¹ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 886; Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. Earle, J. and Plummer, C. (Oxford, 1892), i, pp. 80–1Google Scholar. About the same time the regnal style in Alfred's charters seems to have changed from ‘rex Saxonum’ to ‘rex Anglorum Saxonum’ or Angulsaxonum’. See Birch, W. de Gray, Cartularium Saxonicum (London, 1885–1899)Google Scholar [hereafter cited as.B.C.S.] nos. 564, 567–8, 581, none of which is of certain authenticity. Thesestyles are also found in Asser's Life of Alfred, ed. Stevenson, W. H. (Oxford, 1904)Google Scholar, which was written in 893. The style rex A. is already found on coins of c. 875– c. 885. See Anglo-Saxon Coins: Studies presented to F. M. Stenton, ed. Dolley, R. H. M. (London, 1961), pp. 80–1Google Scholar.

² Whitelock, D., ‘Fact and fiction in the legend of St Edmund’, Proc. Suffolk Inst. Archaeol., xxxi (1969), 217–33Google Scholar; Smyth, A. P., Scandinavian Kings in the British Isles, 850–880 (Oxford, 1977), pp. 201–13.Google Scholar

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⁷ Ibid. p. 128.

⁸ ‘Les forces militaires d'apres la guerre gothique de Procope’, Classica et Mediaevalia, xxi (1960), 136–183Google Scholar. I owe this reference to the kindness of Prof. D. A. Bullough. See alsoWallace-Hadrill, , Early Medieval History, p. 219.Google Scholar

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¹³ Ibid., pp. 74–6. The awkward phrasing may indicate that a phrase or apassage has been omitted from the archetype of the Chronicle.

¹⁴ ‘The navigation of Viking ships round the British Isles in Old English and Old Norse sources’, The Fifth Viking Congress, ed. Niclasen, B. (Tórshavn, 1968), pp. 107–108Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Annals of Ulster ed. Hennesy, W. M. (Rolls Series, 1887), s.a. 836, 848, 851, 870Google Scholar; Annals of Inisfalien, ed. Best, R. I. and MacNeill, E. (London, 1933), s.a. 836, 849, 852, 871Google Scholar.

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¹⁸ Ermenlarii Translatio S. Filiierti, ed. Holder-Egger, O. (M.G.H. Scriptores, XV(i), Hannover, 1887), p. 301.Google Scholar

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²³ Annales Fuldenses, s.a. 882, p. 99. For Godefrid's death, see ibid., p. 102; for Sigefrid, see ibid., s.a. 891, p. 120, which should be preferred to the vaguestatement in Annales Vedastini, ed. de Simson, B. (SS. Rer. Ger., Hannover, 1909), s.a. 887, p. 63.Google Scholar

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²⁶ Annales de S. Berlin, s.a. 855, 865. For the size of the fleet in 843, see above, p. 6, and n. 18. It was probably largely the same Loire Vikings under Bjorn and Hásteinn who operated inSpain and the Mediterranean from 859 to 861, initially with sixty-two ships. See above, p. 6, and n. 19.

²⁷ Annales de S. Berlin, s.a. 866, pp. 130–31.

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³¹ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 879.

³² Annales Engolismenses, ed. Pertz, G. H. (M.G.H. Scriptores, XVI, Hannover, 1859), s.a. 843, p. 486Google Scholar: ‘Nametis civitas a Westfaldingis capitur.’ However the Scandinavian saga tradition suggests that Ragnarr Lothbrók and his descendants also had links and connections with the Vestfold area in southern Norway. See Smyth, , Scandinavian Kings, pp. 17–35.Google Scholar

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³⁴ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 866–880.

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⁴² Braat, W. C., ‘Les Vikings au pays de Frise’, Annales de Normandie, iv (1957), 219–227.Google Scholar

⁴³ But note the limitations of our sources for the earlier raids, below p. 14, n. 55.

⁴⁴ Life of Alfred, ed. Stevenson, , pp. 80–1Google Scholar.Alfred's own explanation is quoted by Fulk of Rheims in a letter to the king (B.C.S., 555 (for 556), translated in English Historical Documents 500–1042, ed. Whitelock, D. (London, 1955), p. 814)Google Scholar; for the Ludwigslied, see Althochdeutsches Lesebuch, ed. Braune, W., (15th rev. ed. by Ebbinghaus, E. A., Tübingen, 1968), pp. 136–8.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Harmer, F. E., Select English Historical Documents of the 9th and 10th Centuries (Cambridge, 1913), no. VI, pp. 9–10Google Scholar. For the Kentish monasteries and their demise, see my forthcoming work, The Early History of the Church of Canterbury.

⁴⁸ King Alfred's WestSaxon Versionof Gregory's PastoralCare, ed. Sweet, H. (Early English TextSoc., o.s., xlv, 1871). p. 4Google Scholar; translated in Engl. Hist. Docs, i, p. 818; Hadrill, Wallace, Early Medieval History, pp. 217–36.Google Scholar

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⁵² B.C.S., 272–3, 289, 351, 360, 396, 406, 428, 434, 454, 495, 518 and 519 which cover the years 793x6–868. The argument that the clause precedes the Viking incursions depends upon the spurious B.C.S., 231, and the uncertain B.C.S., 236 of the year 780. There are too few authentic charters of Alfred's reign to attach any significance to the absence of the clause after 868.

⁵³ There is a valuable discussion of the translator's methods and motives in White-lock, D., ‘Prose of Alfred's Reign’, pp. 89–93Google Scholar. On the problem of the identity of the translator, see Bately, J. M., ‘King Alfred and the Old English Translation of Orosius’, Anglia, lxxxviii (1970), 433–60.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ B.C.S., 573. This papal letter was only preserved amongst the Canterbury primacy forgeries, but as ProfessorWhitelock, has argued (Eng. Hist. Docs, i, p. 820)Google Scholarthe early part seems to be acceptable as a letter of Formosus.

⁵⁵ Stenton, F. M., Latin Charters of the Anglo-Saxon Period (Oxford, 1955), p. 40Google Scholar, citing B.C.S., 370, of the year 822. Evidence for the activity of ‘pagans’, that is Vikings in Kent in the late-eighth and early-ninth centuries drawn from B.C.S., 848, 332, 335, 348 and 380, is discussed in Brooks, , ‘Military Obligations’, pp. 79–80.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ ed. H. Sweet, p. 2; translated in Eng. Hist. Docs, i, p. 818.

⁵⁷ The evidence on which this paragraph is based was presented in my unpublished Oxford D. Phil, thesis The Pre-conquest Charters of Christ Church, Canterbury (1969), chapter 3. The charters from the Christ Church archives are B.C.S., 310, 312, 318–19, 321, 326, 332, 335, 341, 348, 353, 370, 373, 378, 380–81, 384, 400, 406, 421, 442, 448–9, 467, 496–7, 507, 515–16, 519, 536, 539, 562 and 576; Harmer, Select English Historical Documents, nos. 1–5, 7, 9–10; Robertson, Anglo-Saxon Charters, nos. 3 and 6. The charters from other archives are B.C.S., 152 (confirmation ofc. 845), 339, 343, 416, 451, 480, 502 and 506.

⁵⁸ This scribe wrote the following charters:— B.S.C., 467, 496–7, 507 and 536, and Harmer, Select English Historical Documents, nos. 4 (Lufu's confirmation only) and 5.

⁵⁹ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a.; AnnalesdeSt Berlin, s.a. 850, pp. 59–60. But since Prudentius here reports the English victory (i.e. Acleah) under the year 850, it may be that the whole of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle's annal for 851 belongs to the earlier year.

⁶⁰ B.C.S., 536 (British Library, Stowe Ch. 19; Sanders, W. B., Facsimiles of Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, iii [Ordnance Survey, Southampton, 1884], no. 19).Google Scholar

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⁶⁴ ‘Alfredian’ dating for these forts is asserted by Radford, C. C. Ralegh, ‘The later pre-conquest boroughs and their defences’, Medieval Archaeology, xiv (1970), 81–102Google Scholar, and by Wilson, D. M., ‘Defence in the Viking age’, Problems in Economic and Social Archaeology, ed. Sieveking, G., Longworth, I. H. and Wilson, K. E., (London, 1976), pp. 439–40Google Scholar. But at Lydford the only terminus post quern is provided by a sherd of imported mediterranean pottery ofthe sixth century, and at Wallingford and Wareham by a handful of body sherds that may as well be Dark Age as Middle Saxon.

⁶⁵ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ‘A’ s.a. 894, ed. Earle, and Plummer, , i, 84.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Anglo-Saxon Charters, ed. Robertson, , pp. 246–8Google Scholar.The variations in the hidage figures attributed to different boroughs in the different manuscripts are discussed in Hill, D., ‘The Burghal Hidage: the establishment of a text’, Medieval Archaeology, xiii (1969), 84–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁷ My figures, which include all the shires south of the Thames (except Kent) plus Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire, are drawn from Darby, H. C. and Finn, R. Welldon, The Domesday Geography of South-West England (Cambridge, 1967)Google Scholar, and Darby, H. C. and Campbell, E. M. J., The Domesday Geography of South-East England (Cambridge, 1962)Google Scholar. For the problems of estimating total populations from Domesday evidence, see Darby, H. C., Domesday England, (Cambridge 1977), pp. 87–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and the works there cited. Postan, M. (The Medieval Economy and Society, (London, 1972), pp. 27–9)Google Scholarhas suggested that all these estimates may seriously underestimate the English population in the late-eleventh century.

⁶⁸ British armed forced in 1940 totalled 2,273,000 and rose to a peak of 5,098,100 in 1945, i.e. from 1 in 5 to 1 in 2.5 of the able-bodied adult male population. See Butler, D. and Sloman, A., British Political Facts 1900–1975 (4th ed., London, 1975), p. 371.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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