Whether in looking for resources or doing their work, voluntary and charitable organisations have always needed to publicise their existence. However, major changes in the role and funding of the sector in Britain have meant that the issue of publicity has gained particular salience. This article discusses these changes and provides preliminary findings from a large-scale investigation into media and public attitudes towards voluntary and charitable activity. It explores how voluntary activity is reported by mainstream news media, and how these presentations are framed by media professionals’ perceptions of, and value judgements about, different types of voluntary action.

Very little attention has been devoted by third sector researchers to the question of comparable or related activities in Asia. This article explores a complex of Asian Buddhist religious beliefs and practices using ‘the commons’ as a comparative concept. Examination of published, English-language sources provides clear evidence of the existence of a variety of third sector-like activity in Asia far in the past. Village codes codifying charitable practices and village associations have been recorded in China, Japan and Korea. In addition, a good deal of charitable and philanthropic activity has been associated with Asian Buddhism: beliefs supporting gift exchange (dharma and dana), veneration of certain leader-philanthropists, a distinctive model of community organisation (sangha), a Japanese model of fund-raising (hinjin) campaigns, and a long tradition of international Buddhist convocations are among the range of indigenous common goods which can be found in the Asian context prior to any discernible western influences.

This article presents a conceptional framework which analyses the third sector as a part of a mixed welfare system, otherwise made up of the market, the state and the informal private household spheres. From this perspective, the third sector appears as a dimension of the public space in civil societies: an intermediate area rather than a clear-cut sector. Third sector organisations are understood as polyvalent organisations whose social and political roles can be as important as their economic ones; they are portrayed as hybrids, intermeshing resources and rationales from different sectors. In present policies of ‘welfare pluralism’ the emphasis is consequently more on ‘synergetic’ mixes of resources and rationales than on mere issues of substitution processes between different sectors of provision. The last section discusses the potential distinguishing features of such policies with respect to ‘pluralist’ approaches which try to safeguard the conventional hierarchies in a mixed economy of welfare.

One of the important developments in post-Communist Hungary has been the growth of the voluntary or non-profit sector. Under the Communist regime, voluntary associations were controlled and independent organisations were largely suppressed. During the 1980s, advocacy groups and independent associations emerged to challenge the Communist monopoly on organisation. These challenges were instrumental in laying the foundation for the post-Communist non-profit sector, providing models of organisation and experienced activists. After the creation of a new legal framework in 1989 and 1990, the growth of the non-profit sector was dramatic. Two types of non-profit organisations have developed in democratic Hungary: associations predominate in membership activities, while foundations are active in fields requiring fund-raising. Attempts by the Hungarian Democratic Forum-led government to shape the non-profit sector to meet its goals were met with political pressure from professionals in the non-profit sector. The result was the beginnings of a contract-for-service regime and increased organisation of interests within the non-profit sector itself.

In a previous paper we have demonstrated that for the total population of households, including non-givers, lower income households participate less and donate smaller average percentages of their household incomes than do higher income households. In this paper we inquire about the relative generosity of that sub-population of households that actually donate to charitable causes. We base our analysis on data collected in the 1990 national survey of Giving and Volunteering in the United States conducted by the Gallup Organization for Independent Sector. In the first section we review the factors that differentiate the upward sloping curve describing the population of all households and the U-shaped curve describing the sub-population of contributing households. In the second section we demonstrate that a substantial proportion of the curvature in the U-shaped relationship operates through giving to religion. In the third section we show that giving by the 7 per cent of high givers increases the curvature while the giving by the 93 per cent of normal givers attenuates the curvature. In the fourth section we combine the previous two analyses by looking at the patterns of religious and non-religious giving for both normal and high givers. We conclude that income is not a reliable indicator of who is generous or selfish in regard to philanthropic giving.