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The Shape of the History of the Eucharist

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2024

Abstract

Many authors are hesitant to speak of the Eucharist in the pre-Nicene period and some modern scholarship has attempted to cast doubt on the traditional view that Christ instituted the Eucharist at the Last Supper. This article examines contemporary liturgical studies on the early history of the Eucharist. In light of this it proposes that the traditional view is still the only possibility for an authentic Catholic theology and that liturgical history is, in fact, part of the discipline of Church history that cannot be confused with secular methods of the historical sciences. In this sense, the history of the Eucharist and its later developments must be studied in a manner that acknowledges Providence and the work of the Holy Spirit in the history of the Church. In particular the crystallization of the early “shape” of the liturgy must be understood to be a fundamental element of the divine institution of the Church and not merely a chance selection of one tradition of Eucharistic worship from many equally valid options.

Type
Original Articles
Copyright
© 2011 The Author. New Blackfriars © 2011 The Dominican Council

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References

1 Benedict XVI is very clear in his recent motu propio that both missals are, in fact, complementary expressions of two usages of the one Roman rite,”Summorum Pontificum (London: CTS, 2007)Google Scholar, Art 1, p. 15. Adrian Fortescue gives the outline of the “shape” of the Tridentine Mass of his day; this shape is basically the same as that of the Paul VI missal, The Mass: A Study of the Roman Liturgy (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1912Google Scholar; reprint Boonville, NY: Preserving Christian Publications, 2007), 216.

2 Catechism of the Catholic Church (Boston: Pauline Books and Media, 1997), # 1337–40. The theory of institution was formally defined in the Council of Trent which stated that “If any one says, that the sacraments of the New Law were not all instituted by Jesus Christ, our Lord … let him be anathema.” (The Council of Trent, The Seventh Session, Decree on the Sacraments, Canon 1, ds 1601). This is usually interpreted in light of St Thomas Aquinas’ definition of institution as “the institutor of anything is he who gives it strength and power: as in the case of those who institute laws” (STh III. q. 64 a.2 in the sed contra). For a more theological interpretation of this, see Salvatore Marsili, I Segni del Mistero di Cristo (Rome: C.L.V. – Editizioni Liturgiche, 1987), 69–90, and regarding the Eucharist and its relationship to the Last Supper, see Ratzinger, Joseph, The Feast of Faith: Approaches to a Theology of the Liturgy. Harrison, Graham, trans. (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1986), 3360Google Scholar.

3 Bradshaw, Paul, “Continuity and Change in Early Eucharistic Practice: Shifting Scholarly Perspectives,” in Swanson, R. N., ed., Continuity and Change in Christian Worship. Papers Read at the 1997 Summer Meeting and the 1998 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society (Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1999), 1Google Scholar.

4 This text is available in pg 65:849–52; for details of this forgery see Leroy, F.J., “Proclus «De Traditione Divinae Missae»: un Faux de C. Palaeocappa,”Orientalia Christiana Periodica 28 (1962): 288–99Google Scholar.

5 Fenwick, John R.K., Fourth Century Anaphoral Construction Techniques. Grove Liturgical Studies vol. 45 (Bramcote, Nottingham: Grove Books, 1986), 4Google Scholar. For a modern summary of earlier scholarship see Bradshaw, Paul, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy, 2nd ed. (London: SPCK, 2002)Google Scholar, 1–6.

6 Dix, Gregory, The Shape of the Liturgy, 2nd ed. (London: Dacre Press, 1945Google Scholar; Reprinted with an Introduction by Simon Jones, London: Continuum, 2005), 48.

7 Perhaps the most popular and influential example of this is the work of Bouyer, Louis, Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Quinn, C., trans. (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1968)Google Scholar.

8 When exceptions to this development are found (such as the prayer in the Didache which today is generally accepted as being a eucharistic prayer, but which lacks reference to the Last Supper and deals with the cup before the bread), these earlier studies thought of them as being aberrations or eccentricities of individual churches that bore little relation to this linear development, e.g. Jungmann, Joseph A., The Mass of the Roman Rite, its Origins and Development (Missarum Solemnia), Brunner, Francis A., trans. (New York: Benziger Brothers, 1951), i, 12Google Scholar.

9 The addition of water to the wine in the chalice is traditionally one of the examples of an action of Christ contained in Tradition but not mentioned in Scripture, see Congar, Yves, The Meaning of Tradition (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2004Google Scholar; original edition Hawthorne, NY, 1964), 37.

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11 Maxwell E. Johnson, “The Apostolic Tradition,” in Geoffrey Wainwright and Karen B. Westerfield Tucker, eds. The Oxford History of Christian Worship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 52. Following a theory of Von Harnack in 1891 some scholars follow him in proposing that the text of Justin's description of the Eucharist has been changed from mentioning bread and water to bread and wine, see McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists, 151–155. Although a more recent study tends to see Justin as proposing a Eucharist celebrated with wine and not water, see Buchanan, Colin, Justin Martyr on Baptism and the Eucharist. Joint Liturgical Studies vol. 64 (Norwich: SCM-Canterbury, 2007), 21–3Google Scholar.

12 Bradshaw, Paul F., Eucharistic Origins, Alcuin Club Collections vol. 80 (London: SPCK, 2004), 146Google Scholar.

13 First Apology 67.3–6 in Hänggi, Anton and Pahl, Irmgard, Prex Eucharistica: Textus e Variis Liturgiis Antiquioribus Selecti (Fribourg: Éditions Universitaires Fribourg Suisse, 1968), 70–3Google Scholar, English translation from Jasper, R.C.D. and Cuming, G.J., Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed, 3d ed. (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1990), 2930Google Scholar.

14 1 Clement 40–1 in Michael W. Holmes, ed. and trans., The Apostolic Fathers: Greek Texts and English Translations, 3rd ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2007), 98–9. Also see Fortescue, The Mass, 11–13.

15 Vonier, Abbot, A Key to the Doctrine of the Eucharist, 2nd ed. (London: Burns & Oates, 1925Google Scholar; Republished with a Preface by Peter Kreeft and an Introduction by Aidan Nichols, Bethesda, MD: Zaccheus Press, 2003) and Sayés, José Antonio, El Misterio Eucaristico (Madrid: Edicones Palabra, 2003), 163454Google Scholar.

16 Adversus Haereses 4.17.5 in David N. Power, ed. and trans., Irenaeus of Lyons on Baptism and Eucharist: Selected Texts with Introduction, Translation and Annotation. Alcuin/GROW Liturgical Study 18 (Bramcote: Grove Books, 1991), 16.

17 Adversus Haereses 1.13.2 in ibid., 13–14.

18 Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History 5.24.

19 Taft, Robert F., Thorough Their Own Eyes: Liturgy as the Byzantines Saw it (Berkeley, CA: InterOrthodox Press, 2006), 68Google Scholar.

20 I will admit that the general historian may have difficulties in believing that this happened under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, but this is precisely the difference between a Catholic and non-Catholic interpretation of history as “the Catholic interpretation [of history] finds no difficulty in accepting the arbitrary and unpredictable character of historical change, since it sees everywhere the signs of a divine purpose and election.” Dawson, Christopher, Dynamics of World History, Mulloy, John J., ed., with a new introduction by Dermot Quinn (Wilmington, Delaware: ISI Books, 2002, original edition Sheed and Ward, NY 1958), 270Google Scholar.

21 Spinks, Bryan, The Sanctus in the Eucharistic Prayer (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 104121CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22 Taft, Robert F., “Mass Without the Consecration? The Historic Agreement on the Eucharist between the Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church of the East Promulgated 26 October 2001,”Worship 77 (2003), 482509Google Scholar.

23 Fortescue, Adrian, The Mass: A Study of the Roman Liturgy (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1912; reprint Boonville, NY: Preserving Christian Publications, 2007), 50.Google Scholar

24 Fortescue, The Mass, 52.

25 McGowan, Andrew, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 175–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

26 This is the view preferred by McGowan, see Ascetic Eucharists, 11.

27 Letter 63, 11.1 in G. F. Diercks, ed., Sancti Cypriani Episcopi Opera. Pars III.2. Corpus Christianorum Series Latina 3 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1996), 403. English translation from Allen Brent, ed. and trans., St Cyprian of Carthage: On the Church, Select Letters, Popular Patristics Series vol. 33 (Crestwood, NY: SVS Press, 2006), 180Google Scholar.

28 An example that springs to mind is that of those priests who attempt to consecrate gluten-free hosts. While no one would doubt their pastoral zeal, they are, in fact, using an invalid matter, see Huels, John, Liturgy and Law: Liturgical Law in the System of Roman Catholic Canon Law (Chicago, IL: Midwest Theological Forum, 2006), 198Google Scholar.

29 See, for example, Bouyer, Eucharist, 158–82.

30 For background to the figure of Hippolytus see Brent, Allen, Hippolytus and the Roman Church in the Third Century: Communities in Tension before the Emergence of a Monarch-Bishop (Leiden: Brill, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31 The most important of the early editions are Botte, Bernard, La Tradition Apostolique de Saint Hippolyte (Münster: Aschendorff, 1963)Google Scholar, Dix, Gregory, The Treatise on the Apostolic Tradition of St Hippolytus of Rome, Bishop and Martyr, 2nd ed. (London: SPCK, 1968)Google Scholar and Cuming, Geoffrey, Hippolytus: A Text for Students (Bramcote: Grove Liturgical Study 8, 1976)Google Scholar.

32 Metzger, Marcel, “Enquêtes Autour de la Prétendue «Tradition Apostolique»Ecclesia Orans 9 (1992): 736Google Scholar; A Propos des Règlements Eccléstiastiques et de la Prétendue Tradition Apostolique.”Revue des Sciences Religieuses 66 (1992): 249–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33 Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship, 82–3.

34 Bradshaw, Paul F., Johnson, Maxwell E. and Phillips, L. Edward, The Apostolic Tradition: A Commentary (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 2002)Google Scholar.

35 Clerk, Paul De, “‘The Apostolic Tradition: A Commentary, Minneapolis, 2002’ (Note de lecture),”La Maison-Dieu 236 (2003/4), 183–4Google Scholar.

36 In fact Maxwell Johnson when he edited the new edition of Whitaker's Documents of the Baptismal Liturgy was unable to use the 2002 text of the Apostolic Tradition that he himself helped edit. Instead he used Geoffrey Cuming's edition of 1976. See E. C. Whitaker, Documents of the Baptismal Liturgy: Revised and Expanded Edition. 3rd ed. Maxwell E. Johnson, ed. (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 2003), 4–8. Interestingly enough Alistair Steward-Sykes has also recently published his own edition of the Apostolic Tradition where, following in the footsteps of the earlier editors, he provides a proposed reconstruction of the text and retains the traditional attribution of the document to Hippolytus (Hippolytus On the Apostolic Tradition: An English Version with Introduction and Commentary, Crestwood, NY: SVS Press, 2001). A comparison between the two editions is provided by John F. Baldovin, in “Hippolytus and the Apostolic Tradition: Recent Research and Commentary,”Theological Studies 64 (2003): 520–42. Later on a debate between the various parties continues in the number 2–3 (2004) edition of St Vladimir's Theological Quarterly which is dedicated almost exclusively to this topic.

37 E.g. Page, Christopher, The Christian West and Its Singers: The First Thousand Years (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010), 50–3Google Scholar. Even the most recent work by Bradshaw treats the Apostolic Tradition in a more benign way, Reconstructing Early Christian Worship (London: SPCK, 2009), 23Google Scholar.

38 “Take care, therefore to participate in the one Eucharist (for there is one flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ, and one cup that leads to unity through his blood; there is one altar, just as there is one bishop, together with the council of presbyters and the deacons, my fellow servants), in order that whatever you do, you do in accordance with God.”The Letter of Ignatius to the Philadelphians 4 in Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers, 239.

39 E.g. Johnson, “The Apostolic Tradition,” 44–50 and Spinks, Bryan, “Beware of Liturgical Horses! An English Interjection on Anaphoral Evolution,”Worship 59 (1985): 211–9Google Scholar.

40 Carroll, Warren H.Banning the Supernatural: Why Historians Must Not Rule Out the Action of God in History,” in D’Elia, Donald J. and Foley, Patrick, eds, The Catholic as Historian (Naples, FL: Sapientia Press, 2006), 99107Google Scholar.

41 Dawson, Dynamics of World History, 247.

42 However in the study of liturgy it is very important to go beyond the ritual texts. While there has been development in the texts of the prayers used in the Eucharist over the centuries, these prayer texts have remained remarkably stable. The real and major change has been in how Christians have understood these texts and the ritual gestures and artistic settings that accompany the texts. To help us to appreciate the historical development of the meaning given to the liturgical rites, see Enrico Mazza, La Celebrazione Eucaristica: Genesi del Rito e Sviluppo dell’Interpretazione (Bologna: EDB, 2003).

43 Henry, John Newman, Cardinal, Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine (1878, reprinted Notre Dame, IN: The University of Notre Dame Press, 1989), 40Google Scholar. The view of Newman, while it was sometimes considered revolutionary in the nineteenth century, and which prepared for the theological renewal of the twentieth, is not that different form the medieval understanding of development. For example, in the fifth century, the “second rule” of St Vincent of Lérins is remarkably similar to Newman's proposal. Vincent says that “progress means that each thing is enlarged within itself while alteration implies that one thing is transformed into something else … But this progress must be made according to its own type, that is, in accord with the same doctrine, in the same meaning, and in the same judgment” see, The First Instruction 23 (pl 50.667–8), a convenient translation can be found in the Second Reading of the Office of Readings in the Liturgy of the Hours for Friday of the Twenty-Seventh week of Ordinary Time. For more on Vincent see Guarino, Thomas G., “Tradition and Doctrinal Development: Can Vincent of Lérins Still Teach the Church?Theological Studies 67 (2006): 3472CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 Newman, Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine, 169.

45 Pereiro, James, “Newman, Tradition and Development,” in Lefebvre, Philippe and Mason, Colin, eds, John Henry Newman: Doctor of the Church (Oxford: Family Publications, 2007), 241Google Scholar.

46 Heb 5:7 see General Instruction of the Roman Missal, number 2 (3rd ed., Washington D.C.: United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, 2002).

47 This intuition of Dei Verbum is borne out in La Celebrazione Eucaristica, Mazza's recent study where he analyses the history of the Eucharist not so much from the aspect of the change in the rite but as a development of the Church's understanding of the Eucharist.

48 For more on this duty see the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith's Instruction on The Ecclesial Vocation of the Theologian (London: CTS, 1990), Art 9, p. 8.Google Scholar

49 Sacrosanctum Concilium 47.