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ASPECTS AND PROBLEMS OF THE TEMPLARS' RELIGIOUS PRESENCE IN MEDIEVAL EUROPE FROM THE TWELFTH TO THE EARLY FOURTEENTH CENTURY

  • JOCHEN SCHENK (a1)
Abstract

The medieval military orders were religious institutions whose members had professed a life of combat and prayer that integrated them into a religious landscape sharply defined by diversity. And yet still very little is known about the military orders’ religious functions in the dioceses in which they held ecclesiastical possessions. By focusing on one military order in particular, the Order of the Temple, this study aims to achieve two goals: first, to provide a critical overview of recent scholarship in the emerging field of military order (and especially Templar) religion, and second, to examine aspects of Templar religious involvement in medieval society in general and the reactions of senior clergymen to the Templars’ religious engagement on the parish level in particular. It argues that the Templars proved very keen to expand their network of parish churches and that in so doing they proved willing to engage with the lay public on a much larger scale than has hitherto been believed.

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1 On the former, see esp. Carraz, Damien, L'ordre du Temple dans la basse vallée du Rhône (1124–1312): Ordres militaires; Croisades et societies méridionales (Lyon, 2005); Josserand, Philippe, Église et pouvoir dans la peninsula ibérique: Les ordres militaires dans le royaume de Castille (1252–1369) (Madrid, 2004); Schenk, Jochen, Templar Families: Landowning Families and the Order of the Temple in France, c. 1120–1307 (Cambridge, 2012); and Selwood, Dominic, Knights of the Cloister: Templars and Hospitallers in Central-Southern Occitania 1100–1300 (Woodbridge, 1999). On the latter, see, e.g., Licence, Tom, “The Templars and the Hospitallers, Christ and the Saints,” Crusades 4 (2005): 3957 ; idem, “The Military Orders as Monastic Orders,” Crusades 5 (2006): 3953 ; Riley-Smith, Jonathan, Templars and Hospitallers as Professed Religious in the Holy Land (Notre Dame, 2010); and the relevant entries in Prier et Combattre: Dictionnaire européen des ordres militaires au Moyen Âge, ed. Bériou, Nicole and Josserand, Philippe (Paris, 2009). Although outdated, Prutz, Hans, Die geistlichen Ritterorden: Ihre Stellung zur kirchlichen, politischen, gesellschaftlichen und wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1908) is still useful.

2 de Ayala Martínez, Carlos, “Espiritualidad y práctica religiosa entre las órdenes militares: Los orígenes de la espritualidad militaria,” in As Ordens Militares: Freires, Guerreiros, Cavaleiros, ed. Fernandes, Isabel Christina F., 2 vols. (Palmela, 2012), 1:139–72, which discusses recent scholarly developments in military order religious history, has little to report about the military orders’ use of churches, their pastoral work, and their relationships with local clergy (see esp. 148–54).

3 Carraz, Damien, “Églises et cimitières des ordres militaires: Contrôle des lieux sacrés et dominium ecclésiastique en Provence (XIIe–XIIIe siècle),” in Lieux sacrés et espace ecclésial (IXe–XVe siècle), ed. Théry, Julien, de Fanjeaux, Cahiers 46 (Toulouse, 2011), 277312 ; Allard, Jean-Marie, “Le contrôle des paroisses, un enjeu entre les orders militaires et l’épiscopat: Le cas aquitain,” in Les ordres religieux militaires dans le Midi (XIIe–XIVe siècle), ed. Buchheit, Nicholas, de Fanjeaux, Cahiers 41 (Toulouse, 2006), 2152 ; Krämer, Thomas, Dämonen, Prälaten und gottlose Menschen: Konflikte und ihre Beilegung im Umfeld der geistlichen Ritterorden, Vita regularis: Ordnungen und Deutungen religiösen Lebens im Mittelalter, Abhandlungen 64 (Berlin, 2015).

4 For additional evidence that Templar communities opened their doors to the public and engaged in charitable activities see, e.g., Barber, Malcolm, “The Charitable and Medical Activities of the Hospitallers and Templars,” in A History of Pastoral Care, ed. Evans, Gillian R. (London and New York, 2000), 148–68; Forey, Alan J., “The Charitable Activities of the Templars,” Viator 34 (2003): 109–41; and Nicholson, Helen J., “Relations between Houses of the Order of the Temple in Britain and Their Local Communities, as Indicated during the Trial of the Templars, 1307–1312,” in Knighthoods of Christ: Essays on the History of the Crusades and the Knights Templar Presented to Malcolm Barber, ed. Housley, Norman (Aldershot, 2007), 195207 .

5 The earliest extant charter documenting a donation to the Templars dates to 1124. See Cartulaire général de l'Ordre du Temple 1119?–1150: Recueil des chartes et des bulles relatives à 1'ordre du Temple, ed. d'Albon, Marquis (Paris, 1913), 12, no. 2.

6 For example, in 1156 the knight Arramonat de Espel gave the gleysa del Castel de Cahens e las deimas e las dimicias totas autres dreyturas que a la gleysa apartenen to Dis e a madona sancta Maria de Montsaunés de la Orde de la cavaleria del Temple de Ierusalem.” Antoine Du Bourg, Histoire du grand-prieuré de Toulouse (Toulouse, 1883), xxvi, no. 37 (1156).

7 Papsturkunden für Templer und Johanniter, ed. Hiestand, Rudolf, Vorarbeiten zum Oriens Pontificus, Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen 77 (Göttingen, 1972), 204–10, no. 3.

8 La Règle du Temple, ed. de Curzon, Henri (Paris, 1886), §346.

9 Carraz, “Églises et cimitières,” 280–82.

10 Obituaire de la commanderie du Temple de Reims, ed. de Barthélemy, Edouard, Mélanges historiques: Choix de documents 4 (1881), 301–36. The best analysis of BNF lat. 15054, of which the obituary forms a part, is Peixoto, Michael J., “Maintaining the Past, Securing the Future in the Obituary of the Temple of Reims,” Viator 45 (2014): 211–35.

11 Laborde, F., “L’église des Templiers de Montsaunès (Haute-Garonne),” Revue de Comminges 92 and 93 (1979/1980): 355–73 and 37–51.

12 E.g., Inventaire des sceaux de la Normandie, ed. Germain Demay (Paris, 1881), 351, no. 3116 (seal of Fr. Robert Pajart, preceptor of Normandy, with Agnus Dei on the right, 1260); The Victoria County History of London, ed. William Page, vol. 1, London within the Bars, Westminster and Southwark (London, 1909), 491 (seal of Fr. Robert de Saunford with Agnus Dei on the right).

13 Thibout, Marc, “À propos des peintures murales de la chapelle Sainte-Cathérine de Montbellet (Saône-et-Loire),” Bulletin monumental 108 (1950): 8589 ; Jeanton, Gabriel, “Les commanderies du Temple Sainte-Catherine de Montbellet et de Rougepont,” Annales de l'académie de Mâcon, 3rd ser., 20 (1916–17): 54190, at 74, 79–80.

14 Demurger, Alain, Les templiers: Une chevalerie chrétienne au moyen âge (Paris, 2005), 167 .

15 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 454, fol. 82v, now edited in The Proceedings against the Templars in the British Isles, ed. Helen Nicholson, vol. 1, The Latin Edition (Farnham, 2011), 166 (see vol. 2, The Translation [Farnham, 2011], 161, for the translation).

16 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 454, fol. 83r, now edited in Nicholson, Proceedings, 1:160–61 (and 2:159–60 for the translation).

17 Archives départementales de Côte-d'Or, 111 H 1161/1 (dossier Montenailles) (1197 and vidimus 1276, separate charter) and 111 H 1156, no. 1 (1276). See also Petit, Ernest, Histoire des ducs de Bourgogne de la race capétienne, 9 vols. (Paris, 1885–1905), 3:321–23, no. 881 (1197).

18 This was the case, for example, for the tomb of Gerard de Villers, founding benefactor of Templar Villers, which, depicting him in the habit of the Order with his hand on his sword, was prominently placed in front of the altar in the chapel of Villers. de Haneffe, Jules Chestret, “L'ordre du Temple dans l'ancien diocèse de Liége ou la Belgique orientale,” Compte rendu des séances de la commission royale d'histoire de Belgique 70 (1901): 297348, at 312–13. See also (for the tomb) Ernst, Simon Pierre, Tableau historique et chronologique des suffragans ou co-évêques de Liège, pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastique de ce pays (Liège, 1806), 99100 .

19 Multis parentibus et amicis suis et quam pluribus aliis existentibus et expectionibus ad ostia dicte capelle et circa ipsam capellam que clausa erat.” Le procès des templiers, ed. Michelet, Jules, 2 vols. (Paris, 1841; repr. 1987), 2:355.

20 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley MS 454, fol. 11v, edited in Nicholson, Proceedings, 1:20. See also Lord, Evelyn, The Knights Templar in Britain (Harlow, 2001), 195 ; and The Victoria County History of the County of Cambridge and the Isle of Ely, ed. Salzman, Louis Francis, Pugh, Ralph Bernard, and Roach, John P. C., 4 vols. (London, 1938–60), 2:263.

21 For example, Michelet, Procès, 2:1 (Exaltation of the Holy Cross), 92, 136, 156, 161, 292 (on/around Pentecost), 70, 89, 97, 141, 229, 468 (on/around Ascension), 64, 100, 104, 190, 211, 263, 265, 296, 352, 358, 360, 380, 385, 392, 402, 418 (on/around Christmas).

22 Jochen Schenk, “The Cult of the Cross in the Order of the Temple,” in As Ordens Militares (n. 2 above), 207–19.

23 “Procedunt autem tunc mulieres omnes velato capite, depositis ornamentis vel occulatis: visitant illa die loca indulgentiarum devotius et copiosius solito et specialiter loca Hospitalariorum seu Templariorum, nec non ecclesiam Sancti Sepulcri, ubi est similitudo et forma sepulcri Domini, procedentes illuc tota nocte precedenti, licet distet ab urbe per mille passus.” Opicino de Canistris [Anonymus Ticinensis], Liber de laudibus civitatis ticinensis, ed. Rodolfo Maiocchi and Ferruccino Quintavalle, RIS, n.s., (Città di Castello, 1903), vol. 11, pt. 1:41 (ca. 1330).

24 It is difficult to give concrete figures, but it has been estimated that in the dioceses of Périgueux, Sarlat, Bazaz, and Bordeaux, for example, about eighty-five percent of the Order's churches had, or would eventually obtain, parochial status. Allard, “Le contrôle des paroisses” (n. 3 above), 33.

25 See Schnürer, Gustav, “Zur ersten Organisation der Templer,” Historisches Jahrbuch 32 (1911): 298316 and 511–61, at 515 (subjection of priests to the patriarch of Jerusalem).

26 For the role and functions of priests in the Order of the Temple, see now Vogel, Christian, Das Recht der Templer: Ausgewählte Aspekte des Templerrechts unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Statutenhandschriften aus Paris, Rom, Baltimore und Barcelona, Vita regularis: Ordnungen und Deutungen religiösen Lebens im Mittelalter, Abhandlungen 33 (Berlin, 2007), 175–84. See also Constable, Giles, “Monasteries, Rural Churches and the cura animarum in the Early Middle Ages,” Settimane di studio del centro italiano de studi sull'alto medioevo 28 (1982 for 1980): 349–95, at 349 and 384; and Parisse, Michel, “Le redressement du clergé séculier,” in Histoire du Christianisme, vol. 5, Apogée de la papauté et expansion de la chrétianité: Histoire du Christianisme (1054–1274), ed. Mayeur, Jean-Marie et al. (Paris, 1993), 241–75, at 271.

27 Malteser Urkunden und Regesten zur Geschichte der Tempelherren und der Johanniter, ed. Prutz, Hans (Munich, 1883), 45, no. 35 (1192); 46, no. 49 (1198) and no. 52 (1198); 48, no. 67 (1200) and no. 78 (1201); 50, no. 99 (1208); Prutz, Hans, Entwicklung und Untergang des Tempelherrenordens (Berlin, 1888), 49 . One of the “ideal cases” would be the admission of William de Bruere to the church of Sibthorpe on the presentation of the Master and of the Order of the Temple in England by the archbishop of York on 16 September 1281. York, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, Reg. 3, fol. 179r; see The Registers of William Wickwane, Lord Archbishop of York, 1279–1285, ed. Brown, William (Durham, 1907), 76, no. 249.

28 Les registres de Grégoire IX: Recueil des bulles de ce pape, ed. Auvray, Lucien, 4 vols. (Paris, 1896–1955), 2:139–40, no. 2728 (1235).

29 Forey, Alan, The Templars in the Corona de Aragón (Oxford, 1973), 165–67 argues that Alexander III may have rewarded the Templars with total exemption for their support in his struggle against emperor and anti-pope. But no clear documentation of this maior libertas has survived, which has led Luis García-Guijarro Ramos to call its very existence, as a single written grant, into question. See Ramos, Luis García-Guijarro, “Exemption in the Temple, the Hospital and the Teutonic Order: Shortcomings of the Institutional Approach,” in The Military Orders, vol. 2, Welfare and Warfare, ed. Nicholson, Helen (Aldershot, 1998), 289–93, at 291.

30 Curzon, La Règle du Temple (n. 8 above), §§353, 525; Prutz, Entwicklung und Untergang, 46–47. That the ban was still upheld in the mid-thirteenth century is illustrated by Pope Gregory IX's formal permission on 7 June 1238 that Templars suffering in Muslim captivity could use the Dominicans as confessors. Potthast, 1:899, no. 10615.

31 García-Guijarro Ramos, “Exemption,” esp. 293, where the author argues that 1139 was only “the starting point of the maior libertas” of the Order. For the evolution of Templar exemption and authority, see Prutz, Entwicklung und Untergang, 46–57. See also Vial, Pierre, “La papauté, l'exemption et l'ordre du Temple,” in Papauté, monachisme et théories politiques: Le pouvoir e l'institution ecclésiale; Études d'histoire médiévale offertes à Marcel Pacaut, ed. Guichard, Pierre et al. , 2 vols. (Lyon, 1994), 1:173–80; and Bellomo, Elena, The Templar Order in North-West Italy (Leiden, 2008), 148 .

32 Hiestand, Papsturkunden (n. 7 above), 1:216–17, no. 10 (1144).

33 Forey, Aragón, 161.

34 Prutz, Entwicklung und Untergang, Appendix 1: Papstregesten, 270, no. 115 (1223).

35 Ibid., 275, no. 159 (1260) and no. 160 (1260).

36 “Ego Ugo, divina dignatione Ruthenesis episcopus, cum consensu et voluntate capituli Ruthenesi, dono et concedo et in perpetuum libere habere permitto fratribus miliciae Templi, presentibus et futuris, in manu Bernardi Eschafredi, gubernatoris ejusdem miliciae infra Ruthenense, omnia quae possident, vel ex pristina adquisitione possidere debent, in parochia Sti Georgii, vel infra terminos ejusdem. Confirmo eisdem fratribus omnia privilegia sua et ecclesias, quas in Ruthenensi episcopatu possident. Remitto et illis omnes querelas, quas adversus eos habebam, et nominatim relaxo eis quicquid ex occasione Decreti exigere poteram, de donis, vel legatis, sive helemosinis, quas parochiani mei ipsis fecerunt, vel de cetero facturi sunt.” Du Bourg, Grand–prieuré de Toulouse (n. 6 above), lxxii–iii, no. 111 (1189).

37 Two Cartularies of the Augustinian Priory of Bruton and the Cluniac Priory Montacute, ed. Lyte, Henry Churchill Maxwell, Somerset Record Society 8 (London, 1894), 62, no. 253 (1240).

38 “Mandamus vobis atque rogamus et supplicamus, quatenus hos fratres nostros, cum ad vos venerint, benigne et affectuose suscipiatis, et ecclesias vestras ad predicandum eis exponatis, et corda vestrorum parochianorum ad impendendas eis eleemosinas suas largissime inclinetis… .  Nos vero, cupientes participes esse eorum beatitudinis et sortis, concedimus ut, si ecclesie sint interdicte, ad quas illi tendent, in adventu eorum, semel in anno, uno die, ad honorem Dei et eorum, solemniter pulsatis signis, celebretur divinum officium in ipsis, admissis omnibus parochianis, exceptis excommunicatis. Et si qui sint fratres eorum qui signum vel habitum aut vitam eorum habeant, ea vice, si mortui sint, sepeliantur.” Cartulaire général (n. 5 above), 15–16, no. 21 (1144); trans. Barber and Bate, The Templars, 131, no. 31.

39 For relations between the Templars and church institutions in northwestern Italy see Bellomo, Templar Order in Italy, 148–59, esp. 149 (for relations with the bishop of Turin).

40 Nicholson, Helen, Love, War and the Grail: Templars, Hospitallers and Teutonic Knights in Medieval Epic and Romance, 1150–1500 (Leiden, 2001), 3643 .

41 For the remission of penance and the indulgence of petty sins granted to benefactors to the Temple by Innocent II and Hadrian IV, and to the Hospital by Lucius III, see Hiestand, Papsturkunden, 1:213, no. 7 (1139x43); 214–15, no. 8 (1144); 233–35, no. 27 (1155, repeated in 1157x59, 1162, 1165, 1166x67, 1168x69, 1173x76, 1190); 364, no. 176 (1185). Further examples can be found in Forey, Aragón, 162. See also Licence, “Military Orders” (n. 1 above), 45.

42 Cartulaire général, 3–4, no. 6 (1126x30).

43 Records of the Templars in England in the Twelfth Century: The Inquest of 1185, ed. Beatrice A. Lees (London, 1935), 162, no. 6 (1151x61); 162–63 no. 7 (1162x70). These and the following examples are also cited in Licence, “Military Orders,” 45. For Theobald, see also Sinclair, Keith V., “The Translation of the Vitas patrum, Thaïs, Antichrist, and Vision de saint Paul made for Anglo-Norman Templars: Some Neglected Literary Considerations,” Speculum 72 (1997): 741–62, at 743.

44 Lees, Records, 1163–64, no. 8 (1169x81).

45 Ibid., lvii.

46 BL, Cotton MS Nero E VI, 74–93, which contains one papal bull and nineteen episcopal letters from the Cotton manuscript collection at the British Library in London recording promises of indulgences to visitors to New Temple in London. These documents were issued between 1161 and 1275 (but mostly between 1246 and 1262) by various bishops of Canterbury, York, Lincoln, London, Ely, and Rochester in England; Armagh, Leighlin, Waterford, Ossory, Ardagh, Achonry, Elphin, and Kildare, and Fordensis in Ireland; and Bordeaux in Plantagenet Aquitaine. The promulgation of New Temple in London was therefore a thoroughly English endeavor and, it seems, a well-orchestrated one at that. At New Temple the pilgrims would have been able to marvel at a great number of relics, among them the sword that killed St. Thomas Becket, the vial with the Precious Blood, and the two fragments of the True Cross set into reliquaries. I am grateful to Dr. Nicole Hamonic who first drew my attention to these entries. For a discussion of lay use of New Temple in London, see also Nicholson, Helen, “At the Heart of Medieval London: The New Temple in the Middle Ages,” in The Temple Church in London: History, Architecture, Art, ed. Griffith-Jones, Robin and Park, David (Woodbridge, 2010), 118 .

47 Paris, Archives Nationales de France, L 239, no. 28 (11/01/1217). See also de Curzon, Henri, La maison du Temple de Paris: histoire et description (Paris, 1888), Documents Annexes, 301, no. 1.

48 Paris, Archives Nationales de France, L 241, no. 69 (10/06/1230). See also Curzon, La maison du Temple, 67.

49 Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Bulas, leg. 11, doc. 49 ( Rosell, Francisco Miquel, Regesta de letras pontificadas del Archivo de la Corona de Aragón [Madrid, 1948], 92, no. 160).

50 For Langres, see the charters transcribed in Petit, Histoire des ducs de Bourgogne (n. 17 above); for Carcassonne, see in particular Cartulaires des Templiers de Douzens, ed. Gerard, Pierre and Magnou, Élisabeth (Paris, 1965); for Trois-Châteaux see Cartulaire de la commanderie de Richerenches de l'Ordre du Temple (1136–1214), ed. de Ripert-Monclar, Marquis (Avignon, 1907).

51 Damien Carraz, “Templars and Hospitallers in the Cities of the West and the Latin East (Twelfth to Thirteenth Centuries),” Crusades 12 (2013): 103–20, at 113.

52 BNF, coll. Périgord, vol. 33, fols. 1–2, 83r, and Allard, “Le côntrole des paroisses” (n. 3 above), 36.

53 Laharie, Muriel, “Evêques et société en Périgord du Xe au milieu du XIIe siécle,” Annales du Midi 94 (1982): 360–62; Allard, “Le côntrole des paroisses,” 36.

54 Bordeaux, Archives départementales de Gironde, H 3082, fol. 100; Toulouse, Archives départementales de la Haute-Garonne, H Malte Bordeaux 41, fol. 82; and Allard, “Le côntrole des paroisses,” 36.

55 La Boissière: Josèphe Chartrou, L'Anjou de 1109 à 1151: Foulque de Jerusalem et Geoffroi Plantagenêt (Paris, 1928), no. 73 (pièce justificative, no. 28). Asnières: Angers, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 863 [formerly 775], Asnières section, fols. 4r–v, printed ex apographo in Gallia Christiana in provincias ecclesiasticas distributa: Qua series et historia archiepiscoporum, episcoporum, et abbatum Franciae vicinarumque ditionum, ab origine Ecclesiarum ad nostra tempora deducitur, et probatur ex authenticis instrumentis ad calcem appositis, ed. Denys de Sainte-Marthe et al., 16 vols. (Paris, 1715–1865), vol. 14, Instrumenta, col. 154, no. 14. Pontron: ibid., col. 155–56, no. 15 (ex apographo).

56 Registres Grégoire IX (n. 28 above), 2:822, no. 3975 (9 December 1237) and 979, no. 4285 (24 April 1238).

57 See Constable, Giles, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1996), 233–34, for a similar treatment of the Order of Prémontré.

58 Schenk, Templar Families (n. 1 above), 85–125; Bellomo, Templar Order in Italy (n. 31 above), 154–55.

59 Cartulaire général, 31, no. 41 (after 19 Oct. 1131), and again 34–35, no. 45 (1132).

60 Actes du Parlement de Paris, 1st ser., De l'an 1254 à l'an 1328, ed. Edgar Boutaric, 2 vols. (Paris, 1863–67), 2:136–37, no. 4420 (1315).

61 Cartulaire de l'Abbaye de Saint-Vaast d'Arras rédigé au XIIe siècle par Guimann, ed. van Drival, Eugène (Arras, 1875), 253–54 [Cartulaire général, 153, no. 226] (1141x47).

62 Maxwell Lyte, Bruton (n. 37 above), 62, no. 253 (1240).

63 The Templars would henceforth hold the church in perpetuity “retento tamen in omnibus pleno jure pontificali et reverentia et obedientia et correctione cum plenitudine jurisdictionis Arelatensis ecclesie quam in ipsa ecclesia habere consuevit,” having received promise that the monks would protect and defend the church with all means available to them by the Lord against all controversy and injury. All they asked in return was a rent of one mark in fine silver, which the Templars were to pay every year at the feast day of St. Luke, as well as the promise to pay the canons an additional eighteen denars for their annual synod. Marseille, Archives départementales des Bouches-du-Rhône, 56 H 5299 (1193) (BNF, n. a. l. 5, fols. 305–6; and Damien Carraz, “Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales: L'ordre du Temple dans la basse vallée du Rhône (1124–1312),” 3 vols. (PhD diss., Université de Lyon 2, 2003), 3:562–63, “Chartes de la Maison du Temple de Saint-Gilles,” no. 245, which lists all extant copies and editions of this charter).

64 Nice, Archives départementales des Alpes-Maritimes, H 1507/1 (1211).

65 As illustrated in Carraz, Damien, “Les ordres militaires et la ville (XIIe–début du XIVe siècle): L'exemple des commanderies urbaines de la basse vallée du Rhône,” Annales du Midi 114 (2002): 276–92, at 287.

66 For a possible exception see, e.g., Lees, Records (n. 43 above), 166–67, no. 11 (ca. February 1173, donation from King Henry II): “Sciatis me donasse inperpetuam elemosinam et hac mea carta confirmasse fratribus Templi Ecclesiam Sancti Clementis que dicitur Dacorum extra Civitatem Londonie cum omnibus pertinenciis suis. Quam volo et firmiter precipio quod fratres Templi eandem habeant ecclesiam et teneant bene et in pace et libere et quiete et integer et honorifice cum omnibus ad eandem pertinentibus in terris et Capellis et decimis et in omnibus aliis rebus cum omnibus libertatibus et liberis consuetundinibus suis.”

67 “Galterus Dei gratia abbas cenobii beati Vedasti Atrebatensis, cum fratribus sibi commissis omnibus hec legentibus vel agnoscentibus temporalibus quidem uti sed eternis frui. Quoniam vita morte, memoria oblivione, veritas impugnatur falsitate, nos contra hec tria impedimenta, utentes presentium litterarum annotazione, significamus tam futuris quam presentibus, quoniam cum fratribus nostris, militibus Templi Ierosolimitani et eorum subditis qui videlicet nequaquam, mundo abrenuntiato, militare Deo soli devoverunt, specialem societatem omnium spiritualium bonorum habemus, datis benigne et humiliter susceptis vicissim mutuis petitionibus, ut in augmentum corporis domini nostri Iesu Christi fraterno quoque auxilio magis magisque proficiamus. Illud etiam deinde notificamus quoniam iidem fratres milites, cum in fundo terre nostre, scilicet ville Hadensis, curiem unam constituere, in qua ipsi et sibi subjecti videlicet qui seculo abrenuntiassent, tam in morte vel sepultura quam in vita, perciperent divina, salvo in omnibus aliis jure nostre Hadensis parrochie. Hoc igitur eo affectu et tenore quo postulaverunt, causa Dei, sicut fratribus concessimus et chyrographo donum roborantes sigillo quoque nostro munivimus.” Drival, Cartulaire Saint-Vaast, 253–54 (Cartulaire général, 153, no. 226) (1141x47).

68 The roles and functions of the military orders in urban contexts are covered in Carraz, “Templars and Hospitallers in the Cities” (n. 51 above); idem, “Les commanderies dans l'espace urbain: Templiers et Hospitaliers dans les villes de l'Occident méditerranéen (XIIe–XIIIe siècle),” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome–Moyen Âge 124 (2012): 119–36; and idem, “Expériences religieuses en contexte urbain: De l’ordo monasticus aux religiones novae: le jalon monachisme militaire,” in Les ordres militaires dans la ville médiévale (1100–1350), ed. idem (Clermont-Ferrand, 2013), 37–56.

69 Idem, L'ordre du Temple (n. 1 above), 326–27.

70 The original charter is lost, but various cartulary copies survive, one of which has been the source for BNF, n. a. l. 7, fols. 2–3. The most recent edition of the text is Estelle Bœuf, “Le chartier de l'archevêché d'Arles (417–1202),” thèse de l’École des Chartes (Paris, 1996), no. 192 (1152), for which see also D. Carraz, Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales (n. 63 above), vol. 3, “Chartes de la maison du Temple d'Arles,” 62–63, no. 4; and idem, “Les ordres militaires,” 287.

71 Marseille, Archives départementales des Bouches-de-Rhône, 56 H 5289 (Carraz, Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales, 491–92, no. 41) (1169). See also Carraz, “Les ordres militaires,” 287.

72 Lavirotte, César, “Mémoire statistique sur les établissements des Templiers et des Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem en Bourgogne,” Congrès archéologique de France 19 (1853): 224–91, at 240. An even better example of the restrictions that some bishops attached to their approval of new oratories, although this one affecting the Hospitallers and not the Templars, has survived in the charter collection of the bishops of Cavaillon. See Labande, Léon-Honoré, ed., “Les chartes de l’évêche et les évêques de Cavaillon au XIIIe siècle,” Revue d'histoire de l’église de France 1 (1910): 82104 , at 83–85, no. 1 (1174).

73 The autonomy of Templar commanderies is discussed in Riley-Smith, Jonathan, “The Structures of the Orders of the Temple and the Hospital in c. 1291,” in The Medieval Crusade, ed. Ridyard, Susan J. (Woodbridge, 2004), 125–43.

74 Les registres d'Innocent IV, ed. Berger, Élie, 4 vols. (Paris, 1884–1920), 1:505, no. 3359 (12 October 1247). See also Bellomo, Templar Order in Italy (n. 31 above), 337.

75 Forey, Aragón (n. 29 above), 169–70; Prutz, Entwicklung und Untergang (n. 27 above), 49. For the relevant decrees at the Third Lateran Council, see Mansi, 22:222–23.

76 “Jure instituendi cappellanes in ecclesiis supradictis, quotiescumque contingerit eas vacare, ad presentationem fratrum Templi preceptorum, quibus erunt ecclesiae supradictae subjectae et salvis et retentis procurationibus nostris et aliis juribus episcopalibus in eisdem.” Du Bourg, Histoire du grand–prieuré (n. 6 above), lxviii–ix, no. 101 (1255).

77 “Notum sit universis … quod nos U. Dei gratia Conchen(sis) abbas, de communi fratrum nostrorum consilio ecclesiam nostram Sancti Petri de Salhagol cum omnibus juribus et pertinenciis suis tibi fratri Arnaldo de Bosco Templario preceptor Cabane domus milicie Monzonis commendamus et concedimus habendam et possidendam omnibus diebus vitae tuae quamdiu nobis et successoribus nostris obediens extiteris et fidelis. In cujus rei testimonium paratum paginam sigilli nostri numinime fecimus roborari. Actum cappellae de Livro Kl. maii anno Domini M°CC°XXX° quinto.” BNF, n. a. l. 23 (La Cabane de Monson), fol. 76 (1235).

78 Hiestand, Papsturkunden, 1:204–10, no. 3 (trans. Barber and Bate, The Templars [n. 7 above], 61, no. 7).

79 Allard, “Le côntrole des paroisses” (n. 3 above), 28–31.

80 Bordeaux, Archives départementales de Gironde, G 264 (“Visite de Clément V”), fols. 3–15 (early modern copy of lost original). See also Boucherie, J., Inventaire des titres que se trouverent au trésor de l'archeveché de Bordeaux, Archives historiques du département de la Gironde 23 (Bordeaux, 1883), 305–40; and Bryson, David M., “Clement V and the Road to Avignon, 1304–1309,” in On the Margins of Crusading, ed. Nicholson, Helen L. (Farnham, 2011), 6174 . The records also show, however, that some Templar houses did submit to episcopal visitation, which suggests that preceptors were able to make autonomous decisions and effectively embrace episcopal supervision if they felt compelled (or persuaded) to do so. As one of the anonymous reviewers has generously informed me, the Templars’ parish church at Garway in Herefordshire was also subject to episcopal visitation, which led to disputes later under the Hospitallers.

81 André Vauchez, “Le tournant pastoral de l'Eglise en Occident,” in Histoire du Christianisme 5 (n. 26 above), 738–66.

82 “In nomine Domini, amen. Anno Incarnationis ejusdem millesimo trecentesimo primo, indictione quartadecima, mense aprilis, die Martis ante festum beati Georgii pontificis, sanctissimi in Christo patris ac domini Bonifacii, divina providentia pape octavi, anno septimo, ex tenore presentis instrumenti publici notum pateat universis quod in presentia mei, notarii infrascripti, et testium subscriptorum, ad hoc vocatorum et rogatorum, cum reverendus in Christo pater ac dominus, dominus Bartholomeus, Dei gratia Eduensis episcopus, ad domum de Naylliaco, Eduensis diocesis, declinasset visitationis officium et quedam alia ad jus et possesionem et juridictionem ecclesie Eduensis spectantur exercenda, et veniens ad ecclesiam dicti loci, invenisset eam clausam, interrogavit tres templarios quos invenit ante dictam ecclesiam, utrum haberent claves portarum seu hostiorum dicte ecclesie, qui responderunt quod sit, et requisiti a dicto episcopo quod traderent claves ad aperiendum ecclesiam, ut intus posset intrare et ibidem facere quod suo officio incumbebat, eas tradere et predictam ecclesiam aperire vel aperiri facere recusarunt, licet palam et publice recognoscerent et confiterentur in presentia ejusdem episcopi ipsum episcopum habere visitationem et correctionem in domo predicta, rectore et fratribus ejusdem, et cum dicerent dicti templarii se habere administrationem et possessionem dicte domus de consensu fratrum et sororum dicte domus et auctoritate apostolica, idem episcopus respondens quod cum auctoritate vel licentia sedis apostolice non haberent, et notorium esset institutionem rectoris ejusdem domus ad ipsum episcopum pertinere, non potuerunt licite occupare vel habere administrationem vel possessionem dicte domus sine consensu ejusdem episcopi, qui in hoc minime consenserat nec consentiebat se juvare, per quod dicebant monasterium de Mormanto, Lingonensis diocesis, a domino papa fuisse sibi et ordini suo concessum, non extendabat se ad dictam domum de Nailliaco, cum non esset de membris seu pertinentiis dicti monasterii, requisivit dictos templarios quod non turbarent nec impedirent eundem episcopum vel ecclesiam Eduensem in possessionem juris sibi competentis in dicta domo, et quod exirent de loco predicto, nam quamdiu essent ibidem, non posset uti libere jure suo vel possessione juris sibi competentis ibidem, nam dicendo quod habebant administrationem et possessionem dicte domus, cujus administrationem vel possessionem nullus adipisci et habere licite, salvo auctoritate sedis apostolice, sine consensu episcopi Eduensis, turbabant eundem episcopum et ecclesiam Eduensem in possessione juris instituendi in dicta domo rectorem et administrationem qui haberet possessionem dicte domus, et cum nollent predicti templarii acquiescere requisitioni predicte, requisivit decanum, prepositum et alios canonicos ecclesie Eduensis ibidem presentes, quod eum juvarent in deffendena licite possessione et jure ecclesie Eduensis, inhibens tamen generaliter omnibus ne quis dictis templariis vittuperationem vel injuriam inferret, nec in deffendenda possessione ecclesie modum excederet. Actum in domo de Naylliaco predicta, sub anno, indictione, mense, die et pontificatu predictis, presentibus venerabilibus et discretis viris dominis Guidone, decano, Guidone, preposito ecclesie Eduensis, Helia de Suilleyo, archidiacono Belnensi, Symone de Pontescisso, Guichardo de Combornio, Milone de Castronovo, Regnaudo dicto Buchepot, canonicis ecclesie Eduensis, Petro Mercatoris, officiali Eduensi, Johanne de Vinoma, Guillelmo de Auceyo, presbyteris, et pluribus aliis presbyteris et clericis et laycis, testibus ad hoc vocatis et rogatis. Et ego, Stephanus Gastelli, de Sancto Salvatore, clericus Autisidorensis diocesis, sacrosancte Romane ecclesie auctoritate publicus notarius, una cum predictis testibus premissis omnibus et singulis presens interfui, et in hoc instrumento publico super premissis confecto subscripsi et publicavi, signoque meo consueto signavi rogatus.” BN, n. a. l. 54, fols. 81–82 (1301).

83 The best case study on this issue is Allard, “Le côntrole des paroisses.” See also Damien Carraz, “Paroisse,” in Prier et Combattre (n. 1 above), 688–89. For context see Schreiber, Georg, Kurie und Kloster: Studien zur Privilegierung, Verfassung und besonders zum Eigenkirchenwesen der vorfranziskanischen Orden vornehmlich auf Grund der Papsturkunden von Paschalis II. bis auf Lucius III. (1099–1181), 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1910), 2:18–213. See also Knowles, David, The Monastic Order in England, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1963), 600606 ; Burton, Janet E., “Monasteries and Parish Churches in Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century Yorkshire,” Northern History 5 (1987): 3950 ; and Avril, Joseph, “En marge du clergé paroissial: Les chapelains de chapellenies (fin XIIe –XIIIe siècles),” Actes des congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l'enseignement supérieur public 22 (1991): 121–33. At least in Britain the Hospitallers were engaged in similar activities by the fifteenth century. See O'Malley, Gregory, The Knights Hospitaller of the English Langue (Oxford, 2005), 9899 (I thank the anonymous reviewer of this article for bringing this to my attention).

84 Aubrun, Michel, L'ancien diocèse de Limoges des origines au milieu du XIe siècle (Clermont-Ferrand, 1981), 388–89.

85 Allard, “Le côntrole des paroisses,” 21. These new parishes were naturally considerably smaller than the old parishes; in Limousin their average size was 670 ha. For Templar and Hospitaller parishes elsewhere, see, e.g., Legras, Anne-Marie, Les commanderies des Templiers et des Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem en Saintonge et en Aunis (Paris, 1983), esp. 35 (plate).

86 Limoges, Archives départementales de Haute-Vienne, G 9 (registre O Domina), fols. 70v–74v, and G 11 (registre Tue Hodie), fols. 56v–59v. See Lecler, André, ed., “Accord passé entre l’évêque de Limoges et le précepteur de la milice du Temple, relativement aux chapelles des Templiers dans le diocèse de Limoges, 23 juin 1283,” Bulletin de la société archéologique et historique du Limousin 54 (1904): 493503 for a full edition of the agreement; and Allard, Jean-Marie, “Templiers et hospitaliers en Limousin au Moyen Âge: État de la recherche et nouvelles considérations,” Revue Mabillon, n.s., 14 (2003): 7177 , for a partial edition. See also Allard, Jean-Marie, “L'accord de 1282 entre l’évêque de Limoges et le précepteur du Temple en Limousin,” Bulletin de la Société archéologique et historique du Limousin 129 (2001): 2344 . Whether or not the accord reached in this charter actually reversed the situation in the diocese to the status quo ante I do not know; but I think it unlikely since all contested new parishes were by the fifteenth century in the possession of the Hospital.

87 Die Register Innocenz’ III., ed. Othmar Hageneder and Anton Haidacher, 7 vols. (Graz and Cologne, 1964– ), 7:163–64, no. 101 (1204).

88 Register Innocenz III., 5:265–69, no. 135 (1202).

89 BNF, n. a. l. 15, fols. 61–66 (1196); Register Innocenz III., 1:737–41, no. 507 (1198).

90 Allard, “Templiers et hospitaliers en Limousin,” 72–74

91 On the use of parishes in the military orders see Carraz, “Paroisse,” 688–89. For evidence that the Templars made use of parish churches, see, e.g., Gem, Richard, “An Early Church of the Knights Templars at Shipley, Sussex,” in Anglo-Norman Studies, vol. 6, Proceedings of the Battle Conference 1983, ed. Brown, Reginald A. (Woodbridge, 1984), 238–46, at 240.

92 In 1211, for example, parishioners of San Fiorenzo in Fiorenzuola petitioned for papal permission to attend divine office in the church of the Templars; three years later they were granted permission to choose burial in the Templar church of Santa Margherita. Bellomo, Templar Order in Italy (n. 31 above), 152.

93 Toulouse provides a good case in point. See Mundy, John, “The Parishes of Toulouse from 1150 to 1250,” Traditio 46 (1991): 171204, at 177–80; and generally Constable, Reformation (n. 57 above), 246–49.

94 Avril, Joseph, “Églises paroissiales et chapelles de châteaux aux XIIe–XIIIe siècles,” in Seigneurs et Seigneuries en Moyen Âge: Actes du 117e congrès des sociétés savantes, Clermont-Ferrand, 1992; Section d'histoire médiévale et de philologie (Paris, 1993), 471–79, at 466.

95 See, e.g., de la Canal, José, “Iglesias de Lérida, Roda y Barbastro,” España sagrada 46 (1836): 398400 (1192).

96 Bellomo, Templar Order in Italy, 152.

97 Carraz, L'ordre du Temple (n. 1 above), 326–27, 463–69.

98 Marseille, Archives départementales des Bouches-de-Rhône, 3 G 10 (“Chartrier de Salon”), no. 369 (Carraz, Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales, 3:108–10, “Chartes de la maison du Temple d'Arles,” no. 66) (1217).

99 Lavirotte, “Mémoire statistique” (n. 72 above), 273.

100 “Unum librum in quo est scriptum officium quod dicitur quando baptizantur infantes.” Aix-en-Provence, Archives départementales des Bouches-de-Rhône, B 433 (“Chartes de la Tour du Trésor”), no. 2 (1308). See also Prutz, Entwicklung und Untergang (n. 27 above), 343; and Legras, Anne-Marie and Lemaître, Jean-Loup, “La pratique liturgique des Templiers et des Hospitalliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem,” in L’écrit dans la société médiévale: Divers aspects de sa pratique du XI au XV siècle; Textes en hommage à Lucie Fossier, ed. Bourlet, Caroline and Dufour, Annie (Paris, 1991), 77137, at 124. A more detailed discussion of these and similar books can be found in Jochen Schenk, “The Documentary Evidence for Templar Religion,” in The Templars, Their Sources and Their Competitors (1119 –1314): Die Templer (1119 –1314); Bilanz und Perspektiven der Forschung, ed. Karl Borchardt, Helen Nicholson, and Philippe Josserand (Farnham, forthcoming).

101 Caravita, Renzo, “Nuovi documenti sull'ordine del Tempio dall'Archivio Arcivescovile di Ravenna,” Sacra militia 3 (2002): 225–78, at 255 (Ormelle, 1310) and 262–63 (San Vitale, 1310).

102 Appendice al Monumenti Ravennati dei Secoli di Mezzo del Conte Marco Fantuzzi, ed. Tarlazzi, Antonio, 2 vols. (Ravenna, 1869–76), 1:502–3, no. 325:2.

103 See, e.g., Posthoumis-Dalle, Nelly, “Histoire et archéologie de la commanderie-grand-prieuré des hospitaliers de Saint-Jean à Toulouse: État de la recherche,” in Les ordres militaires dans le Midi, ed. Théry, Julien, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 41 (Toulouse, 2006), 239–64, who, however, concerns herself only with the Hospitallers.

104 Lees, Records (n. 43 above), cvii; Licence, “Military Orders” (n. 1 above), 48.

105 “Itaque notum fieri volumus tam presentibus quam futuris quod domina Amultrudis, de sua suorumque predecessorum salute religiose cogitans, quedam bona, que libere ac quiete possidebat, ad usus sacerdotis, qui in Templo, quod est in civitate Laudunensi, non longe ab ecclesia Sancte Genovefe situm, divina ministeria celebraturus constitueretur, ut ipsa templum Domini fieri mereretur, Deo et Templo devote contulit, ita tamen quod, si fratres Templi Hierosolimitani aliquem de suis fratribus aut sacerdotem alium, expensis suis, ibidem cantare fecerint, beneficia, que iam dicturi sumus, eterno jure possidebunt.” Actes des évêques de Laon des origines à 1151, ed. Dufour-Malbezin, Annie (Paris, 2001), 458–59, no. 318 (c.1129x51).

106 “Cantar mesa et matinas à la Selve e revidem lo cementeri (al) die Inventio Ste Crucis.” Du Bourg, Histoire du grand–prieuré (n. 6 above), lxix, no. 103 (1150).

107 “Recipio te in beneficiis domus nostre et animas parentum tuorum et omnibus amicorum tuorum et pro te et illis specialem orationem sacerdotem domus nostre Deo cotidie cantare faciam, et post obitum tuum die anniversari tui, singulis annis, pro anima tua sacerdotes domus nostre missas cantare curabo.” Arles, Archives municipales, GG 87, no. 2 (Damien Carraz, Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales, 3:578–79, “Chartes de la maison du Temple de Saint-Gilles,“no. 288) (1195).

108 Marseille, Archives départementales des Bouches-de-Rhône, 56 H 5175 (Carraz, Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales, 3:116–17, “Chartes de la maison du Temple d'Arles,” no. 77 (copy, 12/10/1228).

109 AN S 5237, dossier 30, no. 5 (1238).

110 Marseille, Archives départementales des Bouches-de-Rhône, 56 H 5184 (Carraz, Ordres militaires, 3:151–52, “Temple d'Arles,” no. 119) (1243).

111 “Item lego domui milicie Templi Arelatensis pasturas meas dels Leols, quas teneo sub dominio dominorum de Fos, ita quod fratres dicte domus teneantur facere adniversarium (sic) singulis annis, die obitus mei pro anima mea et parentum meorum.” Marseille, Archives départementales des Bouches-de-Rhône, 56 H 5182 (Carraz, Ordres militaires, 3:165–67, “Temple d'Arles,” no. 136) (1259).

112 “In primis eligo michi sepulturam in cimiterio domus Templi, una cum domino pater meo condam. Et accipio pro anima mea xx solidos quos volo distribui piis locis et causis arbitrio gadiatorum meorum. Item lego domui Templi quemdam terram que est in Triboncio que terra confrontatur ex una parte terre domus Templi et ab alia terre Benedicti Baconi pro anniversario meo singulis annis faciendo in ecclesia dicte domus pro anima mea.” Marseille, Archives départementales des Bouches-de-Rhône, 56 H 5177 (Carraz, Ordres militaires, 3:177–78, “Temple d'Arles,” no. 145).

113 “Et ob remedium anime mee et antecessorum meorum, et pro anniversario meo in ecclesia de Salice super Yonam anno quolibet post decessum meum faciendo terciam partem circiter quadraginta libratarum annui redditus.” AN S 5238, dossier 41, no. 2 (1268).

114 Dijon, Archives départementales de Côte-d'Or, carton 111 H 1156, Fonds de Bure, no. 1 (1299). The involvement of the lords of Grancey with Templar Bure is illustrated in Schenk, Templar Families (n. 1 above), 141–46.

115 Obituaire Reims (n. 10 above), 330 for the entry on Archbishop Henry of Reims.

116 For canons of La Trinité commemorated in the obituary, see Obituaire Reims, 314, 315, 316, 318, 319, 321, 325, 328, 329. The tradition of La Trinité also linked the Templars with other religious communities in the city and in particular with the cathedral chapter of Our Lady of Reims. See, e.g., ibid., 314, 315, 319, 321, 323, 325, 330, 332.

117 Peixoto, “Maintaining the Past, Securing the Future” (n. 10 above), esp. 226–30.

118 Ramos, Luis García-Guijarro, “Ecclesiastical Reform and the Origins of the Military Orders: New Perspectives on Hugh of Payns’ Letter,” in The Military Orders, vol. 4, On Land and by Sea, ed. Upton-Ward, Judith (Aldershot, 2008), 7783 .

119 On this topic, see in particular the research by Simonetta Cerrini, especially “I templari: Una vita da fratres, ma una regola anti-ascetica; Una vita da cavalieri, ma una regola anti-eroica,” in I Templari, la Guerra e la Santità, ed. Simonetta Cerrini et al. (Rimini, 2000), 19–48; and eadem, La révolution des templiers: Une histoire perdue du XII siècle (Paris, 2001), esp. 135–62.

120 Hiestand, Papsturkunden (n. 7 above), 1:204–10, no. 3.

121 See, e.g., “in primis eligo sepulturam in cimiterio Beate Marie de milicia et accipere pro anima mea II. milia et CC. sol. et terram meam et vineam que sunt in Trebo(n)cio, et dictam terram et vineam relinquo domui milicie Arelatis. Item, relinquo eidem domui milicie CC. sol(idos) pro tenendo unum sacerdotem in ecclesia ejusdem domus per unum annum, q(ui) celebret divina pro anima mea et pro anima Guil(e)l(m)i Petri, quondam nepotis mei.” BNF, n. a. l. 7, fols. 137–39 (1223x24).

122 Nicholson, Helen, Templars, Hospitallers and Teutonic Knights: Images of the Military Orders, 1128–1291 (London, 1993).

123 On which see, e.g., Salvadó, Sebastián, “Templar Liturgy and Devotion in the Crown of Aragon,” in On the Margins of Crusading: The Military Orders, the Papacy and the Christian World, ed. Nicholson, Helen J. (Farnham, 2011), 3144 ; and Schenk, “The Documentary Evidence” (n. 100 above).

124 Carraz, “Templars and Hospitallers in the Cities,” 114. That this may not have been a universally adopted policy is suggested by Maria Starnawska's recent observation that in Poland the Templars did not seem to have made much use of their churches at all. See Starnawska, Maria, “Zur Geschichte der Templer in Polen,” Regionalität und Transfergeschichte: Ritterorden-Kommenden der Templer und Johanniter im nordöstlichen Deutschland und in Polen seit dem Mittelalter, ed. Gahlbeck, Christian, Heimann, Heinz-Dieter, and Schumann, Dirk (Berlin, 2014), 4762, esp. 59.

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