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ORTHODOXY AND REVOLUTION: THE RESTORATION OF THE RUSSIAN PATRIARCHATE IN 1917
Prothero Lecture
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 November 2018
Abstract
At the height of the October Revolution in Moscow – a much bloodier affair than the Bolshevik seizure of power in Petrograd – the Orthodox Church installed Tikhon (Bellavin) as Russia's first patriarch since 1700. At the most obvious level, this was a counter-revolutionary gesture aimed at securing firm leadership in a time of troubles. It was nevertheless a controversial move. Ecclesiastical liberals regarded a restored patriarchate as a neo-papal threat to the conciliarist regime they hoped to foster; and since Nicholas II had explicitly modelled himself on the Muscovite tsar Aleksei Mikhailovich, the potential for renewed conflict between church and state had become clear long before 1917. Whilst previous historians have concentrated on discussions about canonical and historical precedent, this paper emphasises the extent to which a single individual haunted the whole debate. For, until the last moment, it was widely assumed that the new patriarch would be not the little-known Tikhon, but Archbishop Antonii (Khrapovitskii), whose attempts to model himself on Patriarch Nikon – the most divisive of seventeenth-century Muscovite patriarchs – helped to make him the most controversial prelate of the age.
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- Copyright © Royal Historical Society 2018
Footnotes
Dates follow the Julian calendar, used in Russia before the Bolshevik Revolution, thirteen days behind the Gregorian calendar in the twentieth century.
References
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44 ‘Slovo o Strashnem sude i sovremennykh sobytiiakh’, Moskovskiia vedomosti, 2 Mar. 1905. Apparently, only Metropolitan Antonii (Vadkovskii) restrained him from repeating his onslaught: see Arsenii, Dnevnik, iii, 51, diary, 19 Mar. 1905.
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98 On the Council's social composition, see Evtuhov, The Cross and the Sickle, 198–9.
99 Rogoznyi, Tserkovnaia revoliutsiia, 180–1.
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101 Deianiia, i, 65–70 (second pagination), 18 Aug. 1917.
102 ‘Iz “dnevnika” Professora A. D. Beliaeva’, 107, diary, 4 July 1917.
103 Lobanova, I. V., ‘“Nam nuzhen Patriarkh…”: Dokumenty Otdela o vysshem tserkovnom upravlenii Pomestnogo sobora 1917–1918 gg.’, in Tserkov' v istorii Rossii, 10 (Moscow, 2015)Google Scholar, 180, 16 Sept. 1917.
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106 Randall Poole, ‘Religion, War and Revolution: E. N. Trubetskoi's Liberal Construction of Russian National Identity, 1912–20’, Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History, 7 (2006), 195–240, passes swiftly over Trubetskoi's ecclesiastical involvement, but it seems that he was particularly effective in reconciling peasant and elite opinion at the Council.
107 Lavrov et al., Ierarkhiia, 131–2.
108 M. V. Nesterov to A. A. Turygin, 6 Oct. 1917, in Nesterov, Pis'ma, 272.
109 Dokumenty, iv, 43–9, 8 Oct. 1917.
110 Deianiia, ii, 235, 11 Oct. 1917; Evtuhov, ‘The Church in the Russian Revolution’, 506–7.
111 Deianiia, ii, 276–8, 18 Oct. 1917.
112 Ibid., ii, 289, 18 Oct. 1917.
113 ‘Iz “dnevnika” Professora A. D. Beliaeva’, 114–16, diary, 15 and 22 Oct. 1917.
114 Deianiia, ii, 358, 21 Oct. 1917.
115 Ibid., 377–83, 23 Oct. 1917.
116 Compare Dimitry Pospielovsky, The Russian Church under the Soviet Regime 1917–1982 (2 vols., Crestwood, NY, 1984), i, 30, with Michelson, Beyond the Monastery Walls, 210–12. On Antonii's notion of the patriarch as a ‘heart beating for the whole Church’, see Lobanova, ‘Nam nuzhen patriarkh’, 173, 12 Sept. 1917 (A. V. Vasil'ev, a self-fashioned neo-Muscovite poet who had been Rozanov's superior at the Office of State Comptrol in the 1890s).
117 Deianiia, iii, 9–12, 28 Oct. 1917; Nikon, Mitropolit Antonii (Khrapovitskii), ii, 131.
118 ‘Iz “dnevnika” Professora A. D. Beliaeva’, 116–17, diary, 29 Oct. 1917.
119 Dokumenty, ii, 128–9, 29 Oct. 1917.
120 Deianiia, iii, 44–5, 30 Oct. 1917.
121 Ibid., 51, 53, 30 Oct. 1917.
122 Ibid., 55–6, 31 Oct. 1917.
123 The Council's standard voting procedure, evidently designed to foster consensus, was for delegates to stand in their places, non-contents being counted first. Where no clear majority emerged, the chair could call for a division or a formal vote. See Deianiia, i, 49–51 (first pagination), especially paras. 174, 175, 177.
124 Evlogii, Put' moei zhizni, 301.
125 The Pre-Conciliar Commission debated lots only once, with reference to the election of laymen and clergy to a future council: see Zhurnaly, i, 100–2.
126 See Bushkovitch, Paul, ‘The Selection and Deposition of the Metropolitan and Patriarch of the Orthodox Church in Russia, 1448–1619’, in Etre catholique – être orthodoxe – être protestant: confessions et identités culturelles en Europe médiévale et moderne, ed. Derwich, Marek and Dmitriev, Mikhail V. (Wrocław, 2003), 123–50Google Scholar.
127 Rogoznyi, Tserkovnaia revoliutsiia, 144–50, especially 149.
128 Uspenskii, B. A., Tsar' i patriarkh: Kharizma vlasti v Rossii (Vizantiiskaia model' i ee russkoe pereosmyslenie) (Moscow, 1998), 303–7Google Scholar.
129 Ibid., 290–303; Michael C. Paul, ‘Episcopal Election in Novgorod, Russia, 1156–1478’, Church History, 72 (2003), 251–75
130 Uspenskii, Tsar' i patriarkh, 307.
131 Deianiia, iii, 38–51, especially 42–4, 30 Oct. 1917.
132 Sokolov, I. I., ‘Izbranie Aleksandriiskikh patriarkhov v XIX veke: istoricheskii ocherk’, Khristianskoe chtenie (Mar. 1915), no. 3, 358–78Google Scholar, opens with the riven Orthodox community in Cairo in the late 1860s. For a recent treatment, see Rumyniia i Egipet v 1860–1870–e gg.: Pis'ma rossiiskogo diplomata I. M. Leksa k N. P. Ignat'evu, ed. Petrunina, O. E. (Moscow, 2016)Google Scholar.
133 Bogoslovskii, Dnevniki, 454, diary, 5 Nov. 1917.
134 ‘Poslanie Sviateishago Tikhona, Patriarkha vseia Rossii’, Bogoslovskii vestnik (1918), nos. 1–2, 74–6Google Scholar.