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Thomas Mann's “Gladius Dei”

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 December 2020

Ernst Fedor Hoffmann
Ernst Fedor Hoffmann*
Affiliation:
Hunter College, New York, N. Y.
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Abstract

Mann's story, often considered only a minor companion piece to the play Fiorenza, is significant in itself as a satire on the intellectual attitudes prevalent in Munich around 1900. The story begins with a general description of Munich which, though apparently independent, is in fact connected to the later parts by the use of sophisticated narrative techniques. This description also contains topical references and details which show that the artistic and intellectual community of Munich, in its admiration for the Italian Renaissance, is enacting a quasi neo-Renaissance. Into this realistic setting Mann then places a fictional hero who feels he is called to assume the task of a Savonarola for his time. A grotesque scene results which exposes the spuriousness of the Renaissance cult. In presenting the satire, Mann employs means and forms which seem to be forerunners of his later leitmotifs, “gelebte Vita,” parody, and others. The devices in “Gladius Dei,” however, have specific, mostly rhetorical functions within the story, whereas their later counterparts often have far-reaching symbolic meaning.

Type
Research Article
Information
PMLA , Volume 83 , Issue 5 , October 1968 , pp. 1353 - 1361
Copyright
Copyright © Modern Language Association of America, 1968

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References

1. E.g., Hans Eichner, Thomas Mann: Eine Einjiihrwng in sein Werk, 2nd ed. (Bern, 1961), pp. 25–27; Erich Heller, The Ironic German: A Study of Thomas Mann (Boston, 1958), pp. 84–93; and recently Walter A. Berendsohn, Thomas Mann: Kiinsller und Kampjer in bewegter Zeit (Lübeck, 1965), pp. 52–54.—Arthur Eloesser, Thomas Mann: Sein Leben und sein Werk (Berlin, 1925), pp. 138–150, and Henry Hatfield, Thomas Mann, rev. ed. (New Directions Paperback, 1962), pp. 22–24., give more attention to the story but they too consider it only another treatment of the theme presented in Fiorenza.—More specific discussions of the story are presented by Th. C. van Stockum, “Savonarola, die historische Gestalt und ihre doppelte Spiegelung im Werke Thomas Manns,” in Von Friedrich Nicolai bis Thomas Mann (Groningen, 1962), pp. 320–333; by Howard Nemerov, “Themes and Methods: The Early Stories of Thomas Mann,” The Carlelon Miscellany, n (1961), 11–14, 19; and by Edith Perry Stamm, “Mann's Gladius Dei,” Explicator, xxiii (1965), Item 60.

2. Thus, with numbers, when it first appeared in Die Zeit, xxxii (Wien, 1902), 31–32 and 46–48. Also in Tristan (Berlin, 1903) and in the new Gesammelte Werke in zwölj Banden (Frankfurt, 1960), viii, 197–215. I am quoting from this text. Since the story is quite short all quotations can easily be found and therefore no page numbers are given for individual quotations.

3. This is the reaction of Arthur Holitscher, who condemns all the stories in the volume Tristan except “Tonio Kroger.” He points out that he himself was caricatured in the title story and continues: “Auch in den anderen Novellen erkannte ich die Urbilder aus Munchens Strassen, aus dem ‘engeren Kreis’, sie waren mit alien Einzelheiten deutlich erkennbar dem Gelâchter der lesenden und schreibenden Spiesserwelt preisgegeben.” In Lebensgeschichte eines Rebellen (Berlin, 1924), p. 221.

4. The two remaining titles, Die Wohnungskunsl seit der Renaissance and Das Buch als Kunslwerk, are apparently fictitious. Similar ones, however, can easily be found for the time, as, e.g., Die Entwicklung der modernen Buchkunst in Deutschland (Leipzig, 1901), by Thomas Mann's friend Otto Grautoff.

5. To Heinrich, 29 December 1900. Thomas Mann, Briefe 1889–1936 (Frankfurt, 1961), p. 20.

6. See Georg Jacob Wolf, Die Münchnerin (München, 1924). p. 200, and Adolf Rosenberg, Lenbach (Bielefeld, 1898), p. 49. Also: Hedwig Freifrau von Branca-Kent, “Mit Poesiealbum und Skizzenblock,” in Denk ich an Miinchen: Ein Buch der Erinnerungen, ed. Hermann Proebst and Karl Ude (Miinchen, 1966), pp. 44–45. Similarly in many other accounts of the turn of the century in Munich.

7. Thomas Mann's participation in the Akademisch-Dra-matischer Verein ismentioned in “Lebensabriss,” Gesammelte Werke, xi, 102, and also, much earlier, in an autobiographical sketch without title by Thomas Mann in Geistiges und Kiinst-lerisches Miinchen in Selbstbiographien, ed. W. Zils-München (Miinchen, 1913), p. 232.

8. The production was on 10 February 1900. A review in Miinchener Zeitung (13 Feb. 1900), p. 1, notes: “Der vom Verein redigierte Theaterzettel meint … Die Sympathie unserer individualist) schen Zeit mit dem Zeitalter der Renaissance gibt ihr [i.e., the comedy] eine geradezu aktuelle Bedeu-tung.” The reviewer also writes, however: “Man hat nicht zuviel gesagt, als man bei der Ankiindigung der Komodie die Vermutung aussprach, dass eine ôffentliche Auffuhrung derselben wohl nicht gestattet werden würde. Ich halte es nicht einmal ftir angângig, an dieser Stelle den Inhalt des Stiickes zu skizzieren.” The contrast of the two thoughts illustrates quite well the two sides of the situation underlying Mann's story.

9. Friedrich Pecht, “Die deutsche Kunst an der Wende des Jahrhunderts,” Die Kunst Jiir die, xv (1899-1900), 170 and 549. In the same journal, a few years later, a writer says almost as though he were copying Thomas Mann : “Madonnen, diesich so prächtig vom konventionellen Typ fernhalten …” G. J. Wolf, “Carl von Marr,” Die Kunst für aile, xxvi (1910–11), 103.

10. This tendency was, of course, not limited to fine arts and criticism but showed itself quite as much in literature. See Walther Rehm, “Der Renaissancekult um 1900 und seine Überwindung,” Zeitschrifl für deuhche Philologie, LIV (1929), 296–328. (Reference to “Gladius Dei” on p. 326.)

11. A Madonna with child by Carl von Marr (cf. the quotation in my n. 9) was shown at the International Exhibition in 1901 and bought by the Pinakothek. The treatment of the subject, however, differs markedly from that described in the story. There is more similarity to a Madonna by Bocklin, shown in Munich in 1900. (This is reproduced in Die Kunst fur aile, XV [1899-1900], 513.) But I consider it quite likely, although I have no proof for this assumption, that Mann's description follows and perhaps parodies somebody else's critical remarks about an old work.

12. Roderich Huch, “Die Enormen von Schwabing: Erin-nerungen aus der Zeit der Jahrhundertwende,” Atlantis, xxx (1958), 150.

13. Dominik Jost, Ludwig Derleth: Gestalt und Leistung (Stuttgart, 1965), p. 38. See also Albert Soergel—Curt Hohoff, Dichlung und Dichler der Zeit, i (Dusseldorf, 1961), 594–596.

14. According to van Stockum, p. 326, this wording appears on the reverse of a medal by Ambrogio della Robbia commemorating Savonarola.

15. See Gustave Gruyer, Les Illustrations des écrits de Jérôme Savonarole publiés en Italie au XVe et au XVI' siècle, et les paroles de Savonarole sur l'art (Paris, 1879), p. 207 and n. 2.

16. Gruyer, p. 206. German text in: Hieronymus Savonarola, Ausgewiihlte Predigten, trans, and ed. Wilhelm von Langs-dorff (Leipzig, 1890), p. 92. My translation is based on the Italian text in Mario Ferrara, Savonarola: Prediche e scritti …, ii (Firenze, 1952), 48. I am obliged to Mrs. Cecilia Perrault for her advice concerning the translation.

17. Concerning the error in the use of the term “Dogma der unbefleckten Empfàngnis” see van Stockum, p. 327.

18. This seems to be the basic argument in reference to the story “Tristan” made by Klaus Völker in “Thomas Mann beim ‘Simplicissimus’,” Sinn uni Form (Sonderheft Thomas Mann, 1965), p. 398. A similar attitude is taken by Hans Mayer, Thomas Mann: Werk und Entwicklung (Berlin, 1950), in the chapter “Der Ktlnstler am Ende der Biirgerzeit.” Neither Vôlker nor Mayer refer specifically to “Gladius Dei.”

19. Thomas Mann, Belrachtungen eines Unpolitischen, Gesammelte Werke, xn, Chapter “Asthetizistische Politik,” pp. 539, 543–545; Doktor Faustus, Gesammelte Werke, VI, 381–382, 384, and Chapter x.xxiv, “Fortsetzung,” pp. 482–483, 486; see also the letter to Otto Reeb, 1 April 1950, in: Jost, Derlelh, p. 53.

20. Hans Biirgin and Hans-Otto Mayer, Thomas Mann: Eine Chronik seines Lebens (Frankfurt, 1965), p. 22. The text there—but not the index—has “Marsy [sic] Smith.” Thomas Mann, in “Lebensabriss,” Gesammelte Werke, xi, 117, calls her Mary or Molly but does not give her last name.

21. Bernt Richter, “Der Mythos-Begriff Thomas Manns und das Menschenbild der Josephs-Romane,” Euphorion, iiv (1960), 417.

22. Thomas Mann, “Freud und die Zukunft,” Gesammelte Werke, IX, 492–493.

23. “Jeder Mensch habe nun einmal seine Biographie, der er nachleben musse,” is the first thing learned by Herr Dame in Franziska zu Reventlow's reman à def, Herrn Dames Auf-zeichnungen, now in : Der Geldkomplex: Herrn Dames A ufzeich-nungen: Von Paul zu Pedro: drei Romane (Miinchen, 1958), p. 102. It should perhaps also be remembered that Alfred Schuler thought he was a kind of reincarnated Roman of ancient times. See Kurt Hildebrandt, Das Werk Stefan Georges (Hamburg, 1960), p. 131; Soergel—Hohoff, I, 385.

24. Thomas Mann, “Einführung in den Zaube'berg: Für Studenten der Universitat Princeton,” Gesammelte Werke, XI, 612, and Hermann J. Weigand, Thomas Mann's Novel uDer Zauberberg“ (New York, 1933), p. 91.