese state, see further IOL Mack. Pr. 2 pt 30, pp. 175–7, ‘List of Javanese titles and proper names of persons with explanations of their meanings’, n.d.; and Ricklefs, M. C., Jogjakarta under Sultan Mangkubumi 1749–1792: A History of the Division of Java (London: Oxford University Press, 1974), pp. 422–3 n. 1.

33 Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, pp. 617–18; NvB Portfolio 22 pt 4, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys, ‘De Montjonegorosche-Djocjokartasche Landen’, n.d. (c. 1830); and Kanō, Hiroyoshi, ‘Land Tenure System and the Desa Community in Nineteenth Century Java’ (Tokio: Institute of Developing Economies Special Paper no. 5, 1977), p. 22 n. 43.

34 Dj. Br. 45, M. Waterloo, , ‘Opgave van Sulthan's Inkomsten en Troepen’, 22 03 1808; and Dj. Br. 23, Engelhard, P. (Yogyakarta) to Daendels, H. W. (Batavia/Buitenzorg), 2 06 1808, who gave an account of a military review held by HB II (r. 1792–1810/1811–12/1826–28) at the royal country estate of Arja(Raja) winangun to the east of Yogyakarta during the early period of the Sultan's confrontation with Daendels, in which over 5,000 men took part including sizeable detachments from the eastern outlying (mancanagara) provinces (N.B. when compared to Surakarta, Yogyakarta had very few western mancanagara provinces, see Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 589 and above Map 1).

35 Day, John Anthony, ‘Meanings of Change in the Poetry of Nineteenth-Century Java’, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Cornell University, 1981), p. 86.

36 For a detailed discussion of the 1830–31 government reforms and territorial annexations, see Houben, , ‘Afstand van Gebied’, passim; and Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, passim.

37 Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 614; Kollmann, M. H. J., ‘Bagelen onder het bestuur van Soerakarta en Djojakarta’, TBG vol. 14 (1864), pp. 355–7; and Anon., ‘De toestand van Bagelen in 1830’, TNI vol. 20 (1858), p. 76. In some Yogya areas the police officials/magistrates bore the title of ‘Tamping’, see Gericke, J. F. C., Javaansch-Nederduitsch Woordenboek (ed. Roorda, T.) (Amsterdam: Johannes Müller, 1847), p. 290; Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, pp. 1213, 60–1, 245 n. 39.

38 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 223; Id., pt 4, ‘Sultan's Country by Mr. Crawfurd in 1812. Observations on the Nature and Resources of the Territories under the authority of the Sultan of Mataram’ (henceforth: Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’), pp. 128–30; and van Pabst, P. H. van Lawick, ‘Beschrijving der onderscheidene belastingen welke in de Oostelijke Montjo-Negorosche Landen geheven worden’, 21 08 1830 (henceforth: Pabst, Van, ‘Beschrijving’) in De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, p. 381. The tax was levied at the rate of between one and two-and-one half java Rupees (post-1826 Dutch guilders) per jung, depending on the fertility of the land, of which only about a quarter reached the royal treasury, the rest being left as a douceur (‘sweetener’) for the village and provincial tax-collectors, who were charged with assessing the tax according to the personal wealth of each householder. In some areas (e.g. Bagelèn and the eastern mancanagara provinces) the tax was either paid in, or used for the purchase of, hanks (tukel) of cotton yarn for broad cloth weaving, see Anon., ‘De toestand van Bagelen’, p. 77; and Raffles, T. S., The History of Java, vol. I (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1978), p. 134.

39 On these special levies, sometimes known as ‘taker-turun’ (kr. ‘taker-tedhak’) or ‘uwang bekti pasumbangan’, see Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, pp. 625–6; and Anon., ‘De toestand van Bagelen’, p. 79.

40 Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 623.

41 Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, pp. 360–2; and above n. 38.

42 See below Section IV, 99–100.

43 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 234; and Dj. Br. 20, Berg, J. G. van den, ‘Memorie op het Hof van Djocjocarta onder den Sulthan Hamengcoeboena den tweede … aan zijn Successeur … Matthias Waterloo’, 11 08 1803 (henceforth: Berg, Van den, ‘Memorie’), who pointed out that a three to four month work stint was normal although HB II, a Yogya ruler notorious for his labour demands, sometimes kept the easier mancanagara workforce in the royal capital for ten months at a stretch. For a reference to the mancanagara Bupatis having to act as ‘overseers’ (mandur) of their work forces during these periods, see Anon. (signed J. L. V.), ‘Bijdrage tot de kennis der residentie Madioen’, TNI vol. 17 (1855), p. 2.

44 NvB Portfolio 22 pt 4, van Burgst, Nahuys, ‘De Montjonegorosche-Djokjokartasche Landen’, n.d. (c. 1830), on the commutation of the labour services to a money payment in 1812; and, on the 1830—31 reforms in the mancanagara territories, see De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, pp. 152228.

45 See above n. 43. According to Berg, Van den, ‘Memorie’, the mancanagara Bupatis were entirely dependent on the ruler's favour during their sojourns in the royal capital, and they could be dismissed if their tribute (uwang bumi) payments were too low or their workforce deserted. Many returned to their kabupatèn, at least during the first period of HB II's reign (i.e. 1792–1810), almost bankrupted by their long stays in Yogya. On the extensive intermarriage between the Yogya royal family and the offspring of mancanagara Bupatis, another way in which the Sultans maintained political control over the senior officials in the outlying territories, see Carey, , ‘Pangéran Dipanagara’, VKI (forthcoming, 1986), ch. II.

46 Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, pp. 1214; Anon., ‘De toestand van Bagelen’, p. 76; and Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 624.

47 Christie, Jan Wisseman, ‘Rāja and Rāma: The Classical State in Early Java’, in Gesick, Lorraine (ed.), Centers, Symbols and Hierarchies: Essays on the Classical Stales of Southeast Asia (New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, Monograph Series no. 26, 1983), pp. 1721 (esp. p. 18).

48 Larson, George D., ‘Prelude to Revolution: Palaces and Politics in Surakarta, 1912–1942’, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Northern Illinois University, 1979), p. 38. On the first Sultan (HB I's, r. 1749–92) role in the physical division of the core apanage areas of the erstwhile Mataram state in 1755, and his insistence on the minute subdivision of territory to ensure that the fertile areas were divided equally between Yogyakarta and Surakarta, see Ricklefs, , Mangkubumi, p. 71; and Kemp, P. H. Van der (ed.), ‘Brieven van den Gouverneur-General Van der Capellen over Dipanegara's Opstand’, BKI, vol. 46 (1896), pp. 545–6. According to Ricklefs, ‘Some Statistical Evidence on Javanese Social, Economic and Demographic History in the later Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’ (see pp. 67) the Giyanti partition of 1755 was not based on a new census or cadastral survey as previously asserted by him (Mangkubumi, p. 158). but on older conventionalized cacah (‘household’) figures dating back probably to Sunan Amangkurat I's (r. 1646–77) census of 1651.

49 See Ricklefs, , Mangkubumi, pp. 158–9, for a discussion of the new census (Serat Ebuk Anyar) completed in late 1773 and ratified by the rulers of Yogyakarta and Surakarta on 26 April 1774. A copy of this important land register can be found in Dj. Br. 43 of the Yogyakarta Residency archive collection in the Arsip Nasional in Jakarta, see Carey, , ‘Residency Archive’, p. 144; and Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 591 n. 1.

50 Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, p. 354.

51 Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 624.

52 Ibid., p. 621; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 232.

53 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 229.

54 On the road network in south-central Java at this time, see IOL Map Room MS. 24, Baker, G. P., ‘Memoir of a Survey in the Native Princes' Dominions of Java’, 25 11 1816. There are also useful published surveys of the 17th century Mataram network in van Milaan, P. W., ‘Beschouwingen over het 17e Eeuwse Mararamse Weggenet’, Sociaal Geographische Mededeelingen, vol. 4 (1942), pp. 205–39; and Schrieke, B. J. O., Indonesian Sociological Studies. Part Two: Ruler and Realm in Early Java (The Hague & Bandung: W. van Hoeve, 1957), pp. 105–11.

55 Ibid., pp. 225–9: Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, p. 23 n. 1.

56 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 227; Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 625. On festive occasions such as marriages, circumcisions and births, cultivators were expected to make presents of eggs, chickens, coconuts and other farm produce to the apanage holder as well as undertaking some personal services for the apanage holder's family. Building materials were also supplied free of charge for the upkeep of the apanage holder's residence, see GKA, 20 Sept. 1830 no. 56k, ‘Verbaal van de verrigtingen van Commissarissen te Djokjakarta en Aanteekeningen gehouden in comparitien ter zake van hunne Commissie met onderscheidene personen’ (henceforth: ‘Verbaal’), interviews with Panembahan Mangkubumi, 18 April 1830; and Haji Ngisoh (Ngisa), 21 April 1830. According to J. I. van Sevenhoven, who served as Resident of Surakarta from 1824 to 1825, ten jung of Mangkunagaran land brought in an annual tribute payment of 500 Spanish dollars (1 Sp.D. = 63–66 stuivers), but the additional services and presents accounted for another 200 Sp.D., see S. Br. 55, ‘Nota over de landverhuringen’, 16 03 1837. On these ‘fringe benefits’, see further Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 302.

57 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 242; Id., pt 8, ‘Report upon the District of Cadoe by Mr. Crawfurd’, 15 11 1812 (henceforth: Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’), pp. 290–5.

58 Bastin, John, ‘Raffles' Ideas on the Land Rent System in Java and the Mackenzie Land Tenure Commission’, VKI, vol. 14 (1954), pp. 94104. 118–19; and Day, Clive, The Policy and Administration of the Dutch in Java (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1972), p. 180 n. 3. Crawfurd's idea was to give the Bekel security of tenure in the hopes that they would cease to exploit.

59 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 226.

60 Büchler, A. P., ‘Soerakarta vóór 63 jaren’, TNI, vol. 50 (1888) pt 2, p. 3. On the prang désa, see further van Kesteren, C. E., ‘Een bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van den Java-Oorlog’, De Indische Gids, vol. 9 (1887) pt 2, pp. 1268–9; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 226; and Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. LXX n. 212.

61 GKA, 20 Sept. 1830 no. 56k, ‘Verbaal’, interview with Pangéran Mangkudiningrat II, 13 April 1830.

62 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, pp. 228, 230. The desire for office apparently attracted many rich Javanese to seek relatively low ranking positions as Mantri désa, see Winter, J. W., ‘Beknopte Beschrijving van het Hof Soerakarta in 1824’ (ed. Rouffaer, G. P.), BKI, vol. 54 (1902), p. 44. For some contemporary examples of taxfarm leases to Europeans dating from the period 1809–12, see BL Add. MS. 12342 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya court), f. 181r–185r.

63 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, pp. 228–9.

64 See above n. 62.

65 Anon., ‘De toestand van Bagelen’, pp. 7880; and Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, p. 21.

66 Bastin, John, The Native Policies of Sir Stamford Raffles in Java and Sumatra. An Economic Interpretation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957), pp. 21–5, 58ff; Day, , Dutch in Java, pp. 174ff; and Raffles, , History, vol. II, Appendix L no. II, ‘Revenue Instructions’, clauses 82–92, pp. cclv–cclvii.

67 Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, pp. 147.

68 Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, ch. V; and Kemp, P. H. van der, ‘De Economische Oorzaken van den Oorlog op Java van 1825–30’, BKI, vol. 47 (1869), pp. 148.

69 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, pp. 300–1. For references to Chinese tax-farmers (Demang Cina) in contemporary land grants (piagem [or nuwala-] Dalem), see BL Add. MS. 12342 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya court), f. 49v, f. 51v.

70 On Crawfurd's anti-Chinese sentiments, see de Haan, F., ‘Personalia der Periode van het Englesch Bestuur over Java 1811–1816’, BKI, vol. 92 (1935), p. 529; on his disparaging views of the Demang when compared to the Bekel, see IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, pp. 245–9; Pt 8, Id., ‘Report on Cadoe’, pp. 290–5; and above n. 58.

71 Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, p. 19; Bastin, , Native Policies, p. 58; Carey, , ‘Changing Javenese Perceptions, pp. 3241; Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residentie Kadoe naar de uitkomsten der Statistieke opname en andere officiele Bescheiden bewerkt door de afdeling Statistiek ter Algemeene Semtarie (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij, 1871), p. 78; and GKA 20 Sept. 1830 no. 56k, ‘Verbaal’, interview with Pangéran Mangkudiningrat II, 13 04 1830, who stated that the renting out of inhabited land (cacah), especially to the Chinese, should be absolutely forbidden.

72 Pabst, Van, ‘Beschrijving’, in De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, pp. 378–9.

73 Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, p. 5, p. 17; De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, p. 443 art. 1.

74 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 222; Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 147. The leases usually covered two harvests in irrigated areas. For an account of the different arrangements in the Surabaya area where rent arrangements were negotiated by the village heads (Petinggi) on behalf of the ‘landowning’ cultivators, see Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 284–5.

75 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 222.

76 Ibid., pp. 223–4; Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806.

77 Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 81–2, p. 146; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 221; and Breman, Jan, The Village on Java and the Early-Colonial Slate (Rotterdam: Comparative Asian Studies Programme (Erasmus University) Paper no. I, 1980), passim. The modern study which has perpetuated the myth about ‘shared poverty’ at the village level and the absence of social differentiation in Javanese agrarian society is, of course, Geertz's, CliffordAgricultural Involution. The Processes of Ecological Change in Indonesia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963). Based almost entirely on secondary sources, this brilliant essay was apparently published as an oeuvre à thèse to provoke thoughtful reaction and debate. Unfortunately, for the best part of two decades, it has exercised an influence out of proportion to its scholarly content. It is only now that primary research has begun to be carried out again on the impact of the cultivation systems on the Javanese peasant economy and village society in the nineteenth century by scholars such as Elson, Knight, Fernando, Breman, Van Niel and Husken that the flaws in Geertz's attractive thesis are at last being highlighted. See White, Benjamin, ‘“Agricultural Involution” and its Critics: Twenty Years after Clifford Geertz’ (The Hague: Institute of Social Studies, Working Papers Series no. 6, 02 1983), passim.

78 S. Br. 2A, MacGillavry, Hendrik (?), ‘Statistieke Beschrijving der Residentie Soerakarta’, 1832.

79 On the different classes in Bagelèn villages at this time, see Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, pp. 3668, who enumerated the following groups: (1) kuli baku (sikep), ‘landowning’ farmers who had their own houses, yards and shares in the common village ricefields (sawah kongsèn); (2) pondhok tèmpèl, farmers who had their own houses which were usually situated in the yards of the kuli baku (sikep);, (3) ngindhung, farmers who had their own houses and yards, and were subject to the commercial taxes (bedrijf pacht) raised on the weaving of cotton, but had no share in the common village ricefields; (4) pondhok slusup, farmers who lived with the kuli baku (sikep) but who did not receive food from him and thus preserved some degree of independence; (5) rayat (numpang/bujang), landless labourers who lived with the kuli baku (sikep) and were fed and clothed by him. On the social groups in Javanese villages in the latter part of the nineteenth century, see Onghokham, , ‘The Residency of Madiun: Pryayi and Peasant in the Nineteenth Century’, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Yale University, 1975), pp. 167–71, p. 198. I have gained many insights from Dr Onghokham's interesting (but sadly unpublished) thesis and I hereby acknowledge my considerable debt to him.

80 On the steady decline in Java's population from the 1670s to the 1750s on account of the turbulent political situation (36 years of which witnessed major military campaigns in Central and East Java), see Ricklefs, , ‘Statistical Evidence’, pp. 24–8.

81 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 73; S. Br. 2A, MacGillavry, (?), ‘Statistieke Beschrijving Soerakarta’, 1832; and Soeripto, . Onlwikkelingsgang der Vorstenlandsche Wetboeken (Leiden: Eduard IJdo, 1929). p. 159, referring to art. 44 of the Javanese agrarian law code (Angger Sepuluh) (codified 4 Oct. 1818) which allowed farmers conditional possession (gadhanipun siti) or usufruct of lands which they had cleared and which were unclaimed by any original owners after three years. See also AN BGG, 17 Feb. 1841 no. 16, Mayor, J. F. T. (Surakarta) to Merkus, P. (Batavia), 11 02 1841 containing an original copy of the Javanese law code on village policing and labour services (Angger Gunung, codified 12 10 1840), art. 60 of which laid down the procedure for claiming newly cleared land. A similar text from the Mangkunagaran in Surakarta (Pranatan Désa, codified 3 03 1855) can be found in Headley, Stephen C., ‘II n'y a plus de cendres. Description et histoire du finage d'un hameau Javanais’, unpublished thése doctorale de troisième cycle (EHESS, Paris, 1979), pp. 202–10. Art. 11 of this latter code allowed for the non-payment of labour services for the space of three harvests (ajot) after the land had begun to be cleared.

82 Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, p. 368.

83 Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, p. 283, who reckoned that there were between 20,000 and 30,000 porters on the roads of Kedhu alone, a province which in 1822 had a total population of about 324,000, see Schneither 92, ‘Statistieke der Reidentie Kadoe’, 1822.

84 Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 243 n. 36; and for a fascinating description of the connections between impoverished Yogya noblemen and criminal elements in the late nineteenth century, see Groneman, J., Een Kètjoegeschiedenis. Vorstenlandsche Toestanden II (Dordrecht: J. P. Revers, 1887).

85 Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 243 n. 36; and Suryo, Djoko, ‘Social and Economic Life in Rural Semarang under Colonial Rule in the Later 19th Century’, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Monash University, 1982), pp. 265–77.

86 Fasseur, Cees, ‘Organisatie en Sociaal-Economische Betekenis van dc Gouvernements-Suikerkultuur in Enkele Residcnties op Java omstreeks 1850’, BKI, vol. 133 (1977), pp. 267–8; and Elson, R. E., ‘The Cultivation System and “Agricultural Involution”’ (Melbourne: Monash University Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Working Paper No. 14, 1978), p. 28.

87 S. Br. 2A, MacGillavry, (?), ‘Statistieke Beschrijving Soerakarta’, 1832; Onghokham, , ‘Residency of Madiun’, pp. 167ff; and on the communal possession of land in 19th century Javanese villages, see Kanō, , ‘Land Tenure System and Desa Community’, pp. 1521, who based his research on Bergsma, W. B. (ed.), Eindresumé van het bij Gouvernementsbesluit dd. 10 Juni 1876 no. 2 bevolen Onderzoek naar de rechten van den Inlander op den Grand op Java en Madoera, 3 vols (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij, 18761896).

88 Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806.

89 Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, pp. 367–8; Onghekham, , ‘Residency of Madiun’, pp. 169–70, 185–8; and on the role of the provincial priyayi in the eastern mancanagara provinces, see Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, pp. 1920. The special position and influence of the provincial élite in south-western Bagelèn known as the kénthol, descendants of erstwhile priyayi gunung (magistrates/police officials) should also be noted here, see Hugenholtz, , loc. cit.; Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, pp. 355356; and Prånåhadikoesoema, Soekardan, ‘De Kénṭol der Desa Kréndétan’, Djåwå vol. 19 (1939), pp. 153–60.

90 Onghokham, , ‘Residency of Madiun’, pp. 186–7.

91 On the frequent turn-over in apanage holders, see Carey, (ed.), The Archive of Yogyakarta. Vol. II: Documents relating to Economic and Agrarian Affairs (Oxford: Oxford University Press for the British Academy, 1988, forthcoming).

92 Onghokham, , ‘Residency of Madiun’, p. 170, 186 quoting Bergsma, (ed.), Eindresumé. According to reports in the Eindresumé concerning Banyumas in the pre-1825 period, the tax (pajeg) liability of the sikep would usually be estimated on the basis of the number of his ‘dependants’ (rayat), the latter including both kin and non-kin members (i.e. ngindhung and numpang) of his extended household, see Kanō, , ‘Land Tenure System and the Desa Community’, p. 20.

93 For a full report on this robbery, see Dj. Br. 23, Lt. Driessen, W. (Commander of the Yogya garrison) to Engelhard, P. (Resident of Yogyakarta), 14 11 1808. The comparative value of the silver ducatoon (both milled and unmilled) against the late 18th century Dutch guilder (Generaliteits gulden) and pound sterling have been taken from Stockdale, J. J., Sketches, Civil and Military of the Island of Java and its Immediate Dependencies (London: J. J. Stockdale, 1812), pp. 102–3, which gives a list of the exchange rate quotations in Batavia. I have based my comparison on the slightly higher value milled (rather than unmilled) ducatoon. Present-day values have been estimated by comparing the equivalent purchasing power of money in relation to rice in the early 19th century and in 1984: one kilogram of best quality, polished white rice which today sells for about 325 Indonesian Rupiah in the main Yogya market (Pasar Beringharjo) could be purchased for about ten cents before the Java War. For a discussion of the copper and silver cash which was often buried by a peasant owner to be occasionally delved up and spread out in the sun (Jav. ‘jemur’) in front of his dwelling as a way of displaying his wealth, see Blussé, Leonard, ‘Trojan Horse of Lead: The picis on Early 17th Century Java’, in van Anrooij, Francien et al. (eds), Between People and Statistics. Essays on Modern Indonesian History Presented to P. Creutzberg (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1979), p. 41.

94 Dj. Br. 23, Lt. Driessen, W. to Engelhard, P., 14 11 1808.

95 Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, p. 368. On the kénthol, see above n. 89.

96 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 221. On the loose institutional structure of Javanese villages and the lack of communal organization in the pre-Java War period, see further Kanō, , ‘Land Tenure System and the Desa Community’, pp. 34–5. On the endemic insecurity in rural areas, especially in Kedhu where the villages were usually surrounded by stone walls, see Carey, (ed. & trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLIII, p. LXVIII n. 181, p. 243, n. 36.

97 See Breman, Jan, The Village on Java and the Early-Colonial State, pp. 38–9 and passim.

98 IOL Mack. Pr. 82 pt 31, Kyai Adipati Sura-Adimanggala of Demak, ‘Notices of the Arrangement of the Native Administration or Government & Magistracy of Java as continued under the Dutch Government from ancient times’, 08 1812, p. 299. According to Crawfurd (IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4. ‘Sultan's County’, p. 67), the average size of ricefields in Mataram were between fifty and sixty square feet.

99 Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806, where Waterloo (Resident of Yogyakarta, 1803–08) remarked that villages with enterprising village heads (Lurah) were usually the most prosperous.

100 On the great problems of irrigation in southern Bagelèn, where Surakarta and Yogyakarta lands were closely intermingled, see Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, p. 354. Crawfurd (IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 67) suggested that these difficulties might have been compounded by the fact that cultivators usually chose their own time for planting in irrigated areas, a practice dictated by the system of making separate rent agreements with landlords (see above Section II). Karl Wittfogel's most important work is his Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Chinas (Leipzig: Verlag C. L. Hirschfeld, 1931), a book which is much more balanced than his Oriental Despotism: A Comparative Study of Total Power (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977) with its overemphasis on hydraulic systems. It should be stressed that the hydraulic works described by Wittfogel were not primarily irrigation channels for local ricefield production but complex systems for flood control of gigantic rivers like the Huangho (Yellow River), systems which no individuals or communities could establish on their own. Although even here, it must be said, he greatly over-exaggerated the role of the Chinese state in the establishment and maintenance of these vast constructions, see Chi, Ch'ao-ting, Key Economic Areas in Chinese History as Revealed in the Development of Public Works for Water Control (London: Allen & Unwin, 1936); and Elvin, Mark, ‘On Water Control and Management during the Ming and Ch'ing Periods’, Ch'ing-Shih wen-ti, vol. 3 no. 3 (11 1975), pp. 82103.

101 AvJ, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 29 12 1804. Waterloo was particularly impressed by the transformation of the wooded area of the Jambu hills on the Kedhu-Semarang border into ‘magnificent’ sawah (irrigated riceland), see Dj. Br. 38, Id. to Id., 31 Jan. 1808; and further vAE (aanwinsten, 1900) 235, ‘Speculatieve Memorie over zaken betreffende het bestuur van Java's Noord Oost Kust’, 05 1808; and Anon., Lettres de Java ou Journal d'un voyage dans cette île en 1822 (Paris: privately printed, 1822), p. 111. Many new ricefields had also been laid out in the adjacent province of Grobogan close to the Dutch-controlled north-east coast, and this region had become a major rice supplier for the pasisir, see Dj. Br. 22, Wiese, G. W. (Yogyakarta) to Daendels, H. W. (Batavia/Bogor), 12 09 1809; and the rice production figures given in Raffles, , History, vol. II, pp. 268–9.

102 Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806. Apart from the trade in rice to Yogya, many cloth merchants from Bagelèn also passed through the tollgate at Gamping on their way to the Sultan's capital, see Dj. Br. 27, Sing, Tan Jin (Kapitan Cina of Yogyakarta) to Moorrees, J. W. (Yogyakarta), 22 05 1810. On the large amount of recently opened up sawah in the vicinity of Yogyakarta, see IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 146. For the royal initiatives taken by the first two Yogya rulers in encouraging the establishment of new ricefields in areas adjacent to the court by building stone dams in the main rivers and the appointment of supervisory irrigation officials (Mantri Jurusawah), see dJ vol. XII, p. 260, Van Overstraten, P. G. (Semarang) to Alting, W. A. & Raden van Indië (Batavia), 25 04 1792; Dj. Br. 18, Valck, F. G., ‘Statistieke der Residentie Djokjokarta’, 1838, sub: ‘Werken in het Belang van den Landbouw en den Handel’; Dj. Br. 1, van Kempen, C. P. Brest, ‘Politieke Verslag der Residentie Djokjokarta over het jaar 1861’. 24 03 1862; and BL Add. MS. 12342 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya court), f.239r, Piagem-Dalem (Letter of Appointment) of Demang Samaradirana as Mantri Jurusawah of Gamping, 18 Sapar A.J. 1734 (28 02 1807). Many of the second Sultan's (HB II, r. 1792–1810/1811–12/1826–28) royal retreats (pesanggrahan), which he built to the east and west of Yogyakarta also had small dams and irrigation channels attached to them, see Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang),28 02 1806.

103 Dj. Br. 45, van IJsseldijk, W. H. (Yogyakarta) to Van Overstraten, P. G. (Semarang), 15 01 1793 containing a special report on the Dutch-leased pepper and indigo estates of Lowanu and Genthan in north-eastern Bagelèn and Pacitan on the south coast entitled, ‘Eerbiedige Bericht aangaande de Landen van Z. H. den Sulthan van Djojcjocarta’.

104 Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806; and Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, pp. 242–3 (on the irrigated area between Klathèn and Kalasan).

105 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, pp. 272–3; and Baud 91, Clercq, P. le, ‘Copic-Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1823’, 30 03 1824, p. 17.

106 MvK 3055, ‘Beschrijving en Statistieke rapport betreffende de Residentie Djokjokarta’, 1836, mentioned that whereas nine-tenths of the available agricultural land in Mataram (present-day districts of Bantul and Slèman) were under cultivation, two-thirds of which were irrigated ricelands (sawah), only one-hundredth of the hilly limestone area of Gunung Kidul was farmed. Labour services (blandhong diensten) in the extensive Gunung Kidul teak forests also bore hard on the local inhabitants, many of whom migrated during the east monsoon rice harvest (May/June) to find seasonal work on the Mataram plain. Comparative figures for the cultivated and uncultivated areas in Yogyakarta shortly after the end of the Java War can be found in Dj. Br. 1911, Report of Radèn Adipati Danureja IV. Feb. 1833:

By 1836. the total area of cultivated land had apparently risen to 9,900 jung, see MvK 3055, ‘Statistieke rapport’.

107 Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806; and Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, p. 246. for references to the periodic floods (banjir) in the areas bordering on the great swamps of Rawa Tambakbaya and Rawa Wawar in western and eastern Bagelèn. On the location of these marshlands, see Map 2.

108 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 148.

109 Onghokham, , ‘Residency of Madiun’, p. 200.

110 Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 121–2. On the use of other secondary crops (Jav. ‘palawija’), see Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, p. 49.

111 Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 81–2, 110; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, pp. 75–7; and Baud 177. van Hogendorp, Willem, ‘Extract rapport over den toestand van Java, den particuliere eigendommen aldaar en den staat der zaken in de Residentie Kadoe’, n.d. (? 1827). On the orchards (pekarangan) and dry fields (tegalan) which were free of communal regulations and nearly always held in ‘heritable individual possession’, see further Kanō, , ‘Land Tenure System and the Desa Community in Nineteenth Century Java’, pp. 26–8, 32–4.

112 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 241.

113 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, pp. 275–7 (on tobacco); and Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 132 (on indigo), and p. 134 (on cotton).

114 Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806, who mentioned that the eight tollgates (bandar) in Mataram, which controlled the rice trade in that province (i.e. Kemlaka, Bantul, Gamping, Kadilangu, Brosot, Kalasan, Wates and Kretek), brought in 9,500 ronde realen (1 r.r. (Sp.D.) = 63–66 stuivers) annually; one unspecified tollgate in Kedhu (? Pasar Payaman) and subordinate markets yielded 2,800 r.r., and four tollgates in Pajang (Masaran, Serenan, Jatinom and Bayalali) together with the important market-cum-tollgate of Prambanan, a further 3,450 r.r. Thus a total of 15,750 r.r. (Dfl. 50,400) from the rice trade alone out of a total customs' farm of 56,000 r.r. (Dfl. 179,200) in 1805. See further Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, Appendix 3. According to Waterloo (loc. cit.), the Chinese tollgate keepers made most of their profits from the rice trade and would not dare to bid for the customs' farms in the principalities if rice ceased to be a dutiable item, an idea which had been proposed by some senior VOC officials as a way of bringing down rice prices on north coast markets during the poor harvests of the early 1800s.

115 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, p. 285; and Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residentie Kadoe, pp. 96–7.

116 dK 145, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 22 03 1808 in Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’ (Yogyakarta), 4 04 1808; and Anon., ‘De toestand van Bagelen’, p. 68, p. 75.

117 dK 145, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 22 03 1808 in Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’ (Yogyakarta), 4 04 1808. On bathik production in Central Java in the 19th century, see Rouffaer, G. P., De Voornaamste Industrieën der Inlandsche Bevolking van Java en Madoera ('s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1904), pp. 1531

118 dK 145, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 22 03 1808 in Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’ (Yogyakarta), 4 04 1808; Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 132–3; and Thorn, W., Memoir of the Conquest of Java with the Subsequent Operations of the British Forces in The Oriental Archipelago (London: T. Egerton Military Library, 1815), p. 214.

119 See (on cloth exports from Bagelèn to Eastern Indonesia), Dj. Br. 37, IIDanureja, Radèn Adipati (Yogyakarta) to Moorrees, J. W. (Yogyakarta), 16 05 1810; and Dj. Br. 61, d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta) to de Bruijn, J. (Semarang), 4 12 1818; and, for references to dispatches of cloth from Bagelèn and other weaving areas to Semarang for army uniforms, see S. Br. 23, Winter, J. W. (Tanggang/Karang Bolong) to Servatius, W. N. (Surakarta), 2 07 1808; Servatius, W. N. (Surakarta) to Daendels, H. W. (Batavia/Bogor), 5 07 1808; Engelhard, P. (Yogyakarta) to Id., 18 08 1808; De Graaf, , Geschiedenis, p. 364; and Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 180.

120 Dj. Br. 3, Valck, F. G., ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djocjocarta over het jaar 1836’, 31 03 1837; and Rouffaer, , Voornaamste Industrieën, p. 120.

121 dK 145. Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 22 03 1808 in Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’ (Yogyakarta), 4 04 1808; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, p. 287; Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 124; and Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residentie Kadoe, p. 120.

122 MvK 3054, ‘Beschrijving en Statistieke Rapport betreffende de Residentie Kadoe’, 1836, p. 38; and Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 166–7

123 dK 145, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N., 22 03 1808, in Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’ (Yogyakarta), 4 04 1808. References to the purchases of European and Chinese goods by the Yogya court at this time can be found in BL Add. MS. 12341 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya kraton), f. 163r-164r, Report of Radèn Tumenggung Mangundipura and Radèn Tumenggung Mangundirja, 20 Rejeb, A.J. 1703 (23 Aug. 1777).

124 Dj. Br. 27, Engelhard, P. (Yogyakarta) to Janssens, J. W. (Batavia), 12 07 1811, who referred to the melting down of copper coins from the Dutch-controlled Tawangsari mint near Surabaya and the minting of debased copper duit by artificers in Kutha Gedhé during the period of specie scarcity and rampant inflation just prior to the British invasion of Java (Aug. 1811). See further Carey, , ‘Pangéran Dipanagara’, VKI (forthcoming, 1986), ch. V.

125 On the growing commercial importance of the Chinese in the principalities in the early 19th century, see Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, pp. 16ff; and above n. 114; and, on the Javanese-controlled local markets, see Dj. Br. 3, Valck, F. G., ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djocjocarta over het jaar 1836’, 31 03 1837; and MvK 3055, ‘Beschrijving en Statistieke Rapport betreffende de Residentie Djokjokarta’ (1836).

126 Ibid.

127 Ibid.; and see also Dj. Br. 3, Valck, F. G., ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djocjocarta over het jaar 1833’, 30 11 1834 (on the main market centres in the Yogya area post-1830 and the shift in trade from Yogya to Kutha Gedhé during the Java War); Dj. Br. 4, de Kock, A. H. W. Baron, ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djokjokarta over het jaar 1850’, 03 1851 (on Kutha Gedhé); and Nakamura, Mitsuo, ‘The Crescent’, p. 64, 87–8, p. 222 (on the immense wealth of the Kutha Gedhé ‘Ratu Dagang’ [‘merchant kings’] in the early part of the present century and their wide trading contacts).

128 S. Br. 170, Tariff List for the tollgate of Panaraga (East Java), 1830.

129 Dj. Br. 3, Valck, F. G., ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djocjocarta over het jaar 1836’, 31 03 1837.

130 IOL Mack. Pr. 82 pt 31, Kyai Adipati Sura-Adimanggala of Demak, ‘Notices of the Arrangement of the Native Administration or Government & Magistracy of Java as continued under the Dutch Government from Ancient Times’, 08 1812, p. 297; and (on the Kalang), see Bezemer, T. J. (ed.), Beknopte Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch-Indië ('s-Gravenhage & Leiden: Nijhoff/Brill, 1921), p. 218; and Raffles, , History, vol I, pp. 327–9.

131 IOL Mack. Pr. 82 pt 31, Kyai Adipati Sura-Adimanggala of Demak, ‘Notices’, p. 297

132 Anon. (signed J. L. V.), ‘Bijdrage tot de kennis der residentie Madioen’, TNI vol. 17 no. 2 (1855), p. 11; and Guillot, Claude, ‘Le dluwang ou “papier javanais”’, Archipel 26 (1983). pp. 105–16.

133 Carey, Peter (ed.), The British in Java, 1811–16: A Javanese Account (Bangkok: White Lotus, 1986), n. 227 of the babad.

134 Ibid., Canto LXII v. 3 of the babad.

135 Dj. Br. 60, Besluit van den President en Raad van Finantiën, 13 01 1817 no. 17 (on the phasing out of circulation of Balinese and Javanese copper duit); ibid., 13 Aug. 1817 no. 32 (on the circulation of false bank notes in the principalities); Dj. Br. 61, Proclamation of the Commissioners-General (signed Dozy, R.), 20 04 1818; and ibid., 25 June 1818 (on the decision to mint copper duit and double duit (Jav. ‘gobang’) at the Tawangsari mint); Dj. Br. 60, President Raad van Finanliën (Batavia) to van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta), 24 01 1817 (on the regular monthly imports of 5,000 Java Rupees [7 J.R. = 30 stuivers] worth of copper duit and other coins from the north coast to Yogya); Dj. Br. 61, de Bruijn, F. (Semarang) to van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogya), 12 08 1818 (on the dispatch of f. 1767.17 worth of Yogya duit which had been phased out of circulation); Dj. Br. 64, van Rouveld, R. H. Catcau (Surabaya) to van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta), 24 03 1821; and Dj. Br. 51 d'AboC, R. C. N. C, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta) to van Rouveld, R. H. Gateau (Surabaya), 10 04 1821 (on the arrest of a Surabaya-born counterfeiter named Nala Garéng caught minting false money in Yogya and travelling under a forged passport).

136 Baud 91, Clercq, P. le, ‘Copie-Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1823’, 30 03 1824, p. 6. The depreciation of the copper duit in relation to the silver Java Rupee (post-1826 Dutch guilder) from par to 122: 100 in 1823 is mentioned in Dj. Br. 53, Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta) to Capellen, G. A. G. Ph. van der (Batavia/Bogor), 1 01 1824. See also de Bree, L., Gedenkboek van de Javasche Bank (Weltevreden: G. H. Kolff, 1928), vol. I, p. 154, who noted that copper had virtually taken over the role of silver by the 1820's. In 1826 there was an official revaluation of copper duits in relation to Dutch guilders in connection with the coinage reform (see Note on Currency Values and Abbreviations), but this had little impact at the village level where transactions were now wholly in copper tender.

137 On the contemporary exchange rates, see Stockdale, , Sketches, pp. 102–3; and Carey, (ed.), Archive, vol. I, Appendix IV. The amount of silver money in circulation in early 19th century Java is mentioned in Davidson, G. F., Trade and Travel in the Far East or Recollections of Twenty-one years passed in Java, Singapore, Australia and China (London: Madden & Malcolm, 1846), pp. 23 (‘…silver money was as plentiful in Netherlands India in those days [i.e. pre Java War], as copper doits have since become…’.)

138 dK 145, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 21 02 1808 in Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’ (Yogyakarta), 4 04 1808. On the war booty taken by Daendels, in 01 1811 and Raffles, in 06 1812, see Daendels, H. W., Staat der Nederlandsche Oostindische Bezittingen, onder het Bestuur van den Gouverneur-Generaal Herman Willem Daendels, Ridder, Luitenant-Generaal, &c. in de jaren 1808–1811 ('s-Gravenhage: Gebroeders van Cleef, 1814), Bijlage 2, Additionele Stukken no. 24; and Carey, (ed.), Archive, vol. I, p. 12 n. 4.

139 See above Section III pp. 85–6.

140 See above n. 66, esp. Bastin, , Native Policies, p. 58.

141 Raffles, , History, vol. II. Appendix L no. II, ‘Revenue Instructions’, clauses 86–9, pp. cclv–cclvi, esp. clause 86 dealing with the severe conditions imposed on payments in kind by rice cultivators which was done, in Raffles's words, ‘chiefly with a view to discourage such species of payment, government wishing to receive as far as practicable, their revenues in money alone’; and clause 88, which stated that only unhusked rice (pari/beras) and not maize (or cassava) would be considered as an alternative revenue payment since cultivators, in most cases, hold some of each description of land (ie. sawah and dry fields (tegalan))’, and ‘this distinction will not be felt as a hardship’, an assumption which was much too optimistic for areas such as the dry central plain of Kedhu where maize fields abounded and a considerable part of the pre-1812 revenue payments were made in kind not money, see IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, p. 304.

142 KITLV H 503, van Sevenhoven, J. I., ‘Aanteekeningen gehouden op eene reis over Java van Batavia near de Oosthoek in…1812’ (6 04–2 08 1812) (ed. de Haan, F.), p. 74.

143 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 10, Jourdan, H. G., ‘Report on Japan and Wirosobo’, 28 04 1813, p. 357; AN Kabinet, 13 09 1832 no. 1599, de Sturler, J. E. (Banyumas) to Bosch, J. van den (Batavia/Bogor), 5 09 1832; Kern, R. A., ‘Uit Oude Bescheiden (Geschiedenis van de Afdeling Patjitan in de Eerste Helft der 19e Eeuw) met bijlage’, Tijdschrift van het Binnenlands Bestuur (Batavia), vol. 34 (1908), p. 165; and MvK 3054, ‘Beschrijving en Statistieke Rapport betreffende de Residentie Djokjokarta’ (1836).

144 See Rouffaer's, G. P. introduction to Winter's, J. W., ‘Beknopte Beschrijving van het Hof Soerakarta in 1824’, BKI, vol. 54 (1902), pp. 1620.

145 Ibid., pp. 46–7. On wage rates for coolies in Central Java at this time which ranged between 10–20 cents (8–16 copper duit) a day in the principalities and 30 cents (25 copper duit) in Semarang, see Dj. Br. 30, Ainslie, D. (Yogyakarta) to Raffles, T. S. (Batavia/Bogor), 30 11 1815; KITLV H 530, Sevenhoven, Van, ‘Aanteekeningen’, pp. 4950; Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 252 n. 70; Anon., ‘Journal of an Excursion to the Native Provinces of Java in the Year 1828 During the War with Dipo Negoro’, Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia (Singapore), vol. 9 (1854), p. 158; and Dj. Br. 58, van Nes, J. F. W. (Yogyakarta) to Commissarissen ter regeling der Vorstenlanden (Surakarta), 3 06 1830. See also dK 145, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 22 03 1808, who reckoned that the annual savings of the poorer Javanese peasant households, after taxes had been paid on the rice harvest, only amounted to two ronde real (Dfl. 6.40).

146 Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, pp. 47–8; and see further IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 148; and pt 5, Id., ‘Report upon the District of Pachitan’, 11 1812, pp. 169–70.

147 Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 110.

148 Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, p. 49.

149 Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 7981; and Baud 91, ‘Copie-Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1823’, 30 03 1824, p. 7, where the Dutch Resident of Kedhu, Pieter le Clercq (in office, 1821–25), remarked that, on the eve of the Java War, the standard of houses used by peasants in the region, indicated ‘very scanty and poor resources’.

150 Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 81.

151 Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, p. 48. Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 111, reckoned that the price of a buffalo in the ‘eastern districts’ was 12–16 Java Rupees (Dfl. 15–20); whereas Crawfurd (IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 88) estimated the cost of smaller bullocks at between J.R. 8 and 20 (Dfl. 10–25) and the larger kind at between J.R. 50 and 80 (Dfl. 62–100).

152 Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 70; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 149; and pt 5, Id., ‘Report on Pacitan’, p. 169. The same marital ages were common for the two sexes in court circles, see dK 145, Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’, 4 04 1808. On the early marriages amongst young women in present-day Java, see Geertz, Hildred, The Javanese Family. A Study of Kinship and Socialization (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), p. 56, who points out that girls are usually married after their first menstruation, especially if they have evinced a keen interest in the opposite sex, in order that they do not acquire a reputation for loose morals and thus diminish their chances of making a successful marriage.

153 Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 353.

154 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 149.

155 Ibid., p. 150; and IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 10, Jourdan, H. G., ‘Report on Japan and Wirosobo’, 28 04 1813, p. 349 (on the frequency of divorces and unfaithfulness of women in the eastern outlying provinces).

156 Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 70, 109.

157 Dj. Br. 1911, de Stuers, F. V. H. A., (?), ‘Inleiding tot de geschiedenis van den oorlog op Java’, n.d., p. 37 (on the education of village boys in Qur'ān repetition [turutan], Arabic prayers, and the study of Arabic letters [alip-alipan] from their seventh year); AN, Kabinet 1431, 19 09 1831, Secretary of Kedhu Residency (Magelang) to Bosch, J. van den (Batavia/Bogor), 29 09 1831 (on the reluctance of parents to allow their children to remain long at local religious schools because they needed them for light agricultural duties); and Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, p. 49, who asserted that most peasant families neglected the formal education of their children entirely and concentrated on giving them instruction in agriculture and weaving.

158 Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 86; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, pp. 97104; and Anon., Lettres de Java, p. 101.

159 Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 70; and for a modern view of the crucial role of children in the Javanese peasant economy, see White, Benjamin, ‘The Economic Importance of Children in a Javanese Village’, in Nag, Moni (ed.), Population and Social Organization (The Hague: Mouton, 1975), pp. 127–46.

160 Ricklefs, , Mangkubumi, pp. 159–60.

161 Ricklefs, , ‘Statistical Evidence’, pp. 28–9; and see also IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 147 (on the destructiveness of the Giyanti wars (1746–57) and the great increase in population since 1755).

162 Ricklefs, , ‘Statistical Evidence’, pp. 2930; and see also Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806 who estimated (on the conservative basis of five persons per cacah (‘household’)) that the population of the princely territories had risen from 905,000 in 1755 to 1.4 millions in 1806.

163 See Peper, A., ‘Population Growth in Java in the 19th Century: A New Interpretation’, Population Studies, vol. 24 no. 1 (03 1970), pp. 7184, who advances rather dubious theoretical figures for Java's demographic growth in 1800; Nitisastro, Widjojo, Population Trends in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970). pp. 126; and Boomgaard, Peter, ‘Bevolkingsgroei en welvaart op Java (1800–1942)’, in Kamerling, R. N. J. (ed.), Indonesië toen en nu (Amsterdam: Intermediar, 1980), pp. 3552.

164 Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806.

165 Baud 91, Clercq, P. le, ‘Copie-Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1823’, 30 03 1824, p. 3.

166 Ibid.; and Peper, Bram, Jumlah dan pertumbuhan penduduk asli di Jawa dalam abad kesembilanbelas. Suatu pandangan lain, khususnya mengenai masa 1800–1850 (trans. Suleman, M. Rasjad St.) (Jakarta: Bhratara, 1975), p. 13.

167 Ricklefs, , Mangkubumi, p. 159. See also Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 62 facing, Table no. II, ‘Table exhibiting the Population of Java and Madura, according to a Census taken by the British Government in the Year 1815’, which shows that the most densely populated areas in 1815 were Semarang, with 281 inhabitants per square mile, and Kedhu with 238.75. Yogyakarta and Surakarta, both with an estimated 147.50 people per square mile, came sixth in density of population after Pekalongan, Batavia and its Environs (Ommelanden), Cirebon, and Gresik. The average for Java as a whole, including the very sparsely populated Oosthoek (Pasuruan, Prabalingga and Banyuwangi) with an average of 33.66 inhabitants per square mile and the Priangan Highlands with an average of 24.33, was a little over one hundred souls.

168 Ricklefs, , Mangkubumi, p. 159, who mentions that amongst the more important districts included in the central apanage regions (nagara agung) in 1773 were Kadhuwang, Banyumas, Pamerdèn and Pacitan. On Banyumas, see further Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, pp. 1617 and below Section V.

169 See Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 62 facing, Table no. II; and vol. II, p. 288 facing, tables for ‘Population of the Territory of the Susuhúnan, 1815’ and ‘Population of the Territory of the Sultan, 1815’, which contain figures apparently confirming this imbalance. Thus, with nearly half the land area of the principalities in 1815, the eastern outlying areas (mancanagara) accounted for only about ten per cent of the population of Surakarta and just over seventeen per cent in Yogyakarta.

170 Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 69.

171 See Muller, M. J. E., ‘Kort verslag aangaande de cholera-morbus op Java’, VBG, vol. 13 (1832) pt 1, pp. 1111; H. Schillet, ‘Eenige waarneming omtrent de cholera orientalis’, ibid., pt 2, pp. 113–82; Crawfurd, , A Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands and Adjacent Countries (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 120–1, sub: ‘Diseases’ (where he stated erroneously that the first outbreak of Asiatic cholera occurred in Java in 1820 and not 1821); IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 146 (on the lack of epidemics and pestilence in central Java); and Boomgaard, Peter, ‘Disease, death and disasters in Java, 1820–1880: a preliminary survey and analysis of changing patterns of morbidity and mortality’, paper prepared for the Conference on Disease, Death and Drugs in Modern Southeast Asia (ANU, Canberra, 05 1983), passim, esp. pp. 1213.

172 Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 72; Boomgaard, , ‘Disease, death and disasters’, p. 5; and Baud 306, van IJsseldijk, W. H., ‘Nota voor den Prov. Res. den Majoor Nahuijs te Djocjocarta’, 22 10 1816 in ‘Rapport van W. H. van IJsseldijk omtrent de Vorstenlanden’, 11 12 1816, in which the erstwhile Patih of Yogyakarta, Radèn Adipati Danureja I (in office, 1755–99), is quoted as having said that ‘too long a period of peace was just as disastrous as a time of warfare for the inhabitants of (south-central) Java and the (Javanese) people regard child deaths as a wise provision of Providence’.

173 Boomgaard, , ‘Death, disease and disasters’, p. 5 quoting van Hogendorp, W., ‘Redevoering der inëntinge tot de ingezetenen van Batavia na haare terug komste van Samarang; overhandigd door Mr. W. van Hogendorp’, VBG (1st printing), vol. 2 (1780) pt. 15, p. 209. On the sparse population of the Priangan Highlands at this time, see above n. 167.

174 Boomgaard, , ‘Death, disease and disasters’, p. 5.

175 See above ns. 156 and 172.

176 Peper, , Jumlah dan pertumbuhan penduduk asli di Jawa, pp. 4970; Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, p. 78; and for Governor-General G. A. G. Ph. van der Capellen's (in office, 1816–26) decrees concernings smallpox vaccination in Indonesia (Reglemenlen op de uitoefening der koepokinenting in Nederlandsch-Indië), see AN, BGG in rade, 11 04 1820 and 19 04 1821 no. 16.

177 Dj. Br. 51 C, d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta) to President Road van Finantiën (Batavia), 26 06 1821; Soekanto, , Dua Raden Saleh. Dua Nasionalis dalam Abad ke-19. Suatu Halaman dari Sedjarah Nasional Indonesia (Djakarta: N. V. Pusaka Asli, 1951), p. 29 (quoting a letter of February 1822 from Radèn Mas Muhamad Salèh, a son of Kyai Adipati Sura-Adimanggala V of Semarang (died 1837), to the Governor-General, about the plight of the inhabitants of Kedhu who had been forced by famine to eat leaves and weeds). See further Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, p. 49; Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 122; and Dj. Br. 4, van Geer, W. C. E. Baron, ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djokjokarta over den jaar 1855’, 03 1856, on the types of foodstuffs, including malinjo (G. Gnemon L.), maize, beans (kacang) and yams (ubi), comsumed by Javanese at times of harvest failure and dearth. See also below n. 290.

178 Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 99, 109; Peper, , Jumlah dan pertumbuhan penduduk asli di Jawa, pp. 42–3; and IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7. Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 237. On the poor harvests of the decades 1790–1810, which led to rice shortages in south-central Java but not famines, see below Section V p. 113).

179 dJ XII, pp. 259–60, van Overstraten, P. G. (Semarang) to Alting, W. A. and Raden van Indië (Batavia), 25 04 1792 (on suggestions made by Van Overstraten to HB II for a new cadastral survey and the greater assiduity of the Yogya inhabitants in opening out new lands); AN, Geheim Kommissoriaal, 23 09 1847 La L10, f. 201r-202r, f.228r (Notes on conferences between Van Overstraten and PB IV, and Id. and HB II), 13 Aug. and 19 Aug. 1792 (relating the difficulties experienced by Van Overstraten in getting the rulers to agree to a new cadastral survey of the lands brought into cultivation since 1773); Java NOK 1, van Overstraten, P. G., ‘Memorie met derzelver bylaagen tot naricht van den Heer Johan Frederik Baron van Reede tot de Parkeler’, 13 10 1796, f. 1r-v; and Dj. Br. 38, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 31 01 1804 (on the continuing refusal of the central Javanese rulers to countenance a new census). On the 1773 land register, see above n. 48. The total absence of any up-to-date land registers in the early 19th century is mentioned in IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, pp. 296–7; and see also Carey, (ed.), British in Java, n. 205 of the babad.

180 For references to early 19th century attempts at map making and the compilation of accurate population statistics, see Chijs, J. A. van der (ed.), Nederlandsch-Indiseh Plakaalboek, 1602–1811, vol. XV ('s-Hage: M. Nijhoff, 1896), p. 1005 (Daendels's, Besluit of 28 11 1809); Kemp, P. H. van der (ed.), Het Nederlandsch-Indisch Bestuur in 1817, lot het vertrek der Engelschen ('s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1913), p. 24; AN, BCG, 1 05 1817, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to Commissioners-General (Batavia), 14 04 1817; AvJ, Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta) to Capellen, G. A. G. Ph. van der (Batavia/Bogor), 19 04 1823; and AvJ, Id. to Director of Military Academy (Semarang), 26 Oct. 1823 (on the great difficulty of carrying out a statistical survey of the Yogya region because of the juxtaposition of landholdings and because certain key maps of the sultanate had been sent away to Semarang prior to the British attack in June 1812). See also Dj. Br. 1, Bosch, A. J. P. H. D., ‘Politieke Verslag der Residentie Djokjokarta over het jaar 1865’, 03 1866, on the completion of the first accurate topographical map of Yogyakarta (‘Topographische Kaart der Residentie Djokjokarta’) by Wilsen, K. F.. For references to the European surveys of the enclave areas, see above nn. 143 and 146 (on Pacitan), n. 103 (on Lowanu and Pacitan), and below n. 190 (on Nanggulon).

181 See Carey, (ed.), British in Java, n. 205 of the babad.

182 Kumar, Ann, ‘Javanese Court Society and Politics in the Late Eighteenth Century: The Record of a Lady Soldier. Part I: The Religious, Social and Economic Life of the Court’, Indonesia no. 29 (04 1980), p. 36.

183 For a Yogya example from the reign of Sultan Hamengkubuwana IV (1812–14), see Carey, (ed.), British in Java, Canto LIV V. 49, and n. 227 of the babad.

184 See Ibid., n. 524 of the babad. For references to the abdi-Dalem priksa dhusun, see BL Add. MS. 12341 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya court), f. 177r-v, Report of Radèn Ngabèhi Resawikrama, n.d.; f. 186r-v, Radèn Adipati Danureja II (Yogyakarta) to Sultan Hamengkubuwana II (Yogyakarta), n.d.; GKA, 20 Sept. 1830 no. 56k, ‘Verbaal’, Interview with Mas Tumenggung Sindujaya (Mantri papriksan negara), 13 04 1830; and Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, Bijlage I, p. 594, where seven Lurah priksa negara are mentioned amongst the Sultan's officials in c. 1820.

185 See, for example, BL Add. MS. 14397 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya court), f. 45r, Piagem-Dalen of Sultan Hamengkubuwana II (Yogyakarta) to Radèn Tumenggung Sasranegara (Yogya Bupati of Grobogan), 13 Rabingulawal A.J. 1734 (21 05 1807); ‘… sarta Sun patedhani lilinggih Kagunganingsun bumi, ing Carobogan cacah gawéné wong sèwu walung-atus, telung-puluh telu, saiki Sun trima urip cacah gawéning wong sèwu sèket, lan ing saben-saben taun Kagugunganingsun bumi kang mati, Yèn ana undhaké (u)tawa oraa, angunjukan uninga ing Panjenenganingsun.’

186 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 220. On the frequent distinction between ‘cacah gesang’ and ‘cacah pejah’ in royal land grants to Bupati in the eastern outlying areas (mancanagara wétan), see BL Add. MS. 12342 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya court), f. 33v–41v, f. 125r–136r; and for some rarer references to the distinction in the core apanage areas (nagara agung), see BL Add. MS. 12341 (Crawfurd coll.), f. 230r–238v.

187 Dj. Br. 45, van IJsseldijk, W. H. (Yogyakarta) to van Overstraten, P. G. (Semarang), 15 01 1793 (full reference above n. 103).

188 Ibid. (on the ‘official’ 400 cacah figure for Yogyakarta and Surakarta landholdings in Pacitan); and Dj. Br. 63, Enger, C. F. (Pacitan) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 29 10 1820.

189 De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, p. 168; Carey, (ed.), The Archive of Yogyakarta. Vol. II: Documents relating to Economic and Agrarian Affairs (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming); and Dj. Br. 43, ‘Register der landen van den Sultan opgemaakt te Semarang A° 1773’ (for the official list of Yogya landholdings (cacah) in the eastern mancanagara amounting to some 33,500 households). See also S. Br. 127. ‘Oostelijke Montjo Negorosche Landen’, Merkus, P., ‘Verslag’, 08 1830; and De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, p. 162 where the total population of both Surakarta and Yogyakarta areas in the eastern outlying provinces in 1830 is given as 304,700 souls, and the total number of tax paying families as 56,540.

190 Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLI, p. LXIX n. 196; and on Nanggulon, see further Dj. Br 82, ‘Stukken betrekkelijk het aan het Gouvernement overgegaane land Nang-gulon gelegen bewesten de rivier Progo over 1833–1846’, 4 vols.

191 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, pp. 274, 278 (on the more extensive use of dry crop fields in central Kedhu and the cultivation of mountain rice (gogo) at ever higher reaches of the volcanic foothills surrounding the province); AvJ, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 29 12 1804 (on the pressure on available land in the Yogya area); Dj. Br. 81, Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta) to IVDanureja, Radèn Adipati (Yogyakarta), 20 08 1824 (on the encroachment of ricefields onto the main highway from Bréngkèlan to Lowanu because of local land shortages).

192 Boomgaard, , ‘Disease, death and disasters’, p. 4.

193 Ibid., p. 4; AvJ, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 29 12 1804.

194 AvJ, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 29 12 1804; Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLII, p. LXX n. 204.

195 See Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, pp. 25–7, 3641.

196 Dj. Br. 20, Berg, J. G. van den, ‘Memorie op het Hof van Djocjocarta, onder den Sultan Hamengcoeboena den tweede … aan zijn Successeur … M. Waterloo’, 11 08 1803.; Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 5, Crawfurd, , ‘Report upon the District of Pachitan’, p. 179. One Majapahit rood was the equivalent at this time of 12 Rhenish feet or 3.767 metres, see Rouffer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 617.

197 Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593. On the term ‘pancas’, from the Javanese root ‘cas’ or ‘ecas’ (‘settlement’ or ‘decision’), see Gericke, J. F. C. and Roorda, T., Javaansch- Nederlandsch Handwoordenboek, ed. Vreede, A. C. and Gunning, J. G. H. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1901), vol. I, p. 275sub: ‘cas’, who also give the straightforward meaning, following Wilkens, J. A. (MS. Javanese dictionary) of ‘taking away a piece of village land’ (mancas bumi désa).

198 Dj. Br. 20, Berg, Van den, ‘Memorie’, 11 08 1803; and on the second pancas which took place sometime during the administration of H. W. Daendels (1808–11), see van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys, Verzameling van officiële rapporten betreffende den Oorlog op Java in de jaren 1825–30, vol. I (Deventer: M. Ballot, 1835), p. 8 n. 1; and S. Br. 55, van Sevenhoven, J. I., ‘Nota over de landverhuringen’, 16 03 1837.

199 Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806; Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593; and S. Br. 55, Sevenhoven, Van, ‘Nota over de land verhuringen’, 16 03 1837, who suggested a figure nearer forty per cent when he stated that 300 old size Yogya cacah had become 500 new size cacah after the two pancas revisions. The latter estimate may be exaggerated. According to Crawfurd (IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 120), 10,000 new size Yogya cacah were added to the Sultan's disposable apanage lands in the core territories, or about fifteen per cent of the number of Yogya core apanage cacah recorded in the 1773 census, see Dj. Br. 43, ‘Register der landen van den Sultan opgemaakt te Samarang A° 1773’. In the tribute (pajeg) returns of 1808, the second Sultan is recorded as having enjoyed an extra 20,000 ronde real (out of a total income from all sources of 164,905 ronde real) from the new royal domain grounds (bumi pamajegan pancasan) created by the pancas, see Kesteren, Van, ‘Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van den Java-Oorlog’, Bijlage III, p. 1315.

200 S. Br. 8811, Thomson, H. (Rajawinangun) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 6 01 1823; Dj. Br. 51 C, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to van de Graaff, H. J. (Batavia/Bogor), 18 05 1821; MvK 3054, ‘Beschrijving en Statistieke rapport betreffende de Residence Kadoe’, 1836, p. 29; and AN, BCG, 15 09 1844 no. 3.

201 Dj. Br. 20, Berg, Van den, ‘Memorie’, 11 08 1803; Dj. Br. 49, Berg, J. G. van den (Surakarta) to Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta), 26 09 1803; and Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593.

202 GKA, 20 Sept. 1830 no. 56k, ‘Verbaal’, interview with Mas Tumenggung Malangnegara (Yogyakarta), 15 04 1830.

203 Carey, (ed.), Archive, vol. I, p. 21.

204 Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593.

205 See van Deventer, M. L. (ed.), Het Nederlandsch Gezag over Java en Onderhoorigheden sedert 1811. Vol. i: 1811–1820 ('s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1891), pp. 321–31.

206 Ibid., p. 100; Carey, P. B. R., ‘The Sepoy Conspiracy of 1815 in Java’, BKI, vol. 133 (1977), pp. 305, 319 n. 80 Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593.

207 Carey, (ed.), British in Java, Canto XXIII v. 53 of the babad.

208 Ibid., Canto XXVI v. 6–8 of the babad; and Carey, (ed.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 245 n. 39.

209 Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593.

210 Baud 306, van IJsseldijk, W. H., ‘Nota voor den Prov. Res. den Majoor Nahuijs te Djocjocarta’, 22 10 1816 in ‘Rapport van W. H. van IJsseldijk omtrent de vorstenlanden’, 11 12 1816; NvB Portfolio 5 pt 2, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to Commissioners-General (Batavia/Bogor), 20 08 1816. Van IJsseldijk had served as Resident of Yogyakarta from Sept. 1786 to Aug. 1798.

211 See above Section II.

212 Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, pp. 1617.

213 Ibid., pp. 16–17. The lands reserved for members of the Sunan's family were usually known as ‘bumi sentanan’, although in Banyumas the term ‘bumi pangrembe’ was more common. These latter were subdivided into ‘bumi pancang’ (the apanages of the princes of Surakarta) and ‘bumipangariwil’ (the apanages of the courtiers of Surakarta), see ibid., p. 26 n. 47; and De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vl. VI, p. 168.

214 Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, p. 17.

215 See above Section II; and Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese perceptions’, p. 17.

216 De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, p. 168 quoting P. H. van Lawick van Pabst.

217 Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, p. 19.

218 Ibid.

219 Ibid., pp. 19–20.

220 Ibid., p. 20. Another factor was the rapid turn-over of priyayi officials in the outlying provinces.

221 See White, , ‘“Agricultural Involution” and its Critics’, p. 25; Knight, G., ‘Capitalism and Commodity Production in Java’, in Alavi, H. et al. (eds), Capitalism and Colonial Development (London: Groom Helm), p. 135. pp. 147–9; and Elson, , ‘The Cultivation System and “Agricultural Involution’”, p. 28. Elson's arguments are worked out more fully in his Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry: Impact and Change in an East Java Residency, 1830–1940 (Singapore: Oxford University Press in East Asia, 1985).

222 See, for example, IOL Map Room MS. 24, Baker, G. P., ‘Memoir of a Survey in the Native Princes' Dominions of Java’, 25 11 1816, p. 94; and Carey, (ed.), British in Java, n. 238 of the babad.

223 MvK 4i32, van Pabst, P. H. Van Lawick, ‘Consideratiën op de Nota van den Heer MacGillavry’, 08 1826; KITLV H 788, Boutet, J. D. (Yogyakarta) to Boutet, L. (Nantes), n.d. (? 1831); Carey, , ‘Origins of the Java War’, p. 64.

224 Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residence Kadoe, pp. 78–9, 96–7; Raffles, , History, vol. II, pp. 266–7; Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, pp. 1632 (esp. p. 17); and above Section II, p. 77.

225 Bastin, John, ‘Raffles' Ideas on the Land Rent System in Java and the Mackenzie Land Tenure Commission’, VKI, vol. XIV (1954), p. 101 (on the low annual land-rent fixed in 1812); Schneither 92, ‘Statistieke der Residentie Kadoe’, 1822 (on tobacco prices); Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residentie Kadoe, p. 97 (on tobacco prices); IOL Mack. Pr. 2, ‘Points of Enquiry—Circular of the Hon'ble (T. S. Raffles) the Lieut. Governor (of Java)’ p. 198, Johnson, J. M. (Surakarta) to Raffles, T. S. (Batavia/Bogor), 04 1815 (on the freak bumper harvest of 1815).

226 Hogendorp 1531 pt b, van Hogendorp, Willem, ‘Over den Staat van Java no. 2’, 1827, f. 2r-v (who reckoned that Kedhu was three times more heavily taxed than adjacent areas; in 1827 the land-rent had nearly doubled from the 1812 figure to J.R. 650,000, and, with other unspecified taxes, the total fiscal burden was over one million guilders [Dfl.]). On the collapse in cash crop prices in 1820–25, see Schneither 92, Clercq, P. le, ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1824’, 30 05 1825; Hogendorp 1531, van Hogendorp, Willem, ‘Nota over de Residentie Kadoe’, 1827; MvK 3054, ‘Beschrijving en Statistieke rapport betreffende de Residentie Kadoe’, 1836, p. 26; and Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residentie Kadoe, pp. 97, pp. 108–9 which give the following prices (expressed in Java Rupees [J.R.], post-1826 Dutch guilders [Dfl.])

227 Schneither 92, ‘Statistieke der Residentie Kadoe’, 1822 (referring to BCG, 5 01 1819 no. 19 which introduced the tax on pager coffee); Hogendorp 1531 pt. b, van Hogendorp, Willem, ‘Over den Staat van Java no. 2’, 1827, f. 3r-v (on the burdensomeness of the tax for the local population, and the striking difference between the flourishing state of the privately planted pager coffee and the neglect of the government coffee estates which had been laid out on common village land).

228 Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residentie Kadoe, p. 15, p. 89; Schneither 92, ‘Statistieke der Residentie Kadoe’, 1822; Id., Clercq, P. le, ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1824’, 30 05 1825.

229 Ibid.; and see above Section V p. 113.

230 Soekanto, , Dua Raden Saleh, p. 29; Carey, , ‘Origins of the Java War’, p. 65 (on the revolt instigated by the Yogya prince, Pangéran Dipasana, in Feb. 1822).

231 Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 266 n. 123.

232 Ibid., p. 260 n. 106.

233 See above Section IV p. 89; and Section V p. 112.

234 NvB Portfolio 5 pt 11, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to Commissioners General (Batavia/Bogor), 15 09 1817.

235 AN, BGG, 26 12 1817 no. 18; Dj. Br. 62A, BCG, 7 01 1819 no. 5; BGG in rade, 25 01 1819 no. 11 (appointing C. F. Enger as Opziener in Pacitan); Kern, , ‘Uit Oude Bescheiden’, p. 166; AvJ, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to van der Capellen, G. A. G. Ph. (Batavia/Bogor), 2 09 1822.

236 Kern, , ‘Uit Oude Bescheiden’, p. 164; Dj. Br. 64, Enger, C. F. (Pacitan) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 31 12 1821.

237 Kern, , ‘Uit Oude Bescheiden’, pp. 162, 173–4; Dj Br. 64, Enger, C. F. (Pacitan) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 30 04 1821.

238 Dj. Br. 64, Enger, C. F. (Pacitan) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 30 05 1821; Id. to Id., 2 June 1821; Id. to Id., 16 June 1821; Id. to Id., 30 June 1821; Id. to Id., 31 Oct. 1821; Id. to Id., 5 Nov. 1821.

239 Dj. Br. 64, Enger, C. F. (Pacitan) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 30 11 1821.

240 Kern, , ‘Uit Oude Bescheiden’, p. 166, p. 173; AvJ, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to van der Capellen, G. A. G. Ph. (Batavia/Bogor), 2 09 1822 (on the decline in population in Pacitan where numbers fell from 20,896 in Feb. 1819 to 18,735 in Feb. 1821); Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 293 n. 243.

241 Dj. Br. 67, Wormer, J. (Opziener Pacitan) to Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta), 1 07 1824.

242 Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 294 n. 243; Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, pp. 576–8.

243 Section V passim; and Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, p. 27.

244 Ibid., pp. 16–41.

245 Ibid., pp. 35–6; and Appendix 3.

246 Ibid., pp. 32–5; and Appendix 3 n. 7.

247 Ibid., p. 33 n. 155.

248 Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLII, LXX n. 201.

249 Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, p. 27.

250 Ibid., p. 39.

251 Dj. Br. 59, Sing, Gan Hiang (Bantul) to Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta), 9 11 1824.

252 Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, pp. 3640.

253 Ibid., p. 40

254 Ibid., p. 40. n. 190.

255 Ibid., pp. 40–1.

256 Ibid., pp. 33–5; Wiselius, J. A. B., De Opium in Nederlandsch- en in Britisch-Indië, oeconomisch, critisch, historisch ('s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1886), p. 6; Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 102–3; and Rush, James R., ‘Opium Farms in Nineteenth-Century Java: Institutional Continuity and Change in a Colonial Society, 1860–1910’, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Yale University, 1977), p. 20.

257 Carey, ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, p. 35.

258 Diehl, F. W., ‘The Opium-Tax Farm on Java, 1813–1914: A Quest for Revenue by Government and Chinese Tax Farmers’, Paper presented to the Conference on Indonesian Economic History in the Dutch Colonial Period (ANU, Canberra, 16–18 12 1983), pp. 45, who reckoned that the Dutch colonial administration made a profit of Dfl. 17.6 million in the period 1827–33, almost enough to have covered the cost of the Java War (1825–30). The Chinese opium farmers were reckoned to have been able to make almost as much again from the retail trade, see Diehl, , op. cit., p. 5; and Hassclman, J. J., ‘Nota omtrent de opium-pacht op Java en Madoera’, Handelingen en Geschriften fan ket Indisch Genootschap. vol. V (1858), pp. 25.

259 On Nahuys van Burgst (born Amsterdam, 1782—died Breda, 1858), see his autobiography, Herinneringen uit het Openbare en Bijzondere Leven (1799–1858) van Mr. H. G. Baron Nahuys van Burgst ('s-Hertogenbosch: Gebroeders Muller, 1858); Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, p. 58; Hogendorp, Van (ed.), Willem van Hogendorp, pp. 165–6; and Houben, , ‘Afstand van Gebied’, pp. 3641. His private papers are in the Dept. of Western MSS. of the Leiden University Library (coll. no. BPL 616), see Wap, J. J. F., ‘Bronnen voor de taal-, land- en volkenkunde van Neêrlandsch Indië’, BKI, vol. 11 (1864), pp. 179–91

260 NvB Portfolio 9 pt 3, van Burgst, Nahuys, ‘Onlusten op Java’. 04 1826; Id., Herinneringen, pp. 131ff, Id. (ed.), Verzameling van officiële rapporten, vol. I, pp. 303ff; Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, p. 71; Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 628.

261 This critic was the President of the Board of Finances (Raad van Finantiën), H. J. van de Graaff (d. 1826), one of Governor-General Van der Capellen's closest advisers. For his criticisms, see NvB Portfolio 5 pt 11, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to Commissioners-General (Batavia/Bogor), 15 09 1817; and vAE (aanwinsten 1941) 20, Van de Graaff, (Batavia) to Fabius, J. (Holland), 26 07 1823.

262 vAE (aanwinsten 1941) 20, van de Graaff, H. J. (Batavia) to Fabius, J. (Holland), 26 07 1823.

263 MvK 2778, BGG in rade, 23 05 1823 no. 7 (printed in Staatsblad van Nederlandsch-Indië no. 17 [1823]); Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, Bijlage IX; der Kemp, Van, ‘Economische Oorzaken’, pp. 1638 (esp. p. 26).

264 Van der Kemp, , ‘Economische Oorzaken’, pp. 1638.

265 Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, p. 40 n. 191; Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, Bijlagen V & VI.

266 Ibid.

267 Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, pp. 627633.

268 S. Br. 8811, Thomson, H. (Rajawinangun) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 13 12 1822; Id. to Id., 6 Jan. 1823; KITLV H 699g (Rouffaer coll.) AvJ (section on landrent), p. 76, Id. to Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta), n.d. (c. 07 1823). where he noted that ‘those lands [at Rajawinangun] which were given to me in rent for the cultivation of indigo are so intermixed with those of other Javanese (farmers), that my crops have been injured by the cultivation of their fields lying contiguous to mine (author's italics)’.

269 Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 631. Labour services (kerigan) on the coffee estates for villagers who were not employed by the estate owner as day labourers, took place on a two day a week basis with one day being paid (at the rate of 7½ cents (6 copper duit) per villager, and 15 cents (12 copper duit) per overseer (mandur)), and one day unpaid, see S. Br. 911, van Vlissingen, C. (Opziener Kembang Arum), ‘Verdeeling der navolgende koffij tuinen van het land Kembang Arum onder de bevolking van genoemd land’, 14 05 1825; von Winckelman, C. (Surakarta) to MacGillavry, H. (Surakarta), 22 04 1825. On the other labour service demanded by estate owners, see Dj. Br. 51 C, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to van de Graaff, H. J. (Batavia), 18 05 1821. For a comparison with daily wages for coolies, see above n. 145.

270 GKA, 20 Sept. 1830 no. 56k, ‘Verbaal’, interviews with Raden Adipati Danureja IV (in office, 1813–47; and Pangéran Prabuningrat (ex Raden Tumenggung Wiranegara), 21 April 1830 (on the Europeans); and Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, pp. 40–1 (on the Chinese).

271 Ibid.

272 van Nes, J. F. W., ‘Verhandeling over de waarschijnlijke oorzaken, die aanleiding tot de onlusten van 1825 en de volgende jaren in de vorstenlanden gegeven hebben’, TNI vol. 6 no. 4 (1844), p. 142;S. Br. 131, ‘Minuut-verbaal van het verhandelde door de Kommissie belast met de verevening der zaken der verhuurde landerijen in de Res. Soerakarta en Djocjocarta’ (henceforth: ‘Minuut-Verbaal verhuurde landerijen’), entry of 3 02 1824; Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. II, p. 273.

273 On the poor wage rates and conditions for day labourers (bujang) working in the coffee estates, see Louw, , De Java-Oorlog van 1825–30 vol. II (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij & 's-Hage; M. Nijhoff, 1897), pp. 269–74 (esp. p. 274); S. Br. 170, Commissioners (Surakarta) to van der Capellen, G. A. G. Ph. (Batavia/Bogor), 24 10 1824; S. Br. 8811, ‘Report on Rajawinangun’, 10 1823 (stating that the monthly rate for bujang was 4 Java Rupees or about 13 cents a day with no meals being provided); and S. Br. 911, von Winckelman, C. (Surakarta) to MacGillavry, H. (Surakarta), 22 04 1825 (stating that bujang were paid 10 duit (2½ cents) for every hundred coffee trees they cleaned and weeded (about a day's work), and were given a rice meal twice a day). For comparative wage rates of porters and coolies at this time, see above n. 145.

274 S. Br. 131. ‘Minuut-Verbaal verhuurde landerijen’, entry of 1 08 1824; Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. II, p. 274; Hogendorp 1531, van Hogendorp, W., ‘Over den Staat van Java no. 2’ (Kedhu, 1827).

275 S. Br. 131, ‘Minuut-verbaal verhuurde landerijen’. entry of 1 08 1824; Veth, P. J., Java, Geographische, Ethnologisch, Historisch (2nd rev. edn.Haarlem: De Erven F. Bohn, 1898), p. 349.

276 On these attacks, see, for example, Dj. Br. 52, Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta) to van der Capellen, G. A. G. Ph. (Batavia/Bogor), 5 09 1825; and S. Br. 881, Id. to MacGillavry, H. (Surakarta), 6 09 1823.

277 On the numerous robber (kampak) bands armed with pikes, muskets, axes (bijlen) and clubs which operated in the Mt Merapi area in 1820, see Dj. Br. 51 B, d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta) to van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Surakarta). 23 06 1820; Id. to Id. 27 July 1820; and for the description of an axe attack on a European's house in Yogakarta in 1819, see S. Br. 131, ‘Translaten en Verbaalen, Solo, 1816–1819’, entry of 8 02 1819.

278 On the provision of gunpowder to estate owners, see Dj. Br. 52, Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta) to Commander of the Yogyakarta Fort, 10 09 1823; Dj. Br. 53, Id. to Id., 14 Feb. 1824; and on the flight of a Eurasian overseer to Surakarta just after the outbreak of the Java War, see S Br. 9111, van Vlissingen, C. (Opziener Kembang Arum) to MacGillavry, H. (Surakarta). 22 07 1825.

279 See the passages from the Reksapustaka (Mangkunagaran) MS. of the Serat Cabolang (c. 1815) transliterated in KITLV Or. 471, pt. 4, pp. 1112.

280 See Carey, , ‘Pangéran Dipanagara and the Making of the Java War’ (forthcoming, 1986), Chap. IX.

281 This was Sampurna, Kyai Iman (‘The Sage of Perfect Faith’) who lived for a long time in the forests of Lodhaya near Blitar, see S. Br. 131, ‘Translaten en Verbaalen, Solo, 1816–1819’, entries of 11 02 and 17 02 1819; and Dj. Br. 4, ‘Dagregister van de Res. Soerakarta, 1819’ (signed Lippe, H. F. [Asst.-Res. Surakarta], 31 12 1819), entries of 5, 26 Jan., 15, 17, 19, 20, 22 Feb., 4, 7, 8 11, 23 March, and 4 May 1819.

282 The original pégon (Javanese written in Arabic script) copy of Kyai Iman Sampurna's prophetic script (with a partial Dutch trans, by J. W. Winter), can be found in S. Br. 131, ‘Translaten en Verbaalen, Solo, 1819’, entry of 17 02 1819.

283 Ibid.; on the connections between the title ‘Ratu Paneteg Panatagama’ and the Ratu Adil, see Carey, Peter, ‘The Cultural Ecology of Early Nineteenth Century Java: Pangeran Dipanagara, a Case Study’ (Singapore: ISEAS Occasional Paper no. 24, 12 1974), p. 29; and Id. (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLV, 241 n. 30.

284 Boomgaard, , ‘Disease, death and disasters’, p. 13.

285 van Burgst, Nahuys, Herinneringen, pp. 123–4.

286 Muller, , ‘Kort verslag aangaande de cholera-morbus op Java’, pp. 23.

287 Ibid., p. 3.

288 Ibid., pp. 4–6; the figure of seven per cent has been reached by comparing the number of reported deaths in this area with the population figures given in Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 62, Table no. II facing (British Government Census of 1815) which gives a total population of 710,657 for the districts of Gresik, Surabaya, Pasuruan, Bangkalan, Pamekasan, Sumenep and Banyuwangi. It should be noted that we are dealing here with reported deaths, the actual numbers who succumbed were probably very much higher possibly amounting to about ten per cent of the total population of Java (4.5–5 millions) at this time, see Chevalier, L. (ed.), Societé d'Histoire de la Révolution de '48 (La Roche-sur-Yon: Imprimerie Centrale de l'Ouest, 1958), p. xiv.

289 S. Br. 170, ‘Handelingen van den Resident van Soerakarta voor het jaar 1821’, entry of 26 06 1821. See also Muller, , ‘Kort verslag aangaande de cholera-morbus op Java’, p. 4; van Burgst, Nahuys, Herinneringen, p. 123 (who stated that Surakarta and Semarang were the two towns most affected by the epidemic in Java); and Bibliotheek, Koninklijke (The Hague), de Groot, A. D. Cornets Jr. private coll., pt. 3, de Groot, A. D. Cornets Jr. (Surakarta) to Srde Groot, A. D. Cornets (Gresik), 1 06 1821.

290 S. Br. 170, ‘Handelingen van den Resident van Soerakarta voor het jaar 1821’, entry of 20 06 1821 referring to a letter of instruction from the Resident of Surakarta to local inhabitants urging them not to observe the fast during Puwasa because of the cholera epidemic, and encouraging farmers to plant potatoes and root crops because of the rice shortage. See further above Section IV n. 177.

291 See above n. 279.

292 Carey, , ‘Cultural Ecology’, passim; Carey, , ‘Pangéran Dipanagara and the Making of the Java War’ (forthcoming, 1986), Chap. X.

293 Anon. (ed.), ‘Aanteekeningen van den Gouverneur-Generaal van der Capellen over den Opstand van Dipo Negoroin 1825’. TNI, vol. 22 pt 2 (1860), p. 363 (entry of 24 July); Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 283 n. 201.

294 Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 287 n. 218; and above Section I p. 65.

295 Geertz, , Agricultural Involution, p. 82.

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