^{page 144 note 1} The letters of Melanchthon are printed in Bretschneider's edition of his Opera (Corpus Reformatorum), the letters of both in the admirable Strassburg-Braunschweig edition of Calvin's Opera, which has now reached the 46th volume (1891). The original editors—Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss—are dead, but the remaining volumes were prepared in copy by Reuss (as he informed me) and will be edited by Erichson. Herminjard's Correspondance des Réformateurs is invaluable, but goes only as far as 1542 (vol. vii., 1886). I have used also Constable's translation of Jules Bonnet's ed. of Calvin's Letters.

^{page 145 note 1} Oct. 14, 1539 (in De Wette's ed. of Luther's Correspondence, vol. v., 211Google Scholar; Herminjard, , vi., 130Google Scholar): “Salutabis Dr. Joannem Sturmium et Joannem Calvinum reverenter, quorum libellos cum singulari voluptate legi,” etc. From what follows it is evident that he meant Calvin's Answer to Sadolet, which is a triumphant vindication of the Reformation and silenced the Cardinal and his scheme to recover Geneva to the Roman Catholic Church during the absence of Calvin, who had been expelled in 1538.

^{page 145 note 2} Lutherus et Pomeranus [Bugenhagen], Calvinum et Sturmium jusserunt salutari. Calvinus magnum gratiam iniit. Quoted by Calvin in a letter to Farel, Nov. 20, 1539, from a lost letter of Melanchthon. See Herminjard, , vi., 131.Google Scholar

^{page 145 note 3} See Schaff, 's Church History, vi., 660.Google Scholar

^{page 146 note 1} In a letter of 11 Cal. Maii, 1544 (Calvin, 's Opera, xi., 698Google Scholar), he addresses him as “ornatissime vir, fidelissime Christi minister, et amice mihi semper honorande. Dominus te semper spiritu suo regat, diuque nobis et ecclesiœ suœ incolumem conservet.

^{page 148 note 1} On these changes, see the biographies of Melanchthon by Galle, Carl Schmidt, and Hen-linger; Gieseler's Church History; Schweizer, 's Centraldogmen, i., 380–400Google Scholar; and Schaff, 's Creeds of Christendom, i., 261sqq.Google Scholar

^{page 148 note 2} Merle d'Aubigné (in his History of the Reformation in the Times of Calvin, vol. vii., 19Google Scholar) thinks that “esteem was uppermost in Melanchthon, and affection in Calvin”; that “on the one side the friendship was founded more on reflection (réfléchi), on the other it was more spontaneous”; but “on both sides it was the product of their noble and beautiful qualities.”

^{page 149 note 1} Calvin wrote to Farel, after his return to Strassburg, at the end of March, 1539: “Cum Philippo fuit mihi multis de rebus colloquium.”

^{page 149 note 2} “Sine controversia ipse assentitur.” Calvin adds: “de ipso (Mel.) nihil dubita, quin penitus nobiscum sentiat.” Herminjard, v., 269. In a previous letter to Farel, October, 1538 (in Herminjard, v., 146, and note 24), he informed Farei that he had sent twelve articles of agreement with a letter to Melanchthon from Strassburg. The articles are lost, but may yet be recovered.

^{page 149 note 3} “Sed fatetur, esse in ilia parte nonnullos qui crassius aliquid requirant: atque id tanta pervicacia, ne dicam tyrannide, ut diu in periculo fuerit, quod eum videbant a suo sensu nonnihil alienum.”—Herminjard, v., 269. Those men, who outluthered Luther, were not satisfied with the words of institution, simpliciter, but demanded such scholastic terms as substantialiter, essentialiter, corporaliter, quantitative, ubiquitaliter, carnaliter. When Matthseus Zell, preacher in the Minster at Strassburg, told Melanchthon (in 1536) that he abhorred these terms as diabolical additions, Melanchthon assented. See Röhrich, , Mittheilungen aus der Geschichte der evang. Kirche des Elsasses, iii., 133Google Scholar, as quoted by Stähelin in his Johannes Calvin, i., 169.Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 1} Letter to Farel, April, 1539 (Herminjard, , v., 292Google Scholar): “Nuper Philippo in faciem non dissimulavi quin mihi admodum illa ceremoniarum copia displiceret. Videri enim mihi formam quam tenent non procul esse a Judaismo.”

^{page 150 note 2} In Calvin, 's Opera, xi., 515Google Scholar. Bonnet-Constable, , i., 349Google Scholar. The originai copy is in Simler's Collection in the City Library of Zurich.

^{page 151 note 1} “Hoc saltem nobis nulla regionum longinquitas eripiet, quin hac conjunctione, quam Christus sanguine suo consecratam Spiritu quoque suo in cordibus nostril sanxit, contenti, dum vivimus in terra sustineamur beata illa spe, ad quam nos literœ tuœ revocant: in cœlis nos simul perpetuo victuros, ubi amore amicitiaque nostra fruemur.”

^{page 151 note 2} “Defensio sanœ et orthodoxœ doctrinœ de servitute et liberatione humani arbitrii adver sus calumnias Alberti Pighii Campensis.” Opera, vi., 225–404.Google Scholar

^{page 152 note 1} Melanchthon's Commentary on Daniel appeared in the same year at Wittenberg and Leipzig.

^{page 152 note 2} Opera, vol. xi., 539–542Google Scholar. Also in Corp. Reform., v., 107.Google Scholar

^{page 153 note 1} This is a direct contradiction to the assertion in the first edition of his Loci (1521), and his commentary on the Romans (1524), that God does all things not permissive, but potenter, and that he foreordained and wrought the adultery of David, and the treason of Judas, as well as the vocation of Paul. He so understood the epistle to the Romans. In December, 1525, Luther expressed the same views in his book against Erasmus, which he never recalled, but pronounced one of his best books (1537).page 153 note 2 “Ad usum accommodata.”

^{page 153 note 3} Mel., Opera, in the Corpus Reformatorum, vii., 390.Google Scholar

^{page 153 note 4} Opera, xv., 215–217Google Scholar. Dated 6 Calendas Septembris.

^{page 153 note 5} The preface is reprinted in his Opera, vol. ix., 847–850.Google Scholar

^{page 154 note 1} Henry justly remarks (in his Life of Calvin, i., 376Google Scholar): “So free were these rare men of ambition, love of glory, and littleness of spirit, that they thought of nothing but the salvation of the world. Calvin wanted France to love Melanchthon as much as he did, and to be converted to Christ through him.” Comp. Stähelin's John Calvin, i., 244.

^{page 154 note 2} His Short Confession on the Lord's Supper. See Schaff, , Church History, vol. vi., 654sqq.Google Scholar

^{page 154 note 3} Opera, xii., 98–100Google Scholar; Bonnet-Constable, , i., 442–444.Google Scholar

^{page 155 note 1} Claude de Senarcleus, a friend of Calvin, returned from Wittenberg with an album full of pious inscriptions of leading Lutheran divines, which is preserved in the Town Library of Geneva. Bonnet, l.c., i., 444.

^{page 156 note 1} Opera, xiii., 593sqq.Google Scholar

^{page 156 note 2} The zealous Lutherans at Magdeburg which stood out a long siege by the army of the Elector Maurice.

^{page 157 note 1} Opera, xiv., 368Google Scholar; Corp. Ref., vii., 1085.Google Scholar

^{page 158 note 1} “Quia et judicium tuum magni facio, et scio integritatem animi et candorem in te summum esse.”

^{page 158 note 2} ὥσπερ νος ν σφηиαις.

^{page 158 note 3} Bonnet-Constable, , ii., 360–366Google Scholar; Opera, xiv., 415–418.Google Scholar

^{page 158 note 4} Nowadays a letter from Wittenberg will reach Geneva in less than two days.

^{page 159 note 1} Letter by Bonnet, l.c., iii., 335–338; Opera, xvi., 556–558.Google Scholar

^{page 159 note 2} Bonnet, , iii., 481–485Google Scholar; Opera, xvii., 384–386.Google Scholar

^{page 160 note 1} See the section of Calvin's Home Life in Schaff, 's Church History, vol. vii., 413–424 (nearly ready for publication).Google Scholar

^{page 161 note 1} Lutherische Dogmatik, vol. ii., 490sq.Google Scholar

^{page 162 note 1} Geschichte des Protest. Theologie, pp. 374sq.Google Scholar

^{page 162 note 2} Kirchengeschichte auf der Grundlage akademischer Vorlesungen, Leipzig, 1891, pp. 196 and 197Google Scholar: “Sein grosser Gedanke war, das Christenthum zur Lebensordnung der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft zu machen. … Durch ihn und Beza ist Genf die heilige Stadt, die neue Roma der reformatorischen Kirche geworden.”

^{page 162 note 3} Johann Calvin. Seine Kirche und sein Staat in Genf, Leipzig, 1869, i., 274sq. Professor Reusch of Bonn informed me that Professor Cornelius of Munich, a friend of Döllinger, was entrusted with the material for vols. ii. and iii., but he has not yet completed the work. Kampschulte died in 1872 an Old Catholic, like Döllinger.Google Scholar