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Musical (Ad)venturers: Colonial Composers and Composition in Melbourne, 1870–1901
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 April 2011
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In November 1874, the Melbourne Philharmonic Society (MPS) premiered a new sacred cantata, Adoration, as part of their subscription concert series at Melbourne's Town Hall. The composer, Austin T. Turner, lived in Ballarat, Victoria, and had come to Melbourne to conduct the premiere of his work, using the Melbourne Philharmonic's available force of three hundred performers. Turner was well qualified for the task, being known within the musical community as an organist, singing instructor and conductor of Ballarat's Philharmonic and Harmonic societies since 1864. Programmed for the second half of the concert, and following on from Beethoven's First Symphony and Mass in C, Adoration was certainly an ambitious project, consisting of thirty numbers divided into two broad sections. The text was based on the Psalms with some original words by Turner himself and some borrowed from the Hallelujah chorus in Beethoven's Mount of Olives. The music was described, with some commendation, as having a ‘kind of power about it’, although not being particularly individual or showing ‘a new turn of thought, either in the invention of his melodies, or the construction of his harmonies’. Turner demonstrated an ‘affluent mind in music’, as evidenced by his ability to keep his parts moving; perhaps a little too much according to the Argus critic, who found one or two simpler numbers ‘a great relief in the midst of the kaleidoscope combinations of sound in which in this composition he has revelled’. References in the style of known composers gave the work merit, the music partly reminiscent of ‘Haydn, of Beethoven, of Handel, of Mendelssohn, Arne, Purcell, and others … and in so far as it does this it is a worthy composition’. The Melbourne Age reviewer also assured readers that the work contained many genuine moments that ‘even the greatest composer need not be ashamed’, again citing the works of Beethoven and Mendelssohn as principal models for inspiration.
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References
1 Born in Bristol in 1823, Turner arrived in Victoria in 1854, one of several musicians who came to the colony during a decade of rapid expansion and gold prospecting. Initially a chorister, and later director of the choir at Lincoln Cathedral, Turner had already composed two masses and some orchestral and choral works in Melbourne before composing Adoration. See Brown, James Duff, British Musical Biography (Birmingham, 1897): 419Google Scholar.
2 See concert flyer in MPS Guard Book (hereafter GB), 1873 (1853–87). La Trobe ms. MSF 13266, State Library of Victoria.
3 ‘Philharmonic Concert. Adoration’, Argus (26 Nov. 1874): 6.
4 ‘Philharmonic Society’, Age (25 Nov. 1874): 3. Unfortunately the critic's recommendations can not be verified today, the cantata seemingly never published, nor is there any known score.Google Scholar
5 Rutter's Second Advent was particularly lauded as a colonial achievement, the Herald rating its production ‘one of the most pleasing and social events … by a gentleman whose reputation heretofore has been neither professional (in musical matters, at least) nor public, but has been contained entirely within the circle of his own private friends.’ See Herald (14 Sep. 1859): 4Google Scholar.
6 The parts of Naaman had recently arrived, prompting a hasty substitution of the locally produced cantatas. According to the MPS Annual Report (hereafter AR), 1873 ‘It was therefore not practical to perform the other works promised for the year, viz., “Crown of Thorns” and “Adoration”.’ In the postponed concert Packer's Crown of Thorns was not performed alongside Turner's work as originally conceived. See MPS AR, 1873, GB (1853–87).
7 See review in Argus (26 Nov. 1874): 6Google Scholar.
8 Argus (26 Nov. 1874): 6.Google Scholar
9 Letter dated 2 January 1890, from David Gaunson to the Argus. Undated clipping in MPS GB (1888–1924): 31.
10 Australian Monthly Magazine. A Journal of Politics, Literature Science and Art (Melbourne) 2/8 (Apr. 1866): 155.Google Scholar
11 See Carne, W.A., A Century of Harmony. The Official Centenary History of the Royal Melbourne Philharmonic Society (Melbourne, 1954): 47.Google Scholar The other conductors considered for the position are not listed.
12 For account of his musical training see Humphreys, Morin, ed., Victorian Men of the Time (Melbourne, 1882): xliv.Google Scholar Elsasser's prior musical life was based in Germany, his early training coming from his father, and from his studies with organist C. Kocher in Stuttgart. Later he moved to Dresden, and studied with J. Schneider. Elsasser worked as an organist and also is said to have founded an oratorio society in Stuttgart, before briefly filling the post of Kapellmeister for the King of Würtemberg. Due to political unrest in Germany in 1849, Elsasser went to England. There he became music director of Dr Heldelmaier's College in Worksop for three years, after which he travelled to Melbourne.
13 MPS concert no. 54, 3 July 1860. See MPS GB (1853–87), cuttings from Age (4 Jul. 1860) and Argus (4 Jul. 1860).
14 David was considered one of Horsley's foremost works, even briefly gaining him a reputation as a new champion of English music. See Hughes, Meirion, The English Musical Renaissance and the Press, 1850–1914: Watchmen of Music (Aldershot, 2002): 69Google Scholar.
15 For Horsley's notes on Mendelssohn see ‘Reminiscences of Mendelssohn by His English Pupil’, Dwights Journal of Music 32 (1872), reprinted inGoogle ScholarTodd, Larry R., ed., Mendelssohn and his World (Princeton, 1991): 237–51Google Scholar.
16 See review ‘David at the Philharmonic’, Argus (29 Jul. 1863): 5.Google Scholar
17 Horsley returned to England in 1871, and then went to New York in 1873, where he died in 1876. His conducting style and choice of repertoire were not always appreciated in Melbourne, and his ambitious concert programmes, such as those of the Melbourne Musical Festival in 1867, ended in financial failure. His choice of works particularly irked those who longed for more Handel, with one reviewer claiming that ‘Mr Horsley is deemed to be so thoroughly Mendelssohnian that little else than Mendelssohn can be expected from him.’ See Australian Monthly Magazine 14/3 (Oct. 1866): 155.Google Scholar For anecdotes of his erratic conducting style see Carne, , Century of Harmony: 51–2Google Scholar.
18 The text, by Australian poet Henry Kendall, was also commissioned. Described as a homage to sound, the concept of Euterpe was suggested to Kendall by Horsley himself. The music was, according to the Age, meant to be an epitome of Horsley's ‘musical skill, as exhibited in contrapuntal knowledge, vocal ingenuity, and variety of style’. See reviews in Age (10 Aug. 1870): 10, and Argus (10 Aug. 1870): 6. For a history of the Town Hall and opening celebrations see Fitzgibbon, E.G., comp., Mementos of Prince Alfred and the Melbourne Town Hall (Melbourne, 1874)Google Scholar.
19 See Age (1 Sep. 1874): 3 and Argus (1 Sep. 1874): 5. Born in Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Germany, in 1841 and trained in Berlin by Stern, Herz came to Melbourne in January 1866. He founded the South Yarra Liedertafel, later to become the Metropolitan Liedertafel (hereafter MetL). See biography in Illustrated Australian News and Musical Times (1 Aug. 1889): 9Google Scholar.
20 The first known performance of ‘Let Sorrow Sleep’ is 8 May 1876. At this time the Melbourne Liedertafel (hereafter MelbL) was still known as the Melbourne German Liedertafel. See Argus (9 May 1876): 5.Google Scholar Concert details of this period are incomplete; however, it appears the Donizetti arrangement was first performed on 10 December 1873.
21 MPS AR, 1870, GB (1853–87).
22 First on the programme was C.L. Fisher's part-song ‘Home’, after which Joseph Summers's ‘Time’, a vocal quartette for male voice, was performed. Neither of these were first performances in Melbourne.
23 Speeches from the Marquis and from the President of the Metropolitan Society are published in Argus (8 Apr. 1884): 6Google Scholar.
24 See ‘Prospectus of concerts, Melbourne Philharmonic Society, 1897’ in MPS GB (1888–1924): 93.Google Scholar The Royal Albert [Hall Choral] Society (often known as the Royal Choral Society) is identified by the MPS as the leading English choral society, and is used to justify the constant repetition of Elijah and the Creation.
25 Statement referring to oratorio taken from the ‘Prospectus of concerts, Melbourne Philharmonic Society, 1897’. See MPS GB (1888–1924): 93.
26 MPS AR, 1899, GB (1888–1924): 109.
27 For historical background to the Melbourne Exhibition cantata, see Royle, Jennifer ‘Singing in the “Summer Land of Silence”: Ritual and Participation in the Ceremonial Music of Melbourne's 1880 International Exhibition‘, Australian Studies 15/1 (Summer 2000): 41–55Google Scholar.
28 See Radic, Thérèse, ‘Aspects of Organised Amateur Music in Melbourne 1836–1890’, 2 vols, MMus diss., University of Melbourne, 1969: 319.Google Scholar Radic's source is listed as the Minute Book of the society (31 Aug. 1880). Unfortunately the Minute Books for the Melbourne Philharmonic during this period are currently missing from the State Library of Victoria collection.
29 Performed for a miscellaneous concert, 5 October 1887.
30 See MPS GB (1888–1924): 14.
31 See Carne, , Century of Harmony: 274.Google Scholar
32 MPS GB (1888–1924): 56. Plebiscite concert held 4 August 1891. By popular choice Mendelssohn's Hymn of Praise and Beethoven's Choral Fantasia were performed.
33 A prize of £10 was awarded for these competitions for the best overture, the judges being Benedict, Costa and Sullivan. See Ehrlich, Cyril, The First Philharmonic: A History of the Royal Philharmonic Society (Oxford, 1995): 143Google Scholar.
34 The MPS did still request copyists at times, as seen in 1896 when T.J. Lamble was thanked for his ‘services in copying music, upward of 700 pages … in his usual expert and artistic manner, entailing a great expenditure of time’. See MPS AR, 1896, GB (1888–1924): 93.
35 This society was predominantly concerned with promoting the interests of British composers, offering an alternative support network from the Philharmonic. See McVeigh, Simon, ‘The Society of British Musicians (1834–1865) and the campaign for native talent’, in Music and British Culture, 1785–1914. Essays in Honour of Cyril Ehrlich, ed. Bashford, Christina and Langley, Leanne (Oxford, 2000): 145–68Google Scholar.
36 For establishment and first meeting see Illustrated Australian News and Musical Times (1 Aug. 1889): 10.Google Scholar For list of members and also those objecting to the society see Illustrated Australian News and Musical Times (9 Nov. 1889): 10Google Scholar.
37 See MetL AR, 1880–81 (1874–1903), which thanks W.S. for his composition. All archival material is held in the Liedertafel Collection, Grainger Museum, University of Melbourne (hereafter LC) unless stated otherwise.
38 See review of ‘The Gondolier’, in Argus (31 May 1881): 6.Google Scholar Reviews of ‘The Minstrel’ indicate the composer was Louis Henry. See Argus (16 Mar. 1881): 3Google Scholar.
39 See MetL AR, 1883–84; 1884–85 (1874–1903).
40 ‘Sir William C.F. Robinson, G.C.M.G.’, Illustrated Australian News and Musical Times (2 Sep. 1889): 9.Google Scholar
41 See Met AR, 1888–89 (1874–1903). See Gome, Diane, ‘Sir William Cleaver Francis’, in Oxford Companion to Australian Music [hereafter OCAM], ed. Bebbington, Warren (Melbourne, 1997): 495.Google Scholar
42 Like Sir William's other titles such as ‘Rest’ and ‘Remember me No More’, ‘Imperfectus’ had a short life, its original score, still in the society's holdings, appears not to have been published, and to date the work received only one known repeat performance by the Met. in 1885.
43 See review in Argus (8 Apr. 1884).
44 Performed 21 February 1881, 28 March 1881 and 30 June 1881. Kendall's other known composition was a version of ’The Better Land’, a part-song performed by MetL on 8 August 1892. In a review of the concert (Age, 9 Aug. 1892: 6), Kendall is referred to as a leading member of the society and part of the managing committee.
45 Otto Vogt resigned the position of Honorary Pianist in 1880 according to the MelbL Minutes (29 Jun. 1880) (1878–95). His name still appears, however, as pianist in the minutes of the meeting held 3 July 1881, and he seems to have remained pianist until 1883 when he was voted an Honorary Member and awarded a gratuity of £12.
46 See MetL AR 1890–91 (1874–1903). Fentum was organist of Australian Church. He became Honorary Pianist of the MetL in 1886, replacing music critic T.H. Guenett. See Met L AR, 1887–87 (1874–1903) and his portrait in the Weekly Times (Melb.) (17 Jun. 1905): 12Google Scholar.
47 Performed by MelbL, 8 August 1876.
48 See Argus (21 Nov. 1882): 4.Google Scholar Broadley was involved with both Liedertafels, being with the MetL in 1876, and listed with the MelbL in 1883.
49 For a biography, see his obituary in Table Talk (29 Dec. 1910): 5Google Scholar.
50 See Table Talk (18 Sep. 1902): 16.Google Scholar Guenett seemed also to be accident prone, the article reporting that after his finances failed he neglected his teaching and took up exercise, ‘having had more falls from horses and bicycles than there are keys in a piano board’. For his most complete biography see Table Talk (25 Oct. 1889): 4–5.Google Scholar Guenett originally left London for health reasons, having had an attack of ‘congestion to the lungs‘. He arrived in Melbourne in 1872.
51 Reviewed in Argus (24 Apr. 1877): 6.Google Scholar Moul was admonished severely by some musicians and performers when they received his press criticisms. One notorious incident involved the brother of actress Maggie Moore, who had received an unflattering press review. Her brother was charged with assaulting Moul outside the Opera House as he was leaving. The ensuing court case claimed Moul was badly beaten, with witnesses, including MetL conductor Julius Herz, overhearing Moore's supporters shouting ‘Give it to him Jim!’ See Age (27 Feb. 1883): 6.Google Scholar Visiting pianist Madame Charbonnet also conflicted with Moul, as evidenced by another court case where it was claimed she refused to play, and later deliberately and wilfully played badly, his solo waltz ‘Mon Amour’ because of a previous gripe with Moul over a poor review. See Argus (15 Mar. 1881): 3Google Scholar.
52 Reviewed in Argus (14 Jun. 1881): 7Google Scholar.
53 Argus (14 Jun. 1881): 7.Google Scholar A similar attempt at performing the ‘Fatanitza Vocal March’, with Kowalski and Elsasser providing piano accompaniment, had occurred on 9 May 1881 with less success. See Age (10 May 1881): 3.Google Scholar
54 ‘Mr W.H. Jude’, Table Talk (Melb) (13 Feb. 1891): 4.Google Scholar Jude was born in Westleton, Suffolk, in 1852, and was said to have been an associate of Sir George Macfarren, Julius Benedict, and Brinley Richards, in adjudicating Welsh national eisteddfods, and was the founder of the Liverpool Purcell Society. He seems to have made a specialty of performing the works of Henry Russell, and had his own songs published in Glen's, W.H.Federal Music Book no. 13Google Scholar.
55 Review in Argus (1 Mar. 1892): 6Google Scholar.
56 See MelbL Accounts (1879–1903). Heathcote's name appears on many hand-copied parts in the collection. He had been a member of the MelbL since 1881.
57 Local composers received some form of copyright protection, the MelbL having a policy that for music especially written for the society to be loaned to other societies, the composer's consent must be obtained. See MelbL Minutes (16 Apr. 1889) (1878–95).
58 See biographical details in Jennifer Royle, ‘Carl Gottlieb Elsasser‘, OCAM: 199.
59 See MetL Minutes of Annual Meeting (3 Oct. 1876).
60 ‘Love Reigneth Over All’ was later published by Chappell & Co., appearing as no. 89 in Chappell's vocal library of part-songs. Elsasser's ‘Joy Waltz’ was also published as part of the same series.
61 Text taken from the original score of ‘Love Reigneth Over All’ in the Liedertafel Collection, University of Melbourne.
62 See Argus (23 May 1882): 6.Google Scholar
63 The complete original full score, and piano and vocal scores, exist in bound manuscript in the Liedertafel collection. The piano and vocal score is signed and dated by Siede, 25 July 1881. The full score is dated by Siede, 30 October 1881.
64 See review in Argus (23 Nov. 1881): 8Google Scholar.
65 See MelbL AR, 1881–82 (1880–1904), and MelbL Minutes (4 Aug. 1881) (1878–95). The original orchestral score of this work is held in the LC, and is dated and signed by Siede, 2 March 1881.
66 Text of final verse of J. McNeil, ‘Happy Hours’. See MelbL Concert Programme (12 Dec. 1887). Siede presented Lady Clarke with a bound copy of ‘Happy Hours’ during the interval of the farewell concert held on 21 August 1881.
67 The last known performance of ‘Jolly Little Man’ was 11 April 1905, and the last performance of ‘Happy Hours’ was 18 August 1902. ‘Jolly Little Man’ was also one of the few works to be loaned to other societies for performance. The Database of Melbourne Concert Life (see Introduction to volume) records eighteen performances for ‘Happy Hours’ and nineteen for ‘Jolly Little Man’.
68 Brown, , British Musical Biography, 323.Google Scholar
69 MelbL AR, 1880–81 (1880–1904).
70 Review of first performance of ‘Three Men of Gotham’, Age (10 Oct. 1882): 3Google Scholar.
71 Both the manuscript score and the printed vocal copies list the title as ‘The Men of Gotham’ rather than ‘Three Men of Gotham’ as given in the press.
72 Peacock, Thomas Love, Nightmare Abbey (London, 1818): 167–9.Google Scholar
73 See Argus (10 Oct. 1882): 5.Google Scholar
74 Review of ‘Three Men of Gotham’, Argus (13 Aug. 1889): 6Google Scholar.
75 ‘Mr Cowen's Real Opinions’, Illustrated Australian News and Musical Times (1 Jun. 1889): 14.
76 See MetL AR, 1884–85; 1885–86 (1874–1903).
77 MPS AR, 1899, GB (1888–1924).