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² Perceval le Gallois ou le Conte du Graal, vol. 5 (ed. Potvin, Charles, Mons 1870). For the authorship and extent of the Second Continuation, cf. William Roach, The Continuations of the Old French ‘Perceval’ of Chretien de Troyes (Philadelphia 1949) xiii-xiv. On the date of this continuation cf. note 3 below.Google Scholar

³ Roach, William, The Didot Perceval According to the Manuscripts of Modena and Paris (Philadelphia 1951). On the date of the Didot Perceval, its relation to Wauchier, and a bibliography of the problem, cf. 125-130. The Didot Perceval is a prosification of the third branch of Robert de Boron's cycle. The extreme limits for Robert's rhymed Perceval are 1190-1212. The extant interpolated form of it must be earlier than 1227; Professor Roach along with Brugger and Bruce regards the Wauchier continuation as earlier, belonging to the decade 1190-1200.Google Scholar

⁴ Roach, Didot Perceval 203-204. Between the accounts of the Modena and Paris MSS there is little difference. The Didot MS gives the age of the children as seven.Google Scholar

⁵ This view is shared by all scholars who have written on these episodes: May Weston, Jessie, ‘The Apple Mystery in Arthurian Romance,’ Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 9 (1925) 417–430; Rose Peebles, J., ‘The Children in the Tree,’ Medieval Studies in Memory of Gertrude Schoepperle Loomis (Paris 1927) 285-299; Ernst Brugger, The Illuminated Tree in Two Arthurian Romances (New York 1929); Roach, Didot Perceval 76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ Roach, Didot Perceval 73-76.Google Scholar

⁷ Meyer, Wilhelm, ‘Die Geschichte des Kreuzholzes vor Christus,’ Abhandlungen der königl. bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-Philol. Kl. 16.2 (Munich 1882) 136. For the legend itself 131-166.Google Scholar

⁸ Brugger, op. cit. 9, 20-25, 32-33.Google Scholar

⁹ Only a few titles from the vast literature based upon this theory can be given here. One should consult Brown, A. C. L., ‘Iwain, a Study of the Origins of Arthurian Romance,’ Harvard Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature 8 (Boston 1903); Loomis, R. S., Arthurian Tradition and Chretien de Troyes (New York 1949); Nitze, W. A., ‘The Castle of the Grail — An Irish Analogue,’ Studies in Honor of Marshall Elliott, A. 1 (Baltimore 1911) 19-51.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Meyer, op. cit. 103-166.Google Scholar

¹¹ Ibid. 123, 128.Google Scholar

¹² LThK 5.265.Google Scholar

¹³ Meyer, op. cit. 130.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Brugger, op. cit. 23.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Brugger, op. cit. 25.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Brugger, op. cit. 22.Google Scholar

¹⁷ A bibliography of this motif in ancient Oriental and Mediterranean tradition and in the modern mythologies of primitive peoples, as well as the Mohammedan legend, will be found in Hendrik Bergema, De Boom des Levens in Schrift en Historie (Hilversum 1938) 276. On the Egyptian Kletterbaum, see P. Blok, H., ‘Zur altägyptischen Vorstellung von der Himmelsleiter,’ Acta Orientalia 6 (1928) 268.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Bolte, J. - Polivka, G., Anmerkungen zu den Kinder- und Hausmärchen der Brüder Grimm 1 (Leipzig 1937) 147; 2 (Leipzig 1915) 511-513.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Alighieri, Dante, Paradiso 18.28-33. Cf. Miguel Asín Palacios, La escatologia musulmana en la Divina Commedia (Madrid 1924); the way by which this influence reached Dante has been more precisely established by Enrico Cerulli, Il ‘Libro della Scala’ e la questione delle fonti arabo-spagnole della ‘Divina Commedia’ (Studi e Testi 150; Città del Vaticano 1949), cf. Hatzfeld, H.'s review, Traditio 7 (1949/51) 513-515.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁰ Bergema, op. cit. 510; Patch, H. R., The Other World According to Descriptions in Medieval Literature (Cambridge [Mass.] 1950) 156; Ad. Jacoby, ‘Kreuzbaum,’ Handwörterbuch des Deutschen Aberglaubens 5 (ed. Bachtold-Stäubli, , Berlin and Leipzig 1933) 487-499; on the Seth vision, 491-492.Google Scholar

²¹ Grimm, Jacob, Deutsche Mythologie (4th ed. Gütersloh 1876) 664–6.Google Scholar

²² Graf, Arturo, Miti, leggende, e superstizioni del Medio Evo 1 (Turin 1892) 83.Google Scholar

²³ Rahner, Hugo, Griechische Mythen in christlicher Deutung (Zürich 1945) 77–89.Google Scholar

²⁴ Otfrid's Evangelienbuch (ed. Erdmann, Halle 1882) 262. On Otfrid's dates cf. Ehrismann, Gustav, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters: Althochdeutsche Literatur (2nd ed. Munich 1932) 178-203. Cf. Grimm, op. cit. 665.Google Scholar

²⁵ Wolfram von Eschenbach, Der Wartburgkrieg (ed. Simrock, , Stuttgart and Augsburg 1858) 99–103. On the date cf. Ehrismann, op. cit.: Mittelhochdeutsche Literatur, Blütezeit (Munich 1927) 77-9.Google Scholar

²⁶ Pseudo-Alcuin, , De divinis officiis (PL 101.1208).Google Scholar

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²⁸ Jacoby, , op. cit. 496; cf. Aug. Wünsche, Die Sagen vom Lebensbaum und Lebenswasser (Leipzig 1905) 55.Google Scholar

²⁹ Bousset, Wilhelm, ‘Platons Weltseele und das Kreuz Christi,’ Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 14 (1913) 273–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁰ See the poem De Pascha, below, sec. IV, and the apostrophe to the Cross by Hippolytus, below, sec. Jacoby, V., op. cit. 493, mentions a world tree described in the Apocryphal Acts of Matthew (fourth or fifth century), in which a remarkable parallel to Yggdrasil is found. As is the case with Yggdrasil, honey drips from the top of the tree; the man-eaters (Anthropophagi) eat of the fruit and bathe in the fountain at its root and are transformed into gesittete Menschen, just as the fountain of Yggdrasil ‘allen Dingen… eiweisse Farbe mitteilt.’ On Yggdrasil's features, cf. Grimm, op. cit. loc. cit.; Schr, F. R.öder, Die Germanen (Tübingen 1929) 46–7.Google Scholar

³¹ Bousset, op. cit. deals with apocryphal and gnostic material, 275-281. Cf. also Anwander, Anton, ‘Das Kreuz Christi und andere Kreuze,’ Theologische Quartalschrift 115 (1934) 491–515.Google Scholar

³² For the cosmological Cross see the sermon De inventione S. Crucis (PL 172.946); for the cosmological tree, the Expositio in Psalmos selectos (PL 172.276-279); cf. below, sec. VI at n. 119.Google Scholar

³³ Justin, Apology 1.60. According to Bousset, op. cit. 273, Justin ‘hat also die Weltseele … mit dem Sohn Gottes und das chi der Weltseele bei Plato mit dem Kreuz Christi identifiziert.’ Rahner, op. cit. 78 states more adequately that Justin regarded the heavenly chi as a vordeutendes Symbol of the Cross.Google Scholar

³⁴ Irenaeus, Epideixis 1.34. Bousset, op. cit. 274-275 states that Irenaeus identified the Weltschöpferische Logos and the World Soul, ‘die in der Gestalt des chi, des Kreuzes, die ganze Welt in ihrer Breite, und Lange, Höhe und Tiefe durchdringt.’ Cf. Rahner, op. cit. 78.Google Scholar

³⁵ Rahner has formulated the attitude of the early Greek Fathers toward the Cross in a stunning passage: ‘Die Kreuzform ist ihm zunächst das von Gott (der von Uranfang heimlich immer auf das Kreuz seines Sohnes sah) dem Kosmos aufgeprägte Grundschema, das Weltbaugesetz… Was Platon im Timaios aus alter pythagoräischer Weisheit schrieb von der sich im himmlischen chi zeigenden Weltseele, das liest nun der antike Christ wie eine schon den Heiden aufgegangene Ahnung des Weltbauenden Logos, der am Kreuz hängend den Kosmos zusammenfasst und um das Mysterium des Kreuzes schwingen lässt’ (78).Google Scholar

³⁶ Rahner, op. cit. 79. Evidence of the use by Irenaeus of the terms from Ephes. 3.18 (latitudo, longitudo, sublimitas, profundum) Rahner finds in the following passage from the Epideixis which survives only in an Armenian text, and which in Father Joseph Smith, P.'s recent translation, Proof of the Apostolic Preaching c. 34 (Ancient Christian Writers 16; Westminster, Md. and London 1952) goes as follows: ‘So by the obedience, whereby He obeyed unto death, hanging on the tree, He undid the old disobedience wrought in the tree. And because He is Himself the Word of God Almighty, who in His invisible form pervades us universally in the whole world, and encompasses both its length and breadth and height and depth — for by God's Word everything is disposed and administered — the Son of God was also crucified in these, imprinted in the form of a cross on the universe;… it is He who makes bright the height, that is, what is in heaven, and holds the deep, which is in the bowels of the earth, and stretches forth and extends the length from East to West, navigating also the Northern parts and the breadth of the South, and calling in all the dispersed from all sides to the knowledge of the Father’ (pp. 69-70; with references to Ephes. 3.18, Plato, and Justin given in n. 171).Google Scholar

³⁷ Rahner, op. cit. 81: ‘Auch in der lateinischen Mystik hat dieser Lobpreis des kosmischen Kreuzes bis tief ins Mittelalter hinein weitergeklungen.’Google Scholar

³⁸ Sch, Anton E.önbach, Altdeutsche Predigten 2 (Graz 1888) 177–189. This does not seem to have been known to Rahner.Google Scholar

³⁹ Henri de Lubac, S.J., Catholicisme: Les aspects sociaux du dogme (4th ed. Paris 1947) 408 n. 1: ‘… L'une et l'autre [Cross and Crucified] apparaissent identifiés de façon analogue en divers écrits du II^e siècle… A la même époque aussi, des dimensions géantes sont souvent attribués au Christ ou à sa croix…’ Cf. also de Lubac's article, ‘L'arbre cosmique,’ Mélanges É. Podechard (Lyon 1950) 191-198.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Rahner, op. cit. 80-81, and in the passage (78) quoted above, note 35. Cf. Lactantius, Divinae institutiones 4.26.36 (ed. Brandt, , CSEL 19.383): ‘Extendit ergo in passione manus suas orbemque dimensus est, ut iam tunc ostenderet ab ortu solis usque ad occasum magnum populum ex omnibus linguis et tribubus congregatum sub alas suas esse venturum signumque illud maximum atque sublime frontibus suis suscepturum.’ Gregory of Nyssa, Oratio 1 de resurrectione (PG 46.623): Σημαίνει γάϱ διά μὲν τοῦ ὕψους τò ὑπεϱϰείμενον · διὰ δὲ τοῦ βάθους τò ὑποχθόνιον · τῷ μῆϰει δὲ ϰαὶ τῷ πλάτει τὰ διὰ μέσου πέϱατα, τὰ ὑπò τῆς πᾶν διαϰϱατοῦσης δυνάμεως συνεχόμενα. Google Scholar

⁴¹ Rahner, op. cit. loc. cit. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis 13.28 (PG 33.806): Ἐξεπέτασεν ἐν στανϱῶ τὰς χεῖϱας, ἵνα πεϱιλάβῃ τῆς οἰϰουμένης τὰ πέϱατα: τῆς γὰϱ γῆς τò μεσώτατον ὁ Γολγοθᾶς οὗτός ἐστιν. Google Scholar

⁴² Bousset, op. cit. 283. Cf. Ignatius of Antioch, Ep. ad Ephes. 9.1 (ed. Lightfoot, , Apostolic Fathers 2.2.53): ἀναφεϱόμενοι εἰς τὰ ὕψη διὰ τῆς μηχανῆς Ιησοῦ Χϱιστοῦ, ὅς ἐστιν σταυϱός. Google Scholar

⁴³ Piper, Ferdinand,’ Der Baum des Lebens,’ Evangelischer Kalender (Berlin 1863) 17–94.Google Scholar

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⁴⁹ Kampers, Franz, Mittelalterliche Sagen vom Paradiese und vom Holze Christi (Cologne 1897). On the Cross as the Lignum Vitae, one should consult Rahner's chapter, op. cit. 90-100, ‘Das Kreuz als biblisches Mysterium.’Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ Dillmann, A., Das christliche Adambuch des Morgenlandes (Göttingen 1853) 81; the quotation in Kampers, op. cit. 23 and Rahner, op. cit. 94 is not literal. The translation by Malan, S. C., The Book of Adam and Eve (London 1822) was unavailable. Cf. also the parallel text in the Book of the Cave of Treasures (n. 55, below) 72: ‘… and shall deposit it [my body] in the centre of the earth, for in that place shall redemption be effected for me and for all my children.’Google Scholar

⁵⁵ The Book of the Cave of Treasures (tr.E. Wallis Budge, A., London 1927) 63. On the date see Rahner, , op. cit. 94, who quotes from Bezold, C.'s German translation (Leipzig 1883-88).Google Scholar

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⁵⁷ Bergema, op. cit. 445-446. The tree of Ezechiel 17 is related to that of Ezechiel 31: ibid. 449; Joh. Jeremias, Der Gottesberg: Ein Beitrag zum Verständnis der biblischen Symbolsprache (Gütersloh 1919) 42, calls the tree of Ezechiel 31 the kosmische Paradieszeder. Jacoby, op. cit. 492-3.Google Scholar

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⁶³ All ancient peoples imagined the link between heaven and earth in varying forms. Cf. Holmberg, , op. cit. 94-96; Blok, op. cit. (n. 17 supra) describes the Egyptian forms of the column, ladder, mountain, and Kletterbaum. On the tower as an image of the holy mountain connecting heaven and earth, cf. Bergema, op. cit. 483-5. On the tree, ibid. 276-7. On the Nordic tree and column, cf. Schroder, op. cit. (n. 30 supra) 46-7, 58.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Bergema, op. cit. 452-8; Patch, op. cit. (n. 20 supra) 60 n. 5. See below, VIII at n. 180ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Jewish Encyclopedia, ‘Paradise’; Patch, op. cit. 13; Bergema, 262, mentions a Rabbinical text in which the Tree of Life was ‘een reis van 500 jaren hoog.’Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Cf. n. 17 supra. Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Cf. Jacoby, , op. cit. 487 on the influence of Jewish legend.Google Scholar

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⁷³ On this MS cf. ibid. 603-4. A Munich MS, Clm 15774, dated 1455 A.D., contains glosses similar to those of the Ambrosianus, cf. Brandt, S., in Berliner philologische Wochenschrift 40 (1920) 424–32, at 427.Google Scholar

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⁷⁵ Ibid. 598. Rasi considers the putamina (bark) identical with the folia of Apoc. 22.2.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ Cf. Hartel, in Cyprian, Opera 1.xxxiv-xxxv.Google Scholar

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⁸⁸ Ibid. 52; Peter Damiani, Sermo 47 (PL 144.761).Google Scholar

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¹⁰¹ ab Insulis, Alanus, De Sancta Cruce (PL 210.223-226).Google Scholar

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¹⁰³ They are: scala Jacob, draco Moysis, tau, virga Moysis, lignum amaras aquas mutans in dulces, de petra eliciens aquam abundantem. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Molsdorf, op. cit. (n. 45 supra) 61, mentions only the very late Speculum humanae saluationis, in which Jacob's dream is a type of the nailing to the Cross. Honorius of Autun in the Gemma animae (PL 172.559) discusses the appearance of the Cross in types ante legem, sub lege, and sub gratia. He does not mention the ladder of Jacob as a type ante legem, but, among others, and more familiar, the sacrifice of Isaac. A contemporary illumination which serves as the frontispece to Genesis in the Bible of Lambeth Palace (cf. Eric Millar, G., ‘Les principaux manuscrits à peintures du Lambeth Palace à Londres,’ Bulletin de la Société française de reproductions de manuscrits à peintures [Paris 1924] 21-2) depicts three scenes: Abraham serving the three angels under the oak of Mambre, type of the Cross according to Honorius, De inv. Crucis, S. (PL 172.943); the sacrifice of Isaac, type of the Crucifixion ante legem according to Honorius; and Jacob's dream. Jacob is depicted asleep, the ladder rising above him, and upon it ‘une figure à mi-corps de la Divinité.’ The combination of this subject with two others, both of them types of the Cross, suggests that it too is a type, and that all three are types ante legem. In this circumstance lies, undoubtedly, the reason for their use as a frontispiece to Genesis.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Cayr, F.é, Patrologie 2 (3^e éd. Paris 1945) 236.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ St. Gregory, Moralium 19.1 (PL 76.97).Google Scholar

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¹¹² Watson, ‘Spec. Virg.’ 447 and 450. The text of the Speculum virginum explains the quadriga as follows: ‘Vere felices animae, quae quadriga huius exemplo a terra sublevantur et tam florido thalamo inter angelos posito collocantur. Felices aeque virgines quae horum florum odore trahuntur, et rotas istas quantum possibile est imitantur.’Google Scholar

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¹¹⁷ Professor Bischoff has seen this manuscript and was kind enough to give me his expert opinion as to its provenance and date.Google Scholar

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¹²² Opp. 8.69.Google Scholar

¹²³ Bousset, W., ‘Die Himmelsreise der Seele,’ Archiv für Religionswissenschaft 4 (1901) 136, though in a different context, points to this anticipatory equivalence in ancient religions.Google Scholar

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¹²⁸ Jeanroy, A., ‘La Passion Nostre Dame et le Pèlerinage de l’Ame,’ Romania 36 (1907) 362.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Ibid. 363.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ It is now green and can provide fruit meilleur for the diner of the Green Tree's amis (vss. 6676ff.)·Google Scholar

¹³¹ Peuckert, ‘Dürre Baum,’ Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens 2 (ed. Bachtold-St, äubli, Berlin/Leipzig 1930) 505–13. Jacoby, op. cit. 491.Google Scholar

¹³² Gröber, G., Grundriss der romanischen Philologie (Strassburg 1902) 753. It was the opinion of Dr. Brugger, op. cit. (n. 5 supra) 86-9 that the Green Tree grew out of the Didot Perceval episode, and that the scene of the debat is the Earthly Paradise. There is nothing in the debat to support this localization: the setting is clearly ‘enmi la terre.’Google Scholar

¹³³ Cf. the folia of the Cross tree in Honorius’ account, supra at n. 119. But cf. also n. 75 above, on putamina. Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Cf. the description of the Cross tree by St. Gregory, supra at n. 106. But there may be also a direct recollection of Ezech. 17.23.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Schönbach (op. cit. n. 38 supra) made an exhaustive study of this tradition. His references, however, are sometimes to passages not designed to reveal the cosmological significance attached to the dimensions. Schönbach had another purpose in mind. He recognized, as did more recently Rahner, that the tradition is of Greek origin.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Jerome, St., Commentar. in ep. ad Ephes. (PL 26.522).Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Rabanus, , Enarrationes in epp. Pauli, S. (PL 112.423).Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Ibid. (PL 112.424).Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Rabanus, , De laudibus Crucis, S. 1.2 (PL 107.157-158).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Honor. August. De inv. Crucis, S. (PL 172.946).Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Augustine, St., Sermo 165 (PL 38.904).Google Scholar

¹⁴² Aug. Sermo 53 (PL 38.371).Google Scholar

¹⁴³ Ibid. Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ Aug. De doctrina Christiana 2.41.62 (PL 34.64; ed. Vogels, , Floril. Patr. 24.47).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ Aug. Ep. 147 (PL 33.611): ‘Ego haec verba apostoli Pauli sic intelligere soleo: in latitudine, bona opera charitatis; in longitudine perseverantiam usque ad finem; in altitudine spem coelestium praemiorum; in profundo inscrutabilia judicia Dei, unde ista gratia in homines venit.’ See also En. in Psalmum 103 (PL 37.1348); Ep. 140.26.64 (PL 33.566; ed. Goldbacher, , CSEL 44.211); Ep. 55.14.25 (PL 33.216; CSEL 34.2.196-198). One of the most complete statements is found in the Tractatus in Joann. (PL 35. 1949-1953).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Aug. Ep. 55 loc. cit. Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Pseudo-Aug. De cataclysmo (PL 40.699): ‘In profundo crucis occultum est quod non vides, sed inde exsurgit hoc totum quod vides: adsit fides Christiana…’Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Rabanus, En. in epp. Pauli, S. (PL 112.424).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Honor. August. De inv. Crucis, S. (PL 172.946): Latitudo is gemina dilectio; longitudo, perseverantia in bono; sublimitas, spes; profundum, misericordia. Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Tuitiensis, Rupertus, De divinis officiis (PL 170.159).Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Swarzenski, Georg, Die Regensburger Buchmalerei des X. und XI. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig 1901) 95.Google Scholar

¹⁵² Boeckler, A., Abendländische Miniaturen (Berlin-Leipzig 1930) 112.Google Scholar

¹⁵³ A. Endres, J., Beiträge zur Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte des mittelalterlichen Regensburgs (Regensburg n.d.) 93, 101.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ G. Millar, E., The Library of A. Chester Beatty: A Descriptive Catalogue of the Western Manuscripts 1, part 1, 2 (Oxford 1927) plate 83, pp. 110-11. For calling this interesting drawing to my attention, I am grateful to Professor Bischoff.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Col. 1.24, cf. Ephes. 1.22-23, 1 Cor. 12.12ff. etc. For a summary of patristic and medieval speculation on Church and Mystical Body see Lubac, de, op. cit. (n. 39 above) 42-51, also the same author's Corpus Mysticum: L'eucharistie et l'église au moyen-âge (2nd ed. Paris 1949), especially ch. 5 (‘L'église corps mystique’)·Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Col. 1.18, Ephes. 1.22.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Boeckler, A., Die Regensburg-Prüfeninger Buchmalerei des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts (Munich 1924) 33–46. See also Bischoff, Bernhard, ‘Literarisches und künstlerisches Leben in St. Emmeram (Regensburg) während des frühen und hohen Mittelalters,’ Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-Ordens und seiner Zweige 51 (1933) 137-9.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Boeckler, op. cit. 42 (not on the page here reproduced).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ Ibid.; Watson, ‘Spec. Virg.’ (n. 89 supra) 451-2.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Aug. Tract. in Joann. (PL 35. 1950).Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Aug. Sermo 165 (PL 38.905): ‘Ab illo profundo quod non vides, surgit totum quod vides.’Google Scholar

¹⁶² Aug. Sermo 53 (PL 38.372).Google Scholar

¹⁶³ Rabanus, En. in epp. Pauli, S. (PL 112.424).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Pseudo-Bernard, Vitis mystica 46.163 (PL 184.732), i.e. Appendix VI (spurious) of the Vitis mystica now generally assigned to St. Bonaventure (Opera 8.224; cf. pp. lxiii and 189 n. 6). The authorship of Bonaventure for the main body of the Vitis mystica has likewise been challenged, cf. DHGE 8.781.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ Liber de mensuratione Crucis, S. (PL 159.298): ‘Da igitur nobis, Domine, veram humilitatem … ut sic habeamus crucis profundum.’ Cf. DThC 1.1134 for rejection of authenticity.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Bernard, St., Sermo in die sancto Paschae (PL 183.275); Sermo in festo Andreae, S. (PL 183.513): ‘quatuor haec cornua sunt continentia, patientia, prudentia, et humilitas.’Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ de Folieto, Hugo, Claustrum animae (PL 176.1083f.). Three kinds of cross are distinguished here: the cross of the devil, the cross of the just, and the Cross of Christ; ‘In cruce vero justi profundum est humilitas.’ Cf. LThK 5.180 for authorship.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ De fructibus carnis et spiritus (PL 176.997). The authorship of Hugh of St. Victor was still defended by Hauréau, but see now Vernet, F., in DThC 7.249; Manitius, M., Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters 3 (Munich 1931) 315; Volk, P., in Dictionnaire de spiritualitè, fasc. 13 (1950) 1547.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ The three theological virtues are associated with the dimensions, cf. En. in epp. Pauli, S. (PL 112.424). The four cardinal virtues are attached to the dimensions in fig. 6 of the Carmen (PL 107.174); the four cardinal virtues are the ones ‘ex quibus omnis virtutum series procedit.’Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ Damiani, Peter, Ep. 22 (PL 144.405-406).Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ Aug. En. in Psalm. 141 (PL 37. 1838).Google Scholar

¹⁷² Rabanus associated the Cross with humilitas, cf. Carmen (PL 107.173).Google Scholar

¹⁷³ Evidence for this ancient and curious tradition of the cross of the Devil, the anti-type of the Cross, has been collected by Schönbach, op. cit. (n. 38 supra) 187-9. It is mentioned by Peter Damiani, De exaltatione Crucis, S. (PL 144.765) and in the Claustrum animae (PL 176-1083). The first mention that Schönbach found of the cross of the devil was by Dungal in the ninth century (of Bobbio? Pavia? cf. LThK 3.487 for the altogether uncertain identity), Adversus Claudium Taurinensem (Responsa) PL 105.491.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ Honor. August. In dom. in Quinquagesima (PL 172.969-873).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ Honor. August. Expositio in Psalm. selectos (PL 172.276-278), at n. 119 supra. Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ Léopold Delisle, Notice sur les manuscrits du ‘Liber Floridus’ de Lambert, chanoine de Saint-Omer (Paris 1906) 131–2.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Ernst von Frisch, ‘Über die Salzburger-Handschrift von Hugo von St. Viktors Opusculum le Fructu Carnis et Spiritus,’ Festschrift für Georg Leidinger (Munich 1930) 67–71.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁸ Watson, , ‘Spec. Virg.’ 449.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ Émile Mâle, L’Art religieux du treizième siècle en France (3rd ed. Paris 1910) 109. Mâle sees the influence of Honorius’ ladder of virtues, ‘mais l'une conduit à la vie, l'autre à la mort.’Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ Hildegard of Bingen, Scivias (PL 197.385ff.).Google Scholar

¹⁸¹ Maura, D. Böckeler, O.S.B., Der heiligen Hildegard von Bingen ‘Wisse die Wege’ (Scivias) (Berlin 1928) 8. This work contains reproductions of all the illuminations of the Wiesbaden manuscript, most of which belong still to the twelfth century.Google Scholar

¹⁸² Hildegard of Bingen, op. cit. 3.2, 3.7-8 (PL 197.577-589, 641-672). Hildegard may have known St. Gregory's commentary on Ezechiel 40.5 (PL 76.938f.), for the description found there of the Church is an excellent definition of Hildegard's aedificium: ‘Super quem [montem] erat quasi aedificium civitatis vergenti ad Austrum’ (Ezech. 40.5). This is the Church ‘quae regnatura in coelo adhuc laborat in terra. Et vos tanquam lapides vivi super-aedificamini’ (1 Peter 2.5). St. Gregory interprets the steps leading into the temple (Ezech. 40.6) as the virtues, ibid. (PL 76.959f.).Google Scholar

¹⁸³ Hildegard, op. cit. 3.4 (PL 197.601-603).Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ Ibid. Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ Hildegard, op. cit. 3.8 (PL 197.660). A pagan Germanic parallel would be Irminsul, ‘die gleichsam alles trägt,’ cf. Schröder, op. cit. (n. 30 supra) 58.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁶ Hildegard, loc. cit. (PL 197.651).Google Scholar

¹⁸⁷ Ibid. (PL 197.653).Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ The other virtues (Böckeler, op. cit. plate 28) are caritas, timor Domini, obedientia, fides, spes, castitas. Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ Ibid. (PL 197.662).Google Scholar

¹⁹⁰ Ibid. (PL 197.672). In the miniature of the Wiesbaden MS the infans is shown sitting in the lap of castitas, but St. Hildegard actually speaks of venter and viscera. Google Scholar

¹⁹¹ Böckeler, op. cit. plate 28.Google Scholar

¹⁹² Hildegard, op. cit. 3.8 (PL 197.661).Google Scholar

¹⁹³ Keller, Hiltgart L., Mittelrheinische Buchmalereien in Handschriften aus dem Kreise der Hiltgart von Bingen (Stuttgart 1933) 102.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁴ Hildegard may have known a passage in Rabanus’ Carmen de laudibus Crucis, S. (PL 107.167-168) which deals with the relationship between the Cross and the spirituale aedificium or domus Dei, in which the crux sancta is termed columna et firmamentum veritatis. Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ Durmart le Galois (ed. Stengel, , Stuttgart 1873) vss. 1512-1527; 15560-15595. See J. Gildea, J., A Study of the Old French Arthurian Romance Durmart le Gallois (Philadelphia 1949) 17, 26.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ Durmart, vss. 15819-15820.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁷ Brugger, op. cit. 33.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁸ Brugger, op. cit. 32.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁹ ‘Traditur enim quod ea hora qua Adam de vetita arbore comederit, ea Christus in arbore crucis pendens acetum cum felle biberit…’ says Honorius of Autun in a homily on the Annunciation (PL 172.903).Google Scholar