Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-ttngx Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-05-01T09:19:19.364Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Why Didn't Colonial Indonesia Have a Competitive Cotton Textile Industry?*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 October 2012

PIERRE VAN DER ENG
PIERRE VAN DER ENG*
Affiliation:
Research School of Management, ANU College of Business and Economics, The Australian National University Email: pierre.vandereng@anu.edu.au
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

This paper quantifies the consumption and production of cotton textiles at different stages of processing in Indonesia during the Dutch colonial era (1820–1941). It discusses the main factors that impeded the development of an internationally competitive cotton textile industry, and concludes that production in the industry increased significantly in Java during 1820–71, and again during 1874–1914 and 1934–41. However, most activity involved finishing of imported cotton cloth to suit local preferences. Spinning and weaving increased only marginally, as domestic production was precluded by the high-labour intensity of small-scale production, marginal local raw cotton production, and competitive international markets for yarn and cloth. Unfavourable and fluctuating real exchange rates discouraged investment in modern spinning and weaving ventures until trade protection and technological change in small-scale weaving caused rapid growth of domestic production after 1934.

Type
Research Article
Information
Modern Asian Studies , Volume 47 , Issue 3 , May 2013 , pp. 1019 - 1054
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2012

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

I would like to thank Kaoru Sugihara, Kōzuke Mizuno, Anne Booth, A.J.H. Latham, Jan Luiten van Zanden, Jeff Williamson, and Gregg Huff, as well as two anonymous referees for their comments on previous versions of this paper.

References

1 The paper refers to Indonesia, rather than the Dutch East Indies or colonial Indonesia, comprising the geographical area that became the independent state of Indonesia after the First World War.

2 For example, Kadarijah (1958). ‘Perkembangan Perindustrian Tekstil di Indonesia’, Laporan Lembaga Penjelidikan Ekonomi dan Masjarakat No. 10A, LPEM, Universitas Indonesia, Jakarta; Palmer, I. (1972). Textiles in Indonesia: Problems of Import Substitution, Praeger, New YorkGoogle Scholar; Hill, H. (1992). Indonesia's Textiles and Garment Industries, ISEAS, SingaporeCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Roy, T. (2004). ‘Flourishing branches, wilting core: Research in modern Indian economic history’, Australian Economic History Review, 44, pp. 233–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 For example, Bairoch, P. and Kozul-Wright, R. (1998). ‘globalization myths: some historical reflections on integration, industrialization and growth in the world economy’, in Kozul-Wright, R. and Rowthorn, R.Transnational Corporations and the Global Economy, Macmillan, London, p. 52Google Scholar; Nayyar, D. (2005). ‘Globalisation, history and development: A tale of two centuries’, Cambridge Journal of Economics, 30, p. 152Google Scholar.

5 For example, Booth, A. (1998). The Indonesian Economy in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: A History of Missed Opportunities, Macmillan, London, pp. 36–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 For example, Furnivall, J.S. (1939). Netherlands India: A Study of Plural Economy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 332–34 and 459Google Scholar.

7 Dick, H.W. (1993). ‘Nineteenth-century industrialization: a missed opportunity?’, in Lindblad, J.Th.New Challenges in the Modern Economic History of Indonesia, Programme of Indonesian Studies, Leiden, pp. 123–49Google Scholar.

8 Williamson, G. (2006). ‘Globalization, de-industrialization and underdevelopment in the Third World before the modern era’, Revista de Historia Económica, 24, pp. 9–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Van der Kraan, A. (1996). ‘Anglo-Dutch rivalry in the Java cotton trade, 1811–30’, Indonesia Circle, 68, pp. 37–39Google Scholar.

10 Fernando, M.R. (1996). ‘Growth of non-agricultural economic activities in Java in the middle decades of the nineteenth century’, Modern Asian Studies, 30, pp. 85–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Compared to 0.9 kg per capita (annual average) of imported cotton yarn, cotton cloth, and raw cotton during 1950–62 (Statistik Konjunktur, various years), when imports were restricted due to foreign exchange shortages.

12 This is based on the assumption that a sarong measures 1 × 2.5 m2 and that it takes a kilogram of cotton fibre to weave three sarong (Changing Economy in Indonesia: Vol. 8: Manufacturing Industry 1870–1942, Royal Tropical Institute, Amsterdam, 1987, p. 156). This per capita level appears to be low, because Twomey estimated levels of 1.4 and 1.2 kg per capita in China and Japan respectively in 1870, and 1.0 and 1.2 kg in India in 1850 and 1880 (Twomey, M.J. (1983). ‘Employment in nineteenth century Indian textiles’, Explorations in Economic History, 20, pp. 45 and 47CrossRefGoogle Scholar). However, Indonesia straddles the equator and no cotton was required for the padding of clothing, unlike in China and Japan.

13 Changing Economy in Indonesia: Vol. 15: Prices (Non-Rice) 1814–1940, Royal Tropical Institute, Amsterdam, 1994, p. 29.

14 Van der Eng, P. (1999). ‘The silver standard and Asia's integration into the world economy, 1850–1914’, Review of Asian and Pacific Studies, 18, pp. 59–85Google Scholar.

15 For a discussion of changes during the sixteenth and seventeenth century, see Clarence-Smith, W. (2009). ‘The production of cotton textiles in early modern South-East Asia’, in Riello, G. and Parthasarathi, P.The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 127–42Google Scholar.

16 In effect, Dutch King William I, because the Dutch parliament had no say in colonial affairs until 1854.

17 Van der Kraan, ‘Anglo Dutch rivalry’, pp. 35–36.

18 Van der Kraan, ‘Anglo Dutch rivalry’, p. 51.

19 Vandenbosch, A. (1944). The Dutch East Indies: Its Government, Problems, and Politics, University of California Press, Berkeley, pp. 226–27Google Scholar.

20 Van der Kraan, ‘Anglo Dutch rivalry’, pp. 45–46 and 52; Furnivall, Netherlands India, pp. 144–45.

21 Changing Economy, Vol. 8, pp. 153–54.

22 Lindblad, J.Th. (1988). ‘De handel tussen Nederland en Nederlands-Indië, 1874–1939’, Economisch- en Sociaal-Historisch Jaarboek, 51, p. 294Google Scholar, note 47, and pp. 297–98, notes 84 and 90.

23 Fischer, E.J. (1981). ‘De ontwikkeling van de Twentse katoennijverheid en de toename van de arbeidsproduktiviteit tussen 1800 en 1930’, Textielhistorische Bijdragen, 22, p. 19Google Scholar; Wolters, C. (1990). ‘De Twentse katoenindustrie en de dekolonisatie: De neergang van de handel in “katoentjes” naar Indonesië’, Textielhistorische Bijdragen, 30, pp. 109–32Google Scholar.

24 Sugiyama, S. (1994). ‘The expansion of Japan's cotton textile exports into Southeast Asia’, in Sugiyama, S. and Guerrero, M.C.International Commercial Rivalry in Southeast Asia in the Interwar Period, Yale Southeast Asia Studies, New Haven, pp. 61–62Google Scholar.

25 Broek, J.O.M. (1942). Economic Development of the Netherlands Indies, Institute of Pacific Relations, New York, p. 125Google Scholar.

26 Van Oorschot, H.J. (1956). De Ontwikkeling van de Nijverheid in Indonesië, Van Hoeve, The Hague, p. 44Google Scholar.

27 Wisselink discussed arguments in support of the choice of quotas rather than tariffs or direct government support. The main argument was that Japanese firms would be able to absorb the additional cost of higher tariffs, while direct support would exceed available public finance. Wisselink, J. (1933). ‘Het vraagstuk der katoenindustrie in Nederlandsch-Indië’, Economisch Weekblad voor Nederlandsch-Indië, 2, pp. 1930–935Google Scholar and 1985–990.

28 Wirodihardjo, S. (1951). De Contigenteeringspolitiek en Hare Invloed op de Indonesische Bevolking, Indira, Jakarta, pp. 38–41Google Scholar, 91–126 and 138–95.

29 Van Oorschot, De Ontwikkeling, pp. 45–46.

30 Wirodihardjo, De Contingenteeringspolitiek, pp. 55–85.

31 Wirodihardjo, De Contingenteeringspolitiek, pp. 131–37.

32 Algemeen Handelsblad, 3 April 1830.

33 There is an extensive literature on all these failed efforts to increase raw cotton production and establish cotton purchasing and ginning operations in Indonesia from the colonial era until recent years. See, for example, Broersma, R. (1931). ‘Kan in Indië loonende katoennijverheid worden gevestigd?’, De Bergcultures, 28, pp. 761–62Google Scholar; Dijkstra, J.F. (1907). ‘Katoen’, Tijdschrift voor Nijverheid en Landbouw in Nederlandsch-Indië, 74, pp. 607–19Google Scholar; Elson, R.E. (1994). Village Java under the Cultivation System 1830–1870, Allen and Unwin, Sydney, pp. 74Google Scholar, 249, 275 and 461; Heersink, C. (1999). Dependence on Green Gold: A Socio-Economic History of the Indonesian Coconut Island Selayar, KITLV Press, Leiden, pp. 129–30Google Scholar; Paerels, B.H. (1950). ‘Katoen’, in Van Hall, C.J.J. and Van de Koppel, C.De Landbouw in de Indische Archipel, Deel III, Van Hoeve, The Hague, pp. 40–46Google Scholar; Spoon, W. (1932). ‘Beoordeling van katoen uit Ned. Oost Indië’, Berichten van de Afdeeling Handelsmuseum van het Koloniaal Instituut No.73, De Bussy, AmsterdamGoogle Scholar; Sulistiyo, and Mawarni, A. (1991). Kapas: Kajian Sosial-Ekonomi, Aditya Media, Yogyakarta, pp. 23–32Google Scholar; Treub M. (1904). ‘Rapport van den Directeur van ‘s Lands Plantentuin betreffende de katoencultuur in Nederlandsch Indië’, Javasche Courant, 13 September 1904, Appendix; Tromp de Haas, W.R. (1903). ‘Terugblik op hetgeen in Nederlandsch-Indië gedaan is nopens de katoencultuur’, Teysmannia, 14, pp. 541–62Google Scholar; Van Breda de Haan, J. (1914). Overzicht van hetgeen werd verricht ter bevordering van de katoencultuur in Nederlandsch Oost-Indië in 1913, Kolff, BataviaGoogle Scholar; Van Hall, C.J.J. (1939). Insulinde: De Inheemsche Landbouw, Van Hoeve, Deventer, pp. 72–73Google Scholar; Van Setten, D.J.G. (1911). ‘Eenige gegevens voor de katoencultuur in Nederlandsch-Oost-Indië’, Mededeelingen Uitgaande van het Departement van Landbouw, No. 14, Kolff, BataviaGoogle Scholar; Veth, P.J. (1865). Bijdragen tot de Kennis van de Voornaamste Voortbrengselen van Nederlandsch Indië: III Het Katoen, Fred Muller, Amsterdam, pp. 41–44 and 54–58Google Scholar; Vink, G.J. (1932–33). ‘Ruim honderd jaar ervaring met de bevordering van de katoencultuur in Nederlandsch-Indië’, Landbouw, 8, pp. 245–63Google Scholar.

34 Van Limburg Brouwer, J.L. (1863).‘Verslag van de verrichtingen der Nederlandsch-Indische Katoenmaatschappij’, Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië, 1, pp. 292–99Google Scholar; De Locomotief, Samarangsch Handels en Advertentie-Blad, 2 February 1866.

35 Van Hall, Insulinde, p. 72.

36 Vink, ‘Ruim honderd jaar’, p. 261; Paerels, ‘Katoen’, pp. 39–40.

37 Matsuo, H. (1970). The Development of Javanese Cotton Industry, Institute of Developing Economies, Tokyo, pp. 4–5Google Scholar; Heersink, Dependence on Green Gold, p. 48; Van der Kraan, ‘Anglo Dutch rivalry’, p. 38; Elson, Village Java, p. 276.

38 Rouffaer, G.P. (1904). De Voornaamste Industrieën der Inlandsche Bevolking van Java en Madoera, Nijhoff, The Hague, p. 11Google Scholar.

39 Rhyne R.F. (1954). ‘Social and Political Changes Associated with the Dutch Program of Technological Development Carried out in Java’, PhD thesis, University of California, Berkeley, p. 317; Hasselman, C.J. (1914). Algemeen Overzicht van de Uitkomsten van het Welvaartonderzoek, Gehouden op Java en Madoera in 1904–1905, Nijhoff, The Hague, p. 137Google Scholar; Huender, W. (1921). Overzicht van den Economischen Toestand der Inheemsche Bevolking van Java en Madoera, Nijhoff, The Hague, p. 66Google Scholar.

40 Matsuo, Development, p. 13.

41 Rouffaer, De Voornaamste Industrieën, pp. 14–15.

42 Rouffaer, De Voornaamste Industrieën, p. 11; Changing Economy, Vol. 8, p. 153; Elson, Village Java, pp. 10, 249 and 272–77.

43 Elson, Village Java, p. 276; Heersink, Dependence on Green Gold, pp. 47–50 and 128–31.

44 Van der Kraan, ‘Anglo Dutch rivalry’, p. 38; Elson, Village Java, pp. 10, 249 and 276.

45 Van der Kraan, ‘Anglo Dutch rivalry’, pp. 58–60; Elson, Village Java, p. 276.

46 Rouffaer, De Voornaamste Industrieën, pp. 11–12; Huender, Overzicht, p. 66.

47 Rouffaer, De Voornaamste Industrieën, p. 11.

48 Oki, A. (1979). ‘A Note on the history of the textile industry in West Sumatra’, in Van Anrooij, F.et al.Between People and Statistics: Essays on Modern Indonesian History, Nijhoff, The Hague, pp. 148–49Google Scholar; Het Nieuws van den Dag voor Nederlandsch-Indië, 17 November 1902.

49 Rhyne, ‘Social and Political Changes’, p. 317; Hasselman, Algemeen Overzicht, pp. 135 and 137.

50 Hasselman, Algemeen Overzicht, p. 137.

51 Fievez de Malines van Ginkel, F.M. and Meijer Ranneft, J.W. (1926). Verslag van de Economischen Toestand der Inlandsche Bevolking 1924, Kolff, Weltevreden, Vol. 1, pp. 166–67Google Scholar.

52 It is not clear whether this was for part-time or full-time work. Matsuo, Development, pp. 16–17 offered a hypothetical example to illustrate that the returns to weavers must have been very low, even if they used imported cotton yarn. Other sources confirm this impression, for example, Van Warmelo, W. (1938). De Ontwikkeling van de Kleine Handweefnijverheid in het Madjalaja-Rayon, Departement van Economische Zaken, Batavia, p. 2Google Scholar.

53 Telkamp, G.J. (1981). ‘Aangepaste Technologie in Koloniale Context: De Textielindustrie in Indonesië van 1930 tot 1942’, in Boomgaard, P.et al.Exercities in Ons Verleden, Van Gorcum, Assen, p. 229Google Scholar.

54 Van Warmelo, De Ontwikkeling, pp. 2–3.

55 De Jonge, J.A. (1968). De Industrialisatie in Nederland tussen 1850 en 1914, Scheltema en Holkema, Amsterdam, pp. 117–20Google Scholar. Indonesia was therefore never of prime importance to the Dutch textile industry as a whole, although it was significant to some individual producers who specialized in the production of textiles required in Indonesia. The Dutch textile industry easily survived Indonesian independence and declining exports to Indonesia. It even expanded production during the 1950s, because it managed to take advantage of the enormous growth in international demand. See Kockelkorn, H. (1989). ‘Conjuncturele ontwikkeling van de Twentse katoenindustrie, 1925–1965’, Textielhistorische Bijdragen, 29, pp. 95–121Google Scholar. However, it failed to maintain competitiveness in its main market: the Netherlands. The demise of the Dutch textile industry in the 1970s was not due to the deterioration of relations with Indonesia, but to rising production costs, which triggered an international relocation of the textile industry.

56 Lindblad, ‘De handel’, p. 294, note 47, and pp. 297–98, notes 84 and 90.

57 Colonial officials did not articulate an explicit policy stance on this issue throughout the colonial period, but it was an argument in the 1930s, for instance in 1937, when political guidelines for industry policy were developed (see Versluys, J.D.N. (1949). Aspecten van Indonesië's Industrialisatie en Haar Financiering, Wolters, Groningen, p. 14Google Scholar), and also in 1938, when a group of senior officials of the colonial government considered whether to continue or scale down the trade policies that had been put in place since 1934 (see Van Oorschot, De Ontwikkeling, p. 55).

58 Booth, Indonesian Economy, pp. 232–34; Van der Eng, P. (2002). ‘Indonesia's Growth Performance in the 20th Century’, in Maddison, A., Prasada Rao, D.S. and Shepherd, W.The Asian Economies in the Twentieth Century, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, pp. 156–59Google Scholar. Huff has argued convincingly that the real exchange rate made the production of manufactures in pre-war Malaya uncompetitive. See Huff, W.G. (2002). ‘Boom-or-bust commodities and industrialization in pre-World War II Malaya’, Journal of Economic History, 64, pp. 1074–115Google Scholar. The case of Indonesia, like Malaya a major exporter of rubber, is unlikely to be different.

59 Rouffaer, De Voornaamste Industrieën, pp. 7 and 22–23. A discussion of the development of the batik industry in Java can be found in Vuldy, D. (1987). Pekalongan: Batik et Islam dans Une Ville du Nord de Java, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Paris, pp. 104–62Google Scholar.

60 Huender, Overzicht, p. 67.

61 Hasselman, Algemeen Overzicht, p. 137.

62 Rouffaer, De Voornaamste Industrieën, p. 26.

63 Rhyne, ‘Social and Political Changes’, p. 317.

64 Changing Economy, Vol. 8, pp. 69–74.

65 Fievez and Meijer Ranneft, Verslag, Vol. 1, p. 163.

66 Matsuo, The Development, pp. 80–84.

67 Economisch Weekblad voor Nederlandsch-Indië, Industrienummer 1941, p. 169.

68 Sugiyama, ‘The Expansion’, pp. 63–65; Post, P. (1996). ‘Chinese Business Networks and Japanese Capital in South East Asia, 1880–1940: Some Preliminary Observations’, in Ampalavanar Brown, R.Chinese Business Enterprise in Asia, Routledge, London, pp. 154–76Google Scholar.

69 Fievez and Meijer Ranneft, Verslag, Vol. 1, pp. 157–59; Van Oorschot, De Ontwikkeling, pp. 18–26.

70 Fievez and Meijer Ranneft, Verslag, Vol. 1, pp. 159–60; Rhyne, ‘Social and Political Changes’, pp. 39–45; Van Oorschot, De Ontwikkeling, pp. 2630.

71 The origin of the Institute was the experimental use of penal labour in the Glodok prison in Batavia in 1911 with self-produced handlooms based on old designs of Dutch and British-Indian looms. In 1916 the looms were brought to the Cirebon prison, where Director G. Dalenoord had established a weaving shop in 1919 using penal labour. Dalenoord experimented by improving weaving technology and continued his experiments from 1920 as the Institute's first director until he joined the NV Preanger Bontweverij in Garut in 1934; see Kroese, W.T. (1979). Het Begin van de Industrialisatie van Indonesië: De Stichting van de Preanger Bontweverij (PWB) te Garut, Koninklijke Textielfabrieken Nijverdal-ten Cate NV, Hengelo, pp. 14 and 20Google Scholar.

72 Rothe, C. (1938). ‘Industrieën in Ned. Indië, II: Textielindustrie’, Berichten van de Afdeeling Handelsmuseum van het Koloniaal Instituut No. 125, De Bussy, Amsterdam, pp. 3–4Google Scholar; Van Warmelo, W. (1939). ‘Ontstaan en groei van de handweefnijverheid in Madjalaja’, Koloniale Studiën, 23, p. 8Google Scholar.

73 Telkamp, ‘Aangepaste Technologie’, pp. 228 and 230.

74 Van Oorschot, De Ontwikkeling, p. 43; Telkamp, ‘Aangepaste Technologie’, p. 230.

75 Telkamp, ‘Aangepaste Technologie’, p. 224; Fruin, Th. A. (1947). Het Economische Aspect van het Indonesische Vraagstuk, Vrij Nederland, Amsterdam, p. 32Google Scholar.

76 Rothe, ‘Industrieën’, pp. 18–20; Telkamp, ‘Aangepaste Technologie’, pp. 239–40.

77 Timmermans, J.M.H. (1941). ‘Ontwikkeling van de Nederlandsch-Indische textielindustrie en de overheidsbemoeienis’, Economisch Weekblad voor Nederlandsch-Indië, Special issue, 43Google Scholar.

78 Rhyne, ‘Social and Political Changes’, p. 341.

79 On cluster theory, see, for example, Delgado, M., Porter, M.E. and Stern, S. (2010). ‘Clusters and entrepreneurship’, Journal of Economic Geography, 10, pp. 1–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Majalaya, see Van Warmelo, De Ontwikkeling, pp. 9–19; Van Warmelo, ‘Ontstaan’, pp. 11–15; Telkamp, ‘Aangepaste Technologie’, pp. 232–39; Antlöv, H. and Svensson, T. (1991). ‘From rural home weavers to factory labour: the industrialization of textile manufacturing in Majalaya’, in Alexander, P.et al.In the Shadow of Agriculture: Non-Farm Activities in the Javanese Economy, Past and Present, Royal Tropical Institute, Amsterdam, pp.113–26Google Scholar; Keppy, P. (2001). ‘Hidden Business: Indigenous and Ethnic Chinese Entrepreneurs in the Majalaya Textile Industry, West Java, 1928–1974’, PhD thesis, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam, pp. 24–87.

80 Van Warmelo, ‘Ontstaan’, p. 24.

81 Rothe, ‘Industrieën’, pp. 7 and 23.

82 Timmermans, ‘Ontwikkeling’, p. 43; Keppy, ‘Hidden Business’, pp. 65–72.

83 Van Warmelo, ‘Ontstaan’, p. 21.

84 Wirodihardjo, De Contingenteeringspolitiek, p. 153.

85 Timmermans, ‘Ontwikkeling’, p. 43; Rhyne, ‘Social and Political Changes’, p. 74; Changing Economy, Vol. 8, p. 154.

86 Telkamp, ‘Aangepaste Technologie’, pp. 233–34.

87 Van Warmelo, De Ontwikkeling, pp. 4–5.

88 Kroese, W.T. (1946). ‘Statistische gegevens als basis der rehabilitatieplannen der Nederlandsch-Indische textielindustrie’, Economisch-Statistische Berichten, 31, pp. 599–600Google Scholar.

89 Telkamp, ‘Aangepaste Technologie’, pp. 233–34.

90 Sitsen, P. (1943). Industrial Development of the Netherlands Indies, Netherlands and Netherlands Indies Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations, New York, p. 21Google Scholar.

91 Sutter, J.O. (1959). Indonesianisasi: A Historical Survey of the Role of Politics in a Changing Economy, 1940–1955, Cornell University Modern Indonesia Project, Ithaca, Vol. 1, p. 44Google Scholar.

92 The NV Preanger Bontweverij was owned by Dutch trading company Internatio and Dutch textile firms Van Heek and Koninklijke Stoomweverij, and produced collared woven materials (Kroese, Het Begin). By 1940, it operated 1,200 imported Japanese Suzuki power looms and had 3,243 employees. The NV Java Textiel Maatschappij was owned by a consortium of 46 Dutch companies and produced bleached and unbleached cloth. It operated 800 power looms, integrated spinning and weaving, and produced 2,200 tons of yarn per year.

93 Rothe, ‘Industrieën’, pp. 16–17; Het Nieuws van den Dag voor Nederlandsch-Indië, 29 January 1938.

94 Telkamp, ‘Aangepaste Technologie’, p. 235.

95 Van der Eng, P. (2013). ‘Government promotion of labour-intensive industrialisation in Indonesia, 1930–1975’, in Austin, G. and Sugihara, K.Labour-Intensive Industrialisation in Global History, Routledge, London (forthcoming)Google Scholar.

96 Or 25 per cent of 1935–36 yarn imports. Matsuo notes a production capacity of 2,200 tons (Matsuo, The Development, p. 50).

97 Sitsen and Kroese mention plans for spinning plants in Semarang, Kudus, and Pasuruan, which would have brought total capacity to 160,000 spindles. Sitsen, Industrial Development, p. 47; Kroese, W.T. (1947). ‘De Ontwikkelingsmogelijkheden voor de Nederlandsch-Indische Katoenindustrie’, Mededelingen van het Departement van Economische Zaken, No. 5, Archipel, Jakarta, pp. 23–24Google Scholar.

98 Assuming the term ‘self-sufficient’ is appropriate, given that almost all cotton yarn had to be imported.

99 Hulshoff Pol, D.J. (1948). ‘De industrialisatiepolitiek in Indonesië’, Economisch-Statistische Berichten, 33, p. 852Google Scholar.

100 Kroese, ‘Statistische gegevens’, p. 599; Jonkers, A. (1948). Welvaartszorg in Indonesië, Van Hoeve, The Hague, p. 119Google Scholar.

101 Van Zanden, J.L. (n.d.). ‘Economic Growth in Java 1815–1939: The Reconstruction of the Historical National Accounts of a Colonial Economy’, International Institute for Social History, pp.10–11, <http://www.iisg.nl/research/jvz-reconstruction.pdf>, [accessed 15 June 2011].

102 Boomgaard, P. (1989). Children of the Colonial State: Population Growth and Economic Development in Java, 1795–1880, Free University Press, Amsterdam, pp. 94–95 and 216–17Google Scholar.

103 Changing Economy, Vol. 8, p. 156.

104 Calculated from Nationaal Archief, 2 October 1921, Collectie De Vriese, nos. 132 and 133, containing residential reports on annual cotton production and/or harvested area in Java.

105 Changing Economy in Indonesia: Vol. 10: Food Crops and Arable Lands, Java 1815–1942, Royal Tropical Institute, Amsterdam, pp. 102–04.

106 Paerels, ‘Katoen’, pp. 26 and 31–32.

107 The British seized control of Java in 1811 and started importing British cotton cloth (see Van der Kraan, ‘Dutch Anglo rivalry’, pp. 43–44). Trade continued uninterrupted after the return of Dutch rule in Java, but regular import statistics only start in 1822.

108 Sofjan, A. (1959). Masalah Kapas di Indonesia, Panitia Negara Urusan Tekstil, Jakarta, pp. 112–16Google Scholar.

109 Changing Economy in Indonesia, Vol. 15, pp. 23–38; ‘Historische prijzen in Ned. Indië sedert 1825’ (1938). Mededeelingen van het Centraal Kantoor voor de Statistiek No. 166, CKS, Batavia; Van Riel, A. (n.d.). ‘Constructing the Nineteenth-Century Cost of Living Deflator (1800–1913)’, Working Document for the Project on the Reconstruction of the National Accounts of the Netherlands, <http://www.iisg.nl/hpw/brannex.php>, [accessed 3 August 2012].

110 Van der Eng, P. (2002). ‘Bridging a gap: A reconstruction of population patterns in Indonesia, 1930–1961’, Asian Studies Review, 26, pp. 487–509Google Scholar.