We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 August 2009
One reason the political theory of Plato's Republic is widely misunderstood is that its precise relationship to the political content of the early dialogues is not generally recognized. That the political views of the Republic are frequently misconstrued seems apparent. In recent years many scholars have argued that the ideal state put forward in the work is completely “utopian.” This word is used in different senses, but the sense I will concentrate on in this paper is its bearing upon questions of political reform. As I use the term, a “utopian” political theory contains proposals that are not intended to be taken seriously in terms of political reform. When I say that the ideal state discussed in the Republic is not “utopian” as these scholars maintain, I mean that Plato designed it with political reform in mind, and that he thought seriously about how to bring it into existence. This does not, however, imply that the ideal state is likely to be realized, or that Plato ever thought it was, but only that Plato wished to bring it into existence and thought this was possible, should extraordinary good fortune bring the necessary conditions into existence.
1 For these views and arguments against them, see Klosko, G., “Implementing the Ideal State,” Journal of Politics, 43 (1981), 367–371.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
2 Plato's view of political reform in the Republic itself is discussed at length in the article cited in the last note.
3 For the chronology of the dialogues, see Guthrie, W.K.C., A History of Greek Philosophy, 6 vols. (Cambridge, 1962–1981), 4:41–56Google Scholar; and the discussions of the individual dialogues in vols. 4–5; and Ross, W.D., Plato's Theory of Ideas (Oxford, 1951), chap. 1, esp. p. 2.Google Scholar
4 Gould, J., The Development of Plato's Ethics (Cambridge, 1955)Google Scholar, is especially effective in showing the tremendous differences between the moral views of the early dialogues and the Laws.
5 As Guthrie says, in the early dialogues, “it may be claimed that Plato is imaginatively recalling in form and substance the conversations of his master, without as yet adding to them any distinctive doctrines of his own” (History, 4:67). The position on the Socratic problem taken in this paper relies heavily on the evidence of Aristotle in order to identify the “historical” Socrates. This strategy is supported by Guthrie, , History, vol. 3Google Scholar; Ross, W.D., “The Problem of Socrates,”Proceedings of the Classical Association(1933)Google Scholar; Gulley, N., The Philosophy of Socrates (London, 1968)Google Scholar; and many others.
6 For evidence of this, see Tht 143a–c; D.L. 2., 122; Athenaeus 11., 505b; Aristotle Poetics 1447b9; see Guthrie, , History, 3:343–344.Google Scholar
7 Cf. the evidence Burnet, J. uses, in his attempt to avoid controversy, in his seminal article, “The Socratic Doctrine of the Soul,” Proceedings of the British Academy, 7 (1915–1916), 237–238.Google Scholar
8 Aristotle Metaph, 1078b17–32, 987bl–6; on this, see esp. Field, G.C., Plato and His Contemporaries, 3rd ed. (London, 1967), 202–213.Google Scholar
9 See Allen, R.E., Plato's Euthyphro and the Earlier Theory of Forms (London, 1970).Google Scholar
10 Weber, Max, “Politics as a Vocation” in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, ed. and trans. Gerth, H. and Mills, C.W. (Oxford, 1946), p. 78.Google Scholar
11 Ibid.
12 Note especially Aristotle's smooth transition between the Nicomachean Ethics and the Politics in EN, bk. 10, chap. 9 (discussed below, in section 5).
13 As Aristotle says, a constitution (politeia) is the way of life (bios) of a citizen body (Pol 1295a40–1295b1), in addition to being an arrangement of the state's offices (1278a8–10, 1289a15–16, etc.).
14 Even the best scholars seem reluctant to realize the extent of Socrates' intellectualism in the early dialogues. For example, T.M. Robinson discusses the psychological views (or, more exactly, the view of the psuche) of the early dialogues, and almost completely ignores the intellectualism (Plato's Psychology [Toronto, 1970])Google Scholar. Gould is well aware of the gap between the Socratic ethics of the early dialogues and the Platonic of the middle, and later, dialogues, but attributes the earlier view to the Rylean notion of “knowing how,” rather than to Socrates' intellectualism (Development of Plato's Ethics; criticized by Vlastos, G., Platonic Studies [Princeton, 1973], esp. pp. 205–210)Google Scholar. T. Irwin also sees a break between the views of the early and middle dialogues, but though Irwin is aware of Socrates' intellectualism, he rests his account of the early works much more on the “technical conception of virtue” (Plato's Moral Theory [Oxford, 1977], pp. 78–82Google Scholar; criticized by Klosko, , “The Technical Conception of Virtue,” Journal of the History of Philosophy, 19 [1981])CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In regarc to the final argument of the Protagoras, the intellectualist interpretation is rejected by Taylor, C.C.W. (Plato: Protagoras [Oxford, 1976], pp. 182, 189–90Google Scholar; criticized by Klosko, , “On the Analysis of Protagoras 351B–360E,“ Phoenix, 34 [1980], 307–322CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see below, section four and n. 31), and virtually ignored in the analysis of the argument by Santas, G. (Socrates: Philosophy in Plato's Early Dialogues [London, 1979], esp. pp. 208 ff.)Google Scholar and in the discussion by Guthrie, (History, 4:231–235)Google Scholar. See also, n. 45, below.
15 My translation (following Armstrong). On the value of the evidence in this passage, see Guthrie, , History, 3:451Google Scholar; Deman, T., Le témoignage d'Aristote sur Socrate (Paris, 1942), pp. 94, 122.Google Scholar
16 All of Aristotle's evidence is collected, translated into French and discussed with commendable judiciousness by Deman, Témoignage, pp. 82–116.
17 Compare EN 1145b23–24; Prt 352b8–c2.
18 This could be because Aristotle's discussion is in reference to the Socrates of the Protagoras, as is argued by various scholars, e.g., Ferguson, J., Socrates: A Source Book (London 1970), p. 179Google Scholar. Most scholars, however, believe that Aristotle refers to the historical Socrátes; see, e.g., Gauthier, R. and Jolif, J., Aristote, Éthique à Nicomaque, 3 vols. (Louvain, 1958–1959)Google Scholar, ad loc.; Deman, Témoignage, pp. 111–16; Joachim, H., Aristotle: The Nicomachean Ethics (Oxford, 1951)Google Scholar, ad loc. (Neither view would substantially affect the conclusions of this paper, which rely far more heavily on the argument in the Protagoras.)
19 ton logon in 1145b25 refers back to 1145b21–22, which is what appears in the brackets. Translation by Ackrill, J.L., Aristotle's Ethics (London, 1973)Google Scholar; unless otherwise indicated, all translations of Aristotle are from this source.
20 το δε Ηηθενα παττιν παϱα το δοξαν Βελτιον.
21 Burnet, , The Ethics of Aristotle (London, 1900)Google Scholar; Ostwald, M., trans., Nicomachean Ethics (Indianapolis, 1962)Google Scholar; Gauthier and Jolif, Éthique à Nicomaque; all read the passage in this way (all ad loc.). Cf. the reading of Ackrill (Aristotle's Ethics, ad loc.), who seems to follow the view of Rassow, which is criticized by Gauthier and Jolif.
22 1145b27–28. For an alternative (though, I believe, unconvincing) translation of phainomena, see Owen, G.E.L., “Tithenai ta Phainomenax,” in Aristotle: A Collection of Critical Essays, ed. Moravcsik, J. (London, 1967), pp. 169–171.Google Scholar
23 For Socrates' critique of the lottery system of the Athenian democracy, see, e.g., Prt 319a–20b; Grg 455a ff.; Lach 184d ff.; Alc I (which I take to be genuine) 105a ff.; also in the Meno (a middle work) 92b–94e. See also Xen Mem I, ii, 9; III, viii, 10–12; Aristotle Rhetoric 1393b4–9. For Socrates' “social contract” theory, see Crito 50a–54d; cf. Xen Mem IV, iv, 12–15.
24 See Ap 28de, Symp 220d–221c, Lach 181b.
25 See Ap 32a–c; cf. Xen Mem IV, iv, 2; I, i, 18.
26 The classic analysis of Socrates' role in the development of the “soul” is Burnet, “The Socratic Doctrine of the Soul”; on “caring for the soul,” see esp. Ap 38a, 30b.
27 The Gorgias is analyzed at length in connection with the main themes of this paper in Klosko, “The Insufficiency of Reason in Plato's Gorgias,” Western Political Quarterly (forthcoming).
28 See also Euthyphro 7b–d; and on this, Xenakis, J., “Plato on Ethical Disagreement,” Phronesis, 1 (1955).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
29 Note also Socrates' argument at Grg 460b, which was undoubtedly used by the historical Socrates, since it is cited by Aristotle (EE 1216b6) and Xenophon (Mem IV, ii, 20); the point of view represented here is roundly criticized by Aristotle at EN 1129a5–16, 1140b22–25; Metaph 1025a6–13.
30 According to the surmise of Deman (Témoignage, p. 113), both Aristotle and Plato refer to the historical Socrates, though Plato's argument here is not one advanced by Socrates, but was rather developed by Plato to support Socrates' position.
31 The discussion here is supported by the analysis of Klosko, , “On the Analysis of Protagoras 351B–360E,” Phoenix, 34 (1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which contains numerous additional references.
32 Ibid., pp. 315 ff.
33 Cf. the view of Xenophon's Socrates, who reduces madness (mania) to ignorance; “What is the difference between ignorance and madness?” he asks (Mem I, ii, 50; Benjamin, trans.).
34 See note 28, above. According to Xenophon's Socrates, knowing the definition of justice will have the following result: “Juries will cease to split their vote; citizens will stop wrangling, going to court, and raising revolts in the cause of justice. States will cease to differ about what is just, and cease to make war” (Mem IV, iv, 8; Benjamin, trans.).
35 For the kind of factors that Socrates overlooks, see the criticism of Aristotle, below, section 5.
36 Ap 29d, 30a, 30e–31a, 36c, 33ab.
37 Burnet, “The Socratic Doctrine of the Soul,” pp. 238–40. This is taken for granted in the Apology, where Socrates alludes to the Clouds (19c).
38 It should be noted that Lys 2O7e–21Oc could, perhaps, be construed as such evidence.
39 This is true of Xenophon's Socrates also (Mem I, ii, 10–11). For Plato's view in the middle and late dialogues, see Klosko, “Implementing the Ideal State,” pp. 383–85.
40 This is the theme of the pseudo-Platonic (?) Clitophon.
41 In Ap 30e3, 30e6, Socrates declares that the god has fastened him to the city as a gadfly to a horse — and so he goes about “arousing and urging and reproaching each one of you, constantly alighting upon you everywhere the whole day long” (30e–31a).
42 Cornford, F. M., The Unwritten Philosophy and Other Essays (Cambridge, 1950), pp. 58–61Google Scholar. Cornford's views are found in an expanded form in his unpublished “Lectures: Socrates and Plato” (in the Third and Sixth Lectures). I am grateful to Professor Guthrie, for allowing me access to Cornford's papers.
43 Cornford, Unwritten Philosophy, p. 60; “Lectures,” 6.5–7. See Von Arnim, J., Stoiocorum Veterum Fragmenta, vol. 1 (Leipzig, 1903)Google Scholar, Fragments 259–71. Most of these fragments appear in English translation in Barker, E., From Alexander to Constantine (Oxford, 1956), pp. 25–27Google Scholar. See also Baldry, H.C., “Zeno's Ideal State,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, 79 (1959).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
44 As Gulley points out, Philosophy of Socrates, pp. 135–38; the similarities in Aristotle's language are discussed by Gulley.
45 This is denied especially by Shorey, P.; for the classic account of “the unity of Plato's thought,” see his book by that title (Chicago, 1903)Google Scholar. For the two ways of reading Plato, see Guthrie, , History, 4:46, 152–53Google Scholar. O'Brien, M. (The Socratic Paradoxes and the Greek Mind [Chapel Hill, 1967])Google Scholar for one, upholds the unity of Plato's thought, by reading the views of the middle works back into the early ones — rather implausibly, I believe; he is criticized by Irwin, Plato's Moral Theory, p. 328 n. 21, and see p. 302 n. 59.
46 A fair account of the entire theory, with bibliography up to 1970, is Robinson, Plato's Psychology.
47 The distinction between knowledge and correct opinion is introduced in the Meno (97a ff.).
48 See Lach 194d–95a; Prt 357b–60e; cf. Aristotle EN 1116b3–5; EE 1229a14–16, 1230a7–10; MM 1190b27–29; and also Xen Mem IV, vi, 11.
49 Cf. Santas, , “Socrates at Work on Virtue and Knowledge in Plato's Charmides,” in Exegesis and Argument, Lee, E.N. et al. , eds. (Assen, The Netherlands, 1973), pp. 105–106.Google Scholar
50 See Irwin, Plato's Moral Theory, p. 328 n. 21; and cf. Timaeus (86bc).
51 See Sph 227d–228e; Tim 86b–87b. A good brief discussion of this doctrine is found in Grube, G.M.A., Plato's Thought (1935; rpt. Boston, 1958), pp. 226–230.Google Scholar
52 This basic contrast is strikingly illustrated — though between the early and late dialogues, especially the Laws — by Gould's presentation in Development of Plato's Ethics (see above, n. 4).
53 SeeL aws 789a–92e.
54 In the timarchic city and the timarchic soul, for example, we have analogous configurations (547a–c, 55Oab), while the analogy holds for other cities and souls; see esp. Rep 441cd, 544de.
55 Note that the prisoner is “forced to be free”; Plato repeatedly uses the language of coercion to describe his rescue, in 515c–16a.
56 On aspects of continuity between the early and middle dialogues, see Shorey, , What Plato Said (Chicago, 1933), esp. pp. 67–73Google Scholar. I believe that Shorey overstates these aspects of Plato's thought (see above, note 45).
57 For the philosophers' prospects in regard to ever establishing the ideal state, see Klosko “Implementing the Ideal State.”
58 See above, nn. 45, 56.
59 For discussion of this, see, e.g., Ross, “The Problem of Socrates”; and Guthrie, , History, 3:351 ff.Google Scholar
60 Barker, , Greek Political Theory: Plato and His Predecessors (London, 1918; rpt. 1947), pp. 112–113.Google Scholar
61 Popper, K., The Open Society and Its Enemies, 5th ed., 2 vols. (Princeton, 1966), esp. 1:129–130, 191.Google Scholar
62 This of course is questionable; for references to some views different scholars have held, see Guthrie, History, 3:414–16.
63 Ibid., esp., 1:131–32, 139–40, 194–95; see also Popper's surprisingly moderate and sensible essay on the Socratic problem, chap. 10, n. 56.
64 Ibid., p. 191.
65 See esp. Cornford, Unwritten Philosophy, pp. 59–60; “Lectures,” 3.67; 6.5–7. Jaeger, W., Paideia, 3 vols., trans. Highet, G. (Oxford, 1939–1945)Google Scholar, comes close to Cornford's degree of understanding; see 2:38–41, 73; but cf. 63, 49.
66 In Plato's Moral Theory, Irwin does not even discuss Socrates' mission as described in the Apology; Santas, Socrates, too, has almost nothing to say about this side of Socrates.
67 See, e.g., Annas, J., An Introduction to Plato's Republic (Oxford, 1981), esp. p. 186Google Scholar; Cross, R. and Woozley, A., Plato's Republic: A Philosophical Commentary (London, 1964), p. 199Google Scholar; cf. White, N., A Companion to Plato's Republic (Indianapolis, 1979), p. 204.Google Scholar
68 For instance, Guthrie, who puts off a full assessment of Socrates' mission in his treatment of Socrates (History, 3:413), never to return to it, interprets the Republic as not concerned with political reform (4:483–86).
69 For discussion of some additional points, with numerous references, see Klosko, “Implementing the Ideal State,” pp. 368–73.
70 Strauss, L., The City and Man (Chicago, 1964), pp. 124–127Google Scholar; Bloom, A., The Republic of Plato (New York, 1968), pp. 407–412.Google Scholar
71 Strauss, , “On Classical Political Philosophy,” in What Is Political Philosophy? (New York, 1959), p. 91.Google Scholar
72 Strauss says almost nothing about Socrates' mission of reform in his essay, “On Plato's Apology of Socrates and Crito,” in Essays in Honor of Jacob Klein (Annapolis, 1976)Google Scholar; cf. the (extremely unusual) account of Socrates' mission, heavily influenced by Strauss, in West, T., Plato's Apology of Socrates (Ithaca, 1979), pp. 166–180.Google Scholar
73 Strauss, “On Classical Political Philosophy,” p. 91 (I italicize “quest” and remove the italics from “true”).
74 See Liddell-Scott-Jones, A Greek English Lexicon, q.v. Translators I have checked generally agree. Lamb, Helmbold, Woodhead and Irwin support my reading; only Hamilton supports Strauss. (Full references to all translators are found in the bibliography of Irwin, Plato: Gorgias [Oxford, 1979].)Google Scholar
75 Lamb, Irwin, and Woodhead also give similar translations; see all, ad loc.
76 Bloom, Republic, p. 436.
77 Klosko, “Implementing the Ideal State.”
78 To use the phrase of Kateb, G., in Encyclopedia of Philosophy, ed. Edwards, P., 8 vols. (New York, 1967), 8:212.Google Scholar
79 K. Marx and F. Engels, The Manifesto of the Communist Party, pt. 3, sec. 3.
80 Cf. Klosko, “Implementing the Ideal State,” pp. 384–89.*
*Note on texts and translations used. Plato and Aristotle are quoted from Oxford Classical texts. This means that for Plato I use the edition of Burnet, , Platonis Opera, 5 vols. (Oxford, 1900–1907)Google Scholar. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations are from Loeb Classics Library editions, occasionally modified slightly. For the Republic, I use the translation of Grube (Indianapolis, 1974).
I am grateful to the anonymous referees for this journal for their helpful criticisms and suggestions.
