1.2.1 Climate

The SL region is mainly influenced by rainfall that originates in the Northeast Atlantic Ocean, passing over Europe and the Mediterranean Sea. The Cyprus Low largely controls the winter rainfall temporal and spatial variability in the region (Ziv et al. Reference Ziv, Dayan, Kushnir, Roth and Enzel2006). During spring and autumn, synoptic systems from southern and southeastern origins may occur. The summers are hot, with almost no rainfall, due to the influence of the Persian Trough (Dayan et al. Reference Dayan, Ziv, Shoob and Enzel2007). The Negev Desert, occupying the southernmost part of the Levant, is part of the global desert belt along the 30°N latitude (Ziv et al. Reference Ziv, Dayan, Kushnir, Roth and Enzel2006).

The SL is characterized by two primary precipitation gradients. The first is a sharp north-to-south transition from a subhumid Mediterranean climate, which receives over 800 mm of mean annual precipitation, to the hyper-arid conditions of the southern Negev Desert, where annual rainfall drops below 50 mm (Figure 1b). The northern Sinai coastline marks the southernmost limit where rain clouds can form. This steep precipitation gradient occurs over a span of less than 300 km (Ziv et al. Reference Ziv, Dayan, Kushnir, Roth and Enzel2006; Dayan et al. Reference Dayan, Ziv, Shoob and Enzel2007; Srebro and Soffer Reference Srebro and Soffer2011). The second gradient extends west to east, from the Mediterranean coast toward the Dead Sea Rift Valley. This gradient is shaped by an orographic barrier – the central ridge – which creates a rain-shadow effect. The western slopes of the ridge experience a typical Mediterranean climate, whereas the eastern slopes transition rapidly into the arid conditions of the Judean Desert. This climatic shift occurs over a distance of less than 100 km (Figure 1b). The southern boundary of the Judean Desert directly borders the northeastern edge of the Negev Desert. Unlike the latter desert, which results from large-scale global air circulation patterns, the Judean Desert is a localized climatic phenomenon (a rain-shadow desert; Ziv et al. Reference Ziv, Dayan, Kushnir, Roth and Enzel2006). The dominant winds in the region originate from the north and northwest, playing a major role in transporting wind-borne pollen that becomes embedded in the sediments of the Dead Sea and the Sea of Galilee (hereafter Kinneret). During the spring and fall, easterly winds also occur, primarily associated with the Red Sea Troughs and Sharav Cyclones (Ziv et al. Reference Ziv, Dayan, Kushnir, Roth and Enzel2006).

To assess potential links between past climate conditions and economic-demographic processes, the most sensitive zone for climate–human interactions is the transitional belt between the Mediterranean and desert environments – the semiarid steppe zone, characterized by Irano-Turanian steppe vegetation (also referred to as dwarf shrublands; Figure 1a). This transitional area supports a combination of dry farming, primarily barley cultivation, and pastoral subsistence. Periods of increased precipitation allowed for an expansion of this zone southward and eastward, while drier conditions forced it to retract northward and westward (Finkelstein and Langgut Reference Finkelstein and Langgut2014). Settlements located near perennial water sources may have been able to endure longer periods of aridity, whereas those without consistent water access were more likely to be abandoned.

1.2.2 Vegetation

The SL is composed of three main phytogeographical zones: (1) the Mediterranean, (2) the Irano-Turanian, and (3) the Saharo-Arabian. The latter also includes some tropical plants which belong to the Sudanian vegetation (Figure 1a; Zohary Reference Zohary1973, Reference Zohary1982; Danin Reference Danin2004).

1. 1. The Mediterranean region which runs along the coast and its adjacent mountainous areas (Galilee, Carmel Ridge, Samaria, and Judea). The hills feature Mediterranean maquis/forest with typical evergreen trees, mainly kermes oak (Quercus callipprinos), and pistachio (Pistacia palaestina), and, to a lesser extent, some olives (Olea europaea), Aleppo pines (Pinus halepensis), and some deciduous oaks (Quercus boissieri and Q. ithaburensis). In open fields or the understory of the maquis/forest, dwarf-shrubs such as Mediterranean buckthorn (Rhamnus lycioides) and sumac (Rhus coriaria) are present. Herbaceous species are also common (e.g., branched asphodel; Asphodelus microcarpus). This vegetation zone receives more than 400 mm of annual precipitation and is generally influenced by the Mediterranean climatic system together with some regional orographic phenomena. The Israeli coastal plain occupies a mix of Mediterranean and desert plants due to its sandy soil and saline environment. This sandy strip is dominated by different species of grasses (Poaceae), goosefoots (Chenopodiaceae), sand wormwood (Artemisia monosperma), and Mormon-tea (Ephedra spp.).

2. 2. The Irano-Turanian phytogeographic zone lies from the coastal plain near Gaza to the Negev Highlands and the southern edge of the Judean Highlands and then continues northward via the Central Jordan Valley to the Kinneret. This is an almost treeless landscape with semiarid vegetation, often described as steppe or dwarf shrublands. Different species of grasses and chenopods are the main vegetal elements of this zone as well as white wormwood (Artemisia herba-alba). The annual rainfall is below 400 mm on average and is due mainly to Mediterranean depressions. The region is also typified by relatively broad seasonal and daily temperature distributions.

3. 3. The Saharo-Arabian vegetation zone occupies most of the Negev and Judean Deserts, the Dead Sea region, the Arabah Valley, Sinai, and the southern and eastern portions of Transjordan. The vegetation is typified by relatively low species diversity and concentrated mostly in wadi beds. It is dominated by many members of the goosefoots and grasses, bushy bean-caper (Zygophyllum dumosum), white broom (Retama roetam), and tamarisk (Tamarix spp). This region has a typical desert climate: The mean annual rainfall does not exceed 200 mm and is usually lower than 100 mm. Seasonal and daily temperature distributions are broad. It is influenced by southern and southeastern synoptic systems, which are widespread in the spring and autumn, as well as by the western Mediterranean depressions, which mainly influence the northern part of the Negev Desert. Within these desert plants’ geographical area, Sudanian territory with tropical elements occurs along the shores of the Dead Sea, in the Arabah Valley, and the Central Jordan Valley (up to about 80 km north of the Dead Sea). Some of the tropical plants are linked to freshwater springs or wadi beds; they include Acacia, Jujube (Ziziphus spina-christi), and toothbrush tree (Salvadora persica; Al-Eisawi Reference Al-Eisawi1996; Danin Reference Danin2004).

1.3.1 Palynological Records

In this section, two palynological diagrams, produced by the author, will be presented in detail: the Kinneret and the Zeʾelim (Dead Sea; Figures 2 and 3).Footnote ⁴ The diagrams will be followed by a comparison of two other high-resolution, well-dated SL palynological records: Ein Feshkha (Neumann et al. Reference Neumann, Kagan, Schwab and Stein2007a) and Birkat Ram (Neumann et al. Reference Neumann, Schölzel, Litt, Hense and Stein2007b). The four sequences present a north–south transect of 220 km along the SL (Figures 4 and 5). Palynological records are used to reconstruct past climates, primarily based on changes in the percentages of elements from the Mediterranean woodland. High percentages of arboreal pollen (AP) indicate relatively high precipitation and the expansion of the Mediterranean woodland, and vice versa (Bryant Reference Bryant and Calhoun1989). Palynological records also help to reconstruct human activities such as agriculture (mainly Oleiculture, since the olive can disperse pollen over long distances compared to other cultivated species; Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Lev-Yadun and Finkelstein2014b), afforestation, and overgrazing (mainly indicated by an increase in pollen from plants not eaten by herds; Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Neumann and Stein2014a).

Figure 2

Concise pollen diagram of the Kinneret.

(see Langgut et al. 2015: fig. 3)

Figure 3

Concise pollen diagram of the Dead Sea.

(Zeʾelim; see Langgut et al. 2014a: fig. 2)

Figure 4

A topographic map with locations of the paleoclimatological records.

Figure 5

A north–south transect of 220 km along the SL during the Bronze and Iron Ages, composed of the pollen records from Birkat Ram (A), Kinneret (Galilee; B), and the Zeʾelim Gully (D). Four main pollen curves are given: Quercus (oak), Pinus halepensis (pine), Olea europaea (olive), and total tree pollen of the Mediterranean maquis/forest.

(taken from Langgut et al. 2015: fig. 4)

The Kinneret

In 2010, an 18 m core was extracted from the northern inner part of the lake (Figure 6a), capturing nearly the entire HoloceneFootnote ⁵ sequence. A 5.5-m section, representing the EB Ib to the end of the Iron Age (composite depth: 458.8–1006.6 cm), was analyzed at forty-year intervals between pollen samples (Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Finkelstein, Litt, Neumann and Stein2015). Other portions of the profile were examined at a lower resolution, with ca. 120 years between samples (Schiebel Reference Schiebel2013: 26 and Appendix 6). Within the core, sediments composed of fine gray-to-black silts and clays with little carbonate offer excellent preservation of pollen. The chronological framework for the Kinneret record is based on nine radiocarbon dates of short-lived organic material (Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Adams and Finkelstein2016: table 1). The core has a relatively uniform lithology, showing no depositional hiatus, thereby indicating a continuous sedimentary record, which is further supported by consistent pollen concentration values (Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Finkelstein and Litt2013a). To assess the sources of pollen in the lake and potential variations in pollen distribution based on sampling location (e.g., inner lake vs. shoreline), nine more pollen samples were collected from the uppermost layer of the lake-bottom sediments. Analysis of these recent samples indicates that the considerable size of the Kinneret (approximately 170 sq. km) and the extraction of the core from the center of the lake minimize the influence of shoreline vegetation on the pollen spectrum, providing a reliable representation of regional environmental conditions (Figure 6b). The uniformity of the arboreal pollen/non-arboreal pollen ratios in recent assemblages (Figure 6c) is also a very good indication of the reliability of the fossil data in the core. The recent data also show that the southern area around the lake contributes more semiarid steppe vegetation (e.g., Artemisia, Figure 6d), while the northern parts of the lake reveal Mediterranean elements (e.g., the deciduous oak – Quercus ithaburensis pollen type, Figure 6e).

Figure 6a.

Kinneret bathymetric map with the location of the palynological cores; (b-e). Recent pollen investigation.

(after Langgut et al. 2016: fig. S1)

The Zeʾelim (Dead Sea)

The Zeʾelim Gully is situated east of the Masada Plain and is part of the Zeʾelim Ravine, which drains the southern Judean Desert (Figure 4). This ravine transports water and sediments originating from the eastern slopes of the Judean Highlands. At present, water flows through the wadi only a few days per year, primarily during the winter months. Throughout the Holocene, the Dead Sea’s water level has fluctuated between 370 and 430 m below mean sea level (MSL; Frumkin and Elitzur Reference Frumkin and Elitzur2002; Enzel et al. Reference Enzel, Bookman and Sharon2003; Bookman [Ken-Tor] et al. Reference Bookman (Ken-Tor), Enzel, Agnon and Stein2004; Migowski et al. Reference Migowski, Stein, Prasad, Negendank and Agnon2006). Currently, the lake stands at 438 m below MSL due to extensive water extraction for irrigation and drinking, as well as the maintenance of evaporation ponds in the southern Dead Sea basin – processes that have intensified over the past four decades. This ongoing anthropogenic decline in water levels (>100 cm/year) has led to the formation of deep gullies along the lake’s shore terraces, exposing the Holocene Zeʾelim Formation (Figure 7).

Figure 7a.

The Zeʾelim sedimentological outcrop that was used to conduct palynological and sedimentological investigations, with main archaeological periods and elevations (presented in meters below mean sea level); b. Zeʾelim gullies incising into the receding shores of the Dead Sea (Google Earth). The arrow marks our sampling location. c. Sediments’ depositional environments.

(after Kagan et al. 2015 and Langgut and Lipschits 2017: plate 9)

The sediment outcrop extracted from the Zeʾelim Gully for palynological investigation consists of several 50-cm-long sediment wall profiles. Pollen samples were collected at ca. 5 cm intervals, each representing a time span of three to four decades (Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Neumann and Stein2014a). This outcrop is located near a previously studied section by Neumann et al. (Reference Neumann, Kagan, Schwab and Stein2007a), who analyzed the pollen record at a lower and more irregular resolution. The proximity of the two profiles enabled stratigraphic and chronological correlation (Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Neumann and Stein2014a; Kagan et al. Reference Kagan, Langgut, Boaretto, Neumann and Stein2015). The chronology of the integrated sediment sequence is based on 11 ¹⁴C dates obtained from short-lived organic material (Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Neumann and Stein2014a; Kagan et al. Reference Kagan, Langgut, Boaretto, Neumann and Stein2015). A seismic event dated to the 8th century BCE provided a key chronological anchor (Kagan et al. Reference Kagan, Stein, Agnon and Neumann2011). The compiled Zeʾelim profile spans ca. 2500–500 BCE, covering the period from the IBA to the end of the Iron Age. The study of the sediments’ depositional environment enabled the reconstruction of the lake levels at this time interval (Kagan et al. Reference Kagan, Langgut, Boaretto, Neumann and Stein2015; will be further discussed in the next section).

1.3.2 Sedimentology, Lake Level Reconstruction, Isotopic Records

To reconstruct the regional climate history, in addition to the pollen records, several well-dated, relatively high-resolution records were utilized, including sedimentological sequences, Dead Sea lake level reconstructions, the isotopic record from Soreq Cave, and other lower-resolution profiles. During the Holocene, the water level of the Dead Sea varied between 370 and 430 m below mean sea level (Frumkin and Elitzur Reference Frumkin and Elitzur2002; Enzel et al. Reference Enzel, Bookman and Sharon2003; Bookman [Ken-Tor] et al. Reference Bookman (Ken-Tor), Enzel, Agnon and Stein2004; Migowski et al. Reference Migowski, Stein, Prasad, Negendank and Agnon2006). From 1870 to 1964 – just before human intervention in the Jordan River’s flow – a positive correlation existed between precipitation and recorded Dead Sea levels (Enzel et al. Reference Enzel, Bookman and Sharon2003). The lake rose when annual precipitation in Jerusalem exceeded ca. 650 ± 100 mm and receded when it dropped to around 450 ± 100 mm (Enzel et al. Reference Enzel, Bookman and Sharon2003). The most significant rise in Dead Sea levels since human intervention in the regional water balance occurred during the winter of 1991/92, when exceptionally high rainfall was recorded across the watershed (ca. 1500 mm in Jerusalem, compared to an annual mean of 550 mm). That winter, the Degania Dam, which regulates the outflow of the Jordan River from the Kinneret, was opened, causing the Dead Sea level to rise by more than 1.5 m.

In this study, only the sedimentology of the Dead Sea Zeʾelim record was used to reconstruct the sediments’ depositional environment (Figure 7): shoreline, shallow lake, and deep lake. The other pollen records do not feature dramatic changes in their sedimentology. At the Zeʾelim record, the identification of beach ridges, sands, small pebbles, and aragonite crusts represents the existence of ancient shorelines and relatively low lake levels. At the same time, the presence of ripple marks and silty-sandy detritus indicates very shallow near-shore depths, while laminated detritus and laminated aragonite and detritus indicate a few meters or more water depth. Breccia layers indicate seismic events. The sedimentological composition observations for the Zeʾelim profile are shown in the right column of the Zeʾelim pollen diagram (Figure 3).

Other sedimentological investigations reviewed here include geoarchaeological studies conducted near tells Lachish (Rosen Reference Rosen1986), Erani (Rosen Reference Rosen1991), and Megiddo (Rosen Reference Rosen, Finkelstein, Ussishkin and Halpern2006), all located at the Mediterranean vegetation zone with rainfalls originate mostly from the Mediterranean Sea (Cyprus cyclones). These paleogeomorphological studies are more localized in scope compared to the Zeʾelim sedimentological study, which represent the climatology and hydrology of a larger area, that is, the Dead Sea drainage basin.

Isotopic records of oxygen (δ¹⁸O) and carbon (δ¹³C) in speleothems (=cave deposits) serve as highly reliable paleoclimate indicators. For the Eastern Mediterranean, the most comprehensive such record currently available is from Soreq Cave (Bar-Matthews et al. Reference Bar-Matthews, Keinan and Ayalon2019 and references therein). This record is distinguished by its continuity (varied but continuous growth for 250,000 years), high sampling resolution, well-established chronological framework (based on Uranium-Thorium dating), and advanced modeling techniques that translate isotopic data into climatic parameters. The cave is located ca. 30 km west of Jerusalem and about 35 km inland from the Mediterranean Sea (Figure 4). It is part of a series of karstic formations on the westward-facing slope of the Judean Mountains anticline. The region’s climate and vegetation are characteristic of the Mediterranean zone, with most rainfall occurring in autumn and winter, averaging around 520 mm annually (Bar-Matthews and Ayalon Reference Bar-Matthews and Ayalon2011; Srebro and Soffer Reference Srebro and Soffer2011). The majority of storm systems originate from the Mediterranean Sea (primarily Cyprus cyclones), though some derive from the Red Sea region (Ziv et al. Reference Ziv, Dayan, Kushnir, Roth and Enzel2006). Consequently, isotopic data from the cave primarily reflect climatic conditions influenced by Mediterranean fronts. Here, stable oxygen (δ¹⁸O) and carbon (δ¹³C) isotope variations in the speleothem laminae provide insights into average rainfall amounts and vegetation responses to precipitation fluctuations during the mid to late Holocene (Bar-Matthews and Ayalon Reference Bar-Matthews and Ayalon2011; Bar-Matthews et al. Reference Bar-Matthews, Keinan and Ayalon2019).

This study utilizes the high-resolution mid-Holocene (ca. 5000–2000 BCE) Soreq Cave profile analyzed by Bar-Matthews and Ayalon (Reference Bar-Matthews and Ayalon2011) and a stalagmite section (2–33) analyzed by Laugomer (Reference Laugomer2017), covering the period of ca. 2500–0 BCE. Currently, this isotopic profile offers the highest sampling resolution available to date for that period, with an average interval of ca. 65 years between samples (Laugomer Reference Laugomer2017). To assess speleothem growth rates, petrographic thin sections were analyzed. The results of this study (Laugomer Reference Laugomer2017) are presented here as an average rainfall graph, derived from the modeled isotopic measurements of stalagmite 2–33 (Figure 8).

Figure 8

Soreq Cave average rainfall graph.

Figure 8 Long description

The x-axis represents the age in years, ranging from 0 to 2, while the y-axis represents the precipitation in millimeters, ranging from 400 to 600. A best-fit line is drawn parallel to the x-axis at 520 m m. The actual line starts at 520 and ends beyond 600, with dramatic fluctuations throughout. Three points of note are a dip to about 470 in the Early Persian dryness period, a dip to about 480 in the Late Bronze Age dryness, and a severe dip to about 430 in the 4.2 k a dry event.

(stalagmite 2–33; after Laugomer 2017: fig. 17). The horizontal line represents the current average annual precipitation above the cave

1.3.3 Charred Wood Remains

The majority of the wood remains at SL sites are charred, representing fuel remains (Langgut and Lev-Yadun Reference Langgut, Lev-Yadun, Nikita and Rehren2024).Footnote ⁶ This type of remains is most often used to reconstruct the site’s immediate environment – both the natural arboreal landscape and the anthropogenic landscape, such as orchards.Footnote ⁷ In anthracological studies, it is generally assumed that wood used for daily activities such as construction, fuel, and tool-making was sourced from the immediate surroundings of a site (e.g., Asouti Reference Asouti2025). According to the principle of least effort (Shackleton and Prins Reference Shackleton and Prins1992), the wood available in the area would have been the easiest to access. These assemblages are less effective for climate reconstruction, as they are less sensitive than other proxies commonly employed for this purpose, such as pollen and isotopes (Langgut and Lev-Yadun Reference Langgut, Lev-Yadun, Nikita and Rehren2024).

Several wood assemblages of statistically reliable size have been analyzed from SL sites spanning the period of ca. 1300–300 BCE within the Mediterranean vegetation zone (Liphschitz Reference Liphschitz2007 and references therein; Benzaquen et al. Reference Benzaquen, Finkelstein and Langgut2019; Jin et al. Reference Jin, Lipschitz and Langgut2024), and only one is available for the Desert area (Cavanagh et al. Reference Cavanagh, Ben-Yosef and Langgut2022). Charred-wood assemblages reflect the nearby woody plant environment of the sites filtered through the inhabitants’ preferences, wood usage, economic considerations, and factors such as wood availability, ease of access, quality, and preservation (Langgut and Lev-Yadun Reference Langgut, Lev-Yadun, Nikita and Rehren2024; Asouti Reference Asouti2025).

2.2.1 The Climatological, Archaeological, and Textual Evidence

The period is characterized by exceptionally low arboreal vegetation percentages – both Mediterranean and olive trees – at the Kinneret and Ein Feshkha records, whereas the less-sensitive Birkat Ram record exhibits only a slight decline in arboreal pollen. Pollen data from Ein Gedi (Litt et al. Reference Litt, Ohlwein, Neumann, Hense and Stein2012) and the Kinneret diagrams (Figure 2) indicate that the decline in Mediterranean vegetation began in the mid 13th century BCE. The severity of this arid phase is further evidenced by a significant drop in Dead Sea levels (Kagan et al. Reference Kagan, Langgut, Boaretto, Neumann and Stein2015). Around 1300 BCE, Litt et al. (Reference Litt, Ohlwein, Neumann, Hense and Stein2012) report the accumulation of a thick sand unit in the En Gedi core, while Neumann et al. (Reference Neumann, Kagan, Schwab and Stein2007a) identify a sedimentological unconformity in the Ein Feshkha record from the same period. Additionally, a thick beach ridge formed in a shore environment in the Zeʾelim Gully around 1300/1200 BCE (Figures 3 and 7c). The presence of these shore deposits along the western margin of the Dead Sea suggests a substantial drop in lake levels, likely driven by reduced precipitation, particularly in the northern sources of the Dead Sea drainage basin (Kagan et al. Reference Kagan, Langgut, Boaretto, Neumann and Stein2015). Indeed, at Soreq Cave, estimated annual precipitation toward the end of the LBA fell below modern levels (Figure 8; Laugomer Reference Laugomer2017).

This prolonged drought spanning the end of the LBA is also evident in other Eastern Mediterranean paleoclimatological records, including the northern coasts and Hittite (Kaniewski et al. Reference Kaniewski, Paulissen and Van Campo2010; Manning et al. Reference Manning, Kocik, Lorentzen and Sparks2023; Sinmez et al. Reference Sinmez, Pişkin and Akar2025), Cyprus (Kaniewski et al. Reference Kaniewski, Van Campo and Guiot2013), Anatolia (Bottema et al. Reference Bottema, Woldring and Aytuğ1993/1994; Woldring and Bottema Reference Woldring and Bottema2003; Litt et al. Reference Litt, Krastel and Sturm2009), Cappadocia (Roberts et al. Reference 84Roberts, Allcock and Barnett2019), the Peloponnese (Finné et al. Reference Finné, Holmgren and Shen2017), and the Nile Delta (Bernhardt et al. Reference Bernhardt, Horton and Stanly2012). These data suggest that LBA aridification affected not only the SL but a vast geographical area (Kaniewski et al. Reference Kaniewski, Guiot and Van Campo2015, Reference Kaniewski, Marriner and Bretschneider2019; Knapp and Manning Reference Knapp and Manning2016; Cline Reference Cline2021).

In 2013, two independent palynological research groups proposed that prolonged droughts toward the end of the LBA may have been the primary driver behind the collapse of complex societies in the Eastern Mediterranean (Kaniewski et al. Reference Kaniewski, Van Campo and Guiot2013; Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Finkelstein and Litt2013a). Prior to these pollen studies, this period was commonly referred to in the literature as the “crisis years” (Carpenter Reference Carpenter1966; Weiss Reference Weiss1982; Neumann and Parpola Reference Neumann and Parpola1987; Alpert and Neumann Reference Alpert and Neumann1989; Ward and Joukowsky Reference Ward and Joukowsky1992; Issar Reference Issar, Issar and Brown1998). Various factors have been suggested to explain this dramatic collapse, including a “perfect storm” of catastrophic events such as earthquakes, disease, famine, and invasions (Cline Reference Cline2021).

Carpenter was the first to link the “crisis years” to a climate event, specifically in relation to the fall of the Mycenaean world (Reference Carpenter1966). Beginning in the 1960s, researchers analyzing tablets from Hattusha, Ugarit, Emar, and Aphek identified evidence of droughts and famine at the end of the LBA (Astour Reference Astour1965; Klengel Reference Klengel1974: 170‒174; Na’aman Reference Na’aman, Finkelstein and Na’aman1994: 243‒245; Zaccagnini Reference Zaccagnini1995; Singer Reference Singer, Watson and Wyatt1999: 715‒719, Reference Singer and Oren2000, Reference Singer2009: 99). These textual records, led scholars to propose that a climate crisis in the Eastern Mediterranean played a key role in the collapse of LBA societies (Bryson et al. Reference Bryson, Lamb and Donley1974; Weiss Reference Weiss1982; Neumann and Parpola Reference Neumann and Parpola1987; Alpert and Neumann Reference Alpert and Neumann1989; Kuniholm Reference Kuniholm1990: 653‒654; Issar Reference Issar, Issar and Brown1998; Singer Reference Singer, Watson and Wyatt1999: 715‒719, Reference Singer and Oren2000; Fagan Reference Fagan2004: 182‒186; Kirlis and Herles Reference Kirlis and Herles2007; Drake Reference Drake2012). However, the absence of high-resolution, well-dated paleoclimate records left this hypothesis unconfirmed. This period in the Eastern Mediterranean saw the collapse of the palatial system in the Aegean Basin, the fall of the Hittite Empire in Anatolia, and the decline of major trade hubs such as Ugarit on the Syrian coast. It also marked the downfall of Alashiya (Cyprus), a dominant force in maritime copper trade, and the weakening of Egypt, which included its withdrawal from its Canaanite province (Ward and Joukowsky Reference Ward and Joukowsky1992; Drews Reference Drews1993). In the SL, the most significant settlement fluctuations occurred during the transition from the LBA to Iron I. In the lowlands, many city-state centers and secondary towns were destroyed, marking the first major wave of destruction in the Levant. Some cities, such as Hazor in the north and Lachish in the south, were completely devastated and remained in decline for an extended period, while others, like Megiddo, suffered only partial destruction and recovered relatively quickly (Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein, Dever and Gitin2003; Ben-Tor and Zuckerman Reference Ben-Tor and Zuckerman2008; Martin et al. Reference Martin, Finkelstein and Piasetzky2020). In contrast, the hill country saw minimal settlement activity during the LBA, followed by an unprecedented surge in new settlements during Iron I (Table 2; Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein and Levy1995).

There is broad consensus on two key points regarding the “crisis years”: (1) events – spanning Greece, Anatolia, the Levant, and Egypt – were interconnected (Ward and Joukowsky Reference Ward and Joukowsky1992; Cline Reference Cline2021, Reference Cline2024), and (2) significant movement of populations by both sea and land occurred (Stager Reference Stager and Levy1995; Oren Reference Oren2000; Yasur-Landau Reference Yasur-Landau, Maran and Stockhammer2012, Reference Yasur-Landau2014; Ben-Dor Evian Reference Ben‐Dor Evian2017; Burke Reference Burke and Driessen2018; Killebrew Reference Killebrew and Driessen2018). This is most evident in the well-documented accounts of Ramesses III’s confrontation with the Sea Peoples and the dramatic letters from Ugarit describing seaborne raids on coastal settlements, both of which date to the early 12th century BCE (Yon Reference Yon, Ward and Joukowsky1992; Singer Reference Singer, Watson and Wyatt1999: 719‒723; Ben-Dor Evian Reference Ben-Dor Evian2016).

The earliest indications of unrest linked to the “crisis years” appear in the archaeological record with the destruction of Hazor, which occurred sometime in the mid to late 13th century BCE (Ben-Tor and Zuckerman Reference Ben-Tor and Zuckerman2008). Aphek was likely destroyed toward the end of the 13th century BCE (Gadot Reference Gadot, Gadot and Yadin2009: 583‒586), while Ugarit fell in the early 12th century BCE (Yon Reference Yon, Ward and Joukowsky1992; Singer Reference Singer, Watson and Wyatt1999: 704–733). Other sites were destroyed at later stages. Several SL sites, including Lachish and Beth-Shean, show evidence of continued occupation at least until the reign of Ramesses IV in the 1140s BCE (e.g., Ussishkin Reference Ussishkin and Ussishkin2004: 69‒70; Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein1996; Finkelstein and Adams Reference Finkelstein and Adams2025). Radiocarbon dates from Tel Yafo suggest the date of 1125 BCE as a terminus post quem for the end of Egyptian rule in Canaan (Burke et al. Reference Burke, Peilstöcker and Karoll2017). The discovery of a statue base of Ramesses VI at Megiddo suggests the city remained active into the 1130s BCE (Ussishkin Reference Ussishkin1995; Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein1996). However, stratigraphic, ceramic, and radiocarbon evidence from excavations at Megiddo indicates that its final destruction occurred even later, around 1100 BCE (Martin et al. Reference Martin, Finkelstein and Piasetzky2020; Finkelstein and Adams Reference Finkelstein and Adams2025). Thus, the sequence of destruction across the SL spans ca. 150 years, from the mid 13th century to around 1100 BCE – precisely aligning with the period of prolonged drought recorded in the Kinneret pollen data.

Could a prolonged period of dry years severely impact settlement systems in the SL? The answer is affirmative for marginal areas, such as the southern Judean Highlands (Table 2; Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Neumann and Stein2014a). However, the situation is less clear when considering the more fertile regions of the SL, like the Galilee and the northern valleys (Figure 1). A telling example emerges from patterns of animal husbandry: a close examination of herd economy, as reflected in zooarchaeological assemblages from sites in permanently settled areas, reveals no significant shifts in subsistence strategies during the LB–Iron Age sequence (Sapir-Hen et al. Reference Sapir-Hen, Gadot and Finkelstein2014; Sapir-Hen Reference Sapir-Hen2025). In other words, while a 100 mm drop in annual precipitation south of Hebron could be devastating, the same reduction at Megiddo, located in a “greener” area, might not have the same effect.

Textual evidence from various regions of the ancient Near East – including Hatti, Ugarit, Emar, Aphek in Canaan, and Egypt – provides insights into climate and food supply conditions. The Amarna tablets, which document life in Canaan between ca. 1360 and 1330/35 BCE, do not mention drought or famine, suggesting that any climatic upheaval had not yet begun by the mid to late 14th century BCE (Cline Reference Cline2025 and references therein). The first indications of grain shortages appear in the mid 13th century BCE. A Hittite queen wrote to Ramesses II, stating, “I have no grain in my lands” (KUB 21.38; Singer Reference Singer, Watson and Wyatt1999: 715). Around 1230 BCE, a letter from Aphek, precisely dated based on historically known individuals (Singer Reference Singer1983), also describes an urgent need for grain in the north. By the late 13th century, Pharaoh Merneptah reported in the Great Karnak Inscription that he “caused grain to be taken in ships, to keep alive the land of Hatti” (Wainwright Reference Wainwright1960). Ugaritic letters from the late 13th and early 12th centuries BCE further highlight the severity of the crisis. The king of Hatti wrote to Ugarit (RS 20.212) about an essential grain shipment, calling it “a matter of death or life” (Singer Reference Singer, Watson and Wyatt1999: 716). Another letter from a prominent Hittite official referenced “famine in the midst of my lands,” while a letter from the Urtenu archive warned: “The gates of the house are sealed. Since there is famine in your house, we shall starve to death. A living soul of your country, you will no longer see” (RS 34.152; Singer Reference Singer and Oren2000: 24). Some recent studies also confirm the link between grain shortage and the fall of Ugarit (Cohen Reference Cohen, Machinist, Harris, Berman, Samet and Ayali-Darshan2021; Cohen and Torrecilla Reference Cohen and Torrecilla2023). In Egypt, the price of grain rose sharply in the mid 20th Dynasty (Černý Reference Černý1933), reaching its peak during the reign of Ramesses VII in the latter half of the 12th century BCE (Janssen Reference Janssen and J1975: 551‒552). Collectively, this textual evidence suggests a prolonged period of crisis related to droughts and famine, spanning from the mid 13th century to the late 12th century BCE.

2.2.2 Human response to the LB Climate Crisis

Drawing on past and contemporary evidence, Flohr et al. (Reference Flohr, Fleitmann, Matthews, Matthews and Black2016 and references therein) outline four possible responses of social groups to climatic stress: (1) the collapse of economic systems followed by the disintegration of social and political structures; (2) migration to more favorable environments; (3) the development of resilienceFootnote ¹³ through adaptive adjustments to new conditions; and (4) no significant response when climatic anomalies are insufficient to cause major disruption. While these categories offer a helpful framework, real-world responses were often more nuanced, frequently combining multiple strategies. Moreover, the limitations of monocausal explanations that directly link environmental change to social crises have long been acknowledged (Butzer Reference Butzer1982; Rosen Reference Rosen2007). Climate crisis is best understood as one contributing factor among a range of political, cultural, and economic dynamics. Thus, distinguishing between correlation and causation in the climate–society nexus remains essential. At the same time, human agency and resilience remain central, as the capacity to adapt and respond is intrinsic to social existence (Weiberg and Finné Reference Weiberg and Finné2018; Cline Reference Cline2024), a point illustrated in this section through the chain of events at the end of the LBA in the Eastern Mediterranean.

The climate crisis that occurred at the end of the LBA appears to have triggered a prolonged and complex process that ultimately led to the collapse of most complex societies across the region (Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Finkelstein and Litt2013a; Kaniewski et al. Reference Kaniewski, Guiot and Van Campo2015; Knapp and Manning Reference Knapp and Manning2016; Cline Reference Cline2021, Reference Cline2024). The following sequence of processes is based on the previously discussed paleoclimatological, archaeological, and textual evidence. The synthesis in the following two sections is divided into the northern and southern Levant.Footnote ¹⁴

The Southern Levant

In the more fertile regions of the Levant, the climate crisis was less severe, but the resulting economic and political turmoil from the north had significant consequences. It is plausible that marginal groups (displaced groups and/or seminomadic groups such as the ʿApiru)Footnote ¹⁵ exploited the regional instability to engage in raids and looting. Even relatively small bands, numbering only a few hundred or fewer warriors, could have attacked cities, undermined urban centers, and contributed to their economic and demographic decline. Thus, widespread urban destruction did not necessarily require large, organized armies (like the Sea Peoples) but could have resulted from opportunistic raiding.

Egyptian rule in Canaan spanned over three centuries during the LBA, from Thutmose III’s conquest to its eventual withdrawal, likely during the reign of Ramesses VI (Burke et al. Reference Burke, Peilstöcker and Karoll2017; Millek Reference Millek2018; Faust Reference Faust, Mohr and Thompson2023). The main urban centers in Canaan’s lowlands exhibit clear signs of devastation during the end of the Bronze Age, but the countryside presents a more complex picture. Arie (Reference Arie2011) has identified evidence of destruction in some rural settlements in the northern valleys, while other villages show signs of continuity from the LBA into Iron I (Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein, Dever and Gitin2003). Regional surveys further support this pattern, revealing settlement continuity in the western Jezreel Valley (Finkelstein et al. Reference Finkelstein, Halpern, Lehmann, Niemann, Finkelstein, Ussishkin and Halpern2006), the upper Jordan Valley (Ilan Reference Ilan1999), and the Jordan Valley south of the Kinneret (Maeir Reference Maeir1997). This suggests a dichotomy: While major urban centers were abandoned or destroyed, many rural settlements persisted, possibly absorbing displaced urban populations (Burke Reference Burke and Driessen2018; Killebrew Reference Killebrew and Driessen2018). Millek (Reference Millek2023) shifts the emphasis from a single system-wide collapse model for the SL to a mosaic of different local outcomes and processes. At Megiddo, for example, subtle variations in LBA pottery assemblages suggest that parts of the city were abandoned before its final destruction, indicating a gradual decrease rather than a sudden collapse (Martin et al. Reference Martin, Finkelstein and Piasetzky2020; Martin and Finkelstein Reference Martin and Finkelstein2025). Evidence suggests that settlement expansion in the highlands began as early as the late 13th century BCE, preceding the final wave of urban collapse in the late 12th century BCE (Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein1988: 315–321). Burke (Reference Burke and Driessen2018) contends that the withdrawal of Egyptian control from Canaan in the late 12th century BCE initiated a period of unrestricted movement within the Canaanite heartland, leading to the formation of Iron I highland settlements populated by displaced groups from nearby communities.

Various forms of evidence point to a regional adaptation to climatic stress. Riehl et al. (Reference Riehl, Deckers, Hinojosa-Baliño, Gröcke and Lawrence2025) recently proposed that, at the end of the LBA, irrigation was used to supplement rain-fed cultivation of Levantine crops. Finkelstein et al. (Reference Finkelstein, Langgut, Meiri and Sapir-Hen2017) identified indicators of an expansion in dry farming. The palynological diagram of the Kinneret reveals two notable peaks in cereal pollen type percentages, the first at ca. 1200 BCE and the second at ca. 1100 BCE (Figures 2 and 10). This rise in cereal pollen is particularly significant given the relatively low levels of sedentary settlement in the region during the LBA (Gonen Reference Gonen1984: 66; Gal Reference Gal1992: 13, 56; Finkelstein et al. Reference Finkelstein, Halpern, Lehmann, Niemann, Finkelstein, Ussishkin and Halpern2006; Maeir Reference Maeir2010: 178). Based on this evidence, it has been suggested that the Egyptian administration in Canaan may have encouraged dry farming to mitigate the crisis in the southern and eastern Levant and to supply grain to northern Near Eastern regions that were severely impacted by the drier and colder climate conditions at the end of the LBA (Finkelstein et al. Reference Finkelstein, Langgut, Meiri and Sapir-Hen2017).

Figure 10

The palynological diagram of the Kinneret during the Bronze and Iron Ages, displaying the total Mediterranean arboreal pollen curve (bottom) alongside the cerealia (cereal) pollen curve (top). A dry event at the end of the LBA is evident based on the minimal arboreal percentages, coinciding with an increase in cereal pollen, despite low settlement activity in the region. Note the different scales on the Y-axis.

(after Finkelstein et al. 2017: fig. 2)

Additional evidence of intensified dry farming under Egyptian hegemony toward the end of the LBA comes from Megiddo. Faunal assemblages from the site show a notable increase in cattle numbers, with age profiles suggesting a greater reliance on cattle for plowing (Finkelstein et al. Reference Finkelstein, Langgut, Meiri and Sapir-Hen2017; Sapir-Hen Reference Sapir-Hen, Finkelstein, Martin and Adams2022). Additionally, despite the limited sample size, flint tool assemblages from Megiddo indicate a rise in cereal harvesting during this period (Ellis Reference Ellis, Finkelstein, Ussishkin and Cline2013; Rosenberg-Yefet Reference Rosenberg-Yefet, Finkelstein, Martin and Adams2022). Ancient DNA analyses of cattle from Bronze and Iron Age sites in Israel further reveal the importation of Egyptian breeds and the crossbreeding of taurine cattle with Egyptian zebu – a resilient breed well-suited to hot, arid conditions – likely introduced during the LBA (Meiri et al. Reference Meiri, Stockhammer and Marom2017).

It is doubtful that grain from Canaan was exported to Egypt, as the Nile Valley, Delta, and Fayum Depression were already major centers of grain production (Malleson and El Dorry Reference Malleson and El Dorry2025 and references therein). Likewise, it is unlikely that grain production was intensified solely to support Egyptian troops and administrators in Canaan. Textual and archaeological evidence suggests that, apart from occasional major military campaigns, Canaan was controlled by a relatively small number of Egyptian officials and troops during the LB. Requests in the Amarna letters for as few as 50 or 100 soldiers to quell local conflicts highlight this limited military presence. Instead, the expansion of dry farming in Canaan appears to be linked to the severe dry climate event affecting the Eastern Mediterranean and the ancient Near East toward the end of the LBA (Finkelstein et al. Reference Finkelstein, Langgut, Meiri and Sapir-Hen2017). In the more fertile regions of the SL (Figure 1), such as the Jezreel Valley, a 10–20% reduction in precipitation from the current annual average of ca. 550 mm at Megiddo could have been mitigated through economic planning, particularly under imperial rule. However, prolonged droughts would have posed serious threats to the southern and eastern fringe areas of the Levant, as well as to Anatolia and the north. The critical precipitation range of 200–400 mm annually, which sustained urban centers from Amman in the south through Damascus, Hama, Homs, and Aleppo in the north (Figure 11), would have been particularly vulnerable. Reduced rainfall along this frontier could have led to economic collapse, social unrest, and demographic upheaval – paralleling modern crises in Syria (Gleick Reference Gleick2014; Kelley et al. Reference Kelley, Mohtadib, Cane, Seager and Kushnir2015). The same concerns applied to the southern regions, including Gaza, the Besor basin, and the southern Shephelah (Finkelstein et al. Reference Finkelstein, Langgut, Meiri and Sapir-Hen2017).

Figure 11

The strips between today’s 200–400 mm isohyets representing the borders of the semiarid steppe environment.

(taken from Finkelstein and Langgut 2014: fig. 2)

No direct textual evidence exists regarding conditions in the southern and eastern fringes of the Levant between 1250 and 1100 BCE. However, it is reasonable to assume that Egyptian administrators sought to prevent chaos in these regions, such as raids on fertile areas by displaced groups, which could have undermined their control over Canaan. Egypt likely viewed the situation in Canaan with both concern and strategic interest. While the Nile region remained relatively insulated from drought-related crises due to its stable river-fed agriculture, the Egyptian empire still needed to act in response to broader climatic challenges in the Near East. Expanding dry farming in the relatively fertile parts of Canaan would have provided an immediate solution to shortages in its southern and eastern peripheries (Finkelstein et al. Reference Finkelstein, Langgut, Meiri and Sapir-Hen2017). Additionally, Canaan was geographically closer to the drought-stricken northern regions than Egypt’s hub, making it a more practical supplier. With well-equipped ports such as Jaffa and Acco, Canaan was well-positioned to facilitate the shipment of grain along the Mediterranean coast to Ugarit and beyond. From Egypt’s perspective, exporting grain to the northern parts of the Levant was likely both economically advantageous and strategically valuable (Finkelstein et al. Reference Finkelstein, Langgut, Meiri and Sapir-Hen2017).

2.3.1 Iron I

Pollen Zone 1 spans ca. 1100–950 BCE and therefore covers most of the Iron I (ca. 1150–950 BCE; Figure 12). In the Kinneret record, since the beginning of the zone (ca. 1100 BCE) this period is marked by the highest percentages of arboreal pollen (up to 43.2%) and olive pollen (up to 28.5%) of the total pollen count (Figure 12). The expansion of the Mediterranean forest/maquis was driven by an increase in available moisture following the extreme dryness at the end of the LBA. A similar rise in Mediterranean and olive tree pollen is observed in the Dead Sea record exactly at the same time (ca. 1100–950 BCE), where values reach 28.0% and 8.9%, respectively (Figure 12). This trend is also reflected in the Soreq Cave isotopic record (Figure 8) and the Ein Feshkha palynological profile (Figure 5; Neumann et al. Reference Neumann, Kagan, Schwab and Stein2007a), indicating that during the period of ca. 1100–950 BCE, the SL experienced relatively humid climate conditions.

This wetter period followed the arid phase at the end of the LBA and appears to have influenced settlement patterns, particularly in the southern and eastern steppe regions (Figure 11). The settlement wave in the highlands of Cisjordan may have begun as early as the early 12th century BCE, if not slightly earlier. However, radiocarbon data from sites such as Shiloh and el-Ahwat (Sharon et al. Reference Sharon, Gilboa, Jull and Boaretto2007) suggest that its primary phase occurred in the late 12th and 11th centuries BCE. Pottery collected from surveys indicates that early settlements were established in the small valleys along the hill country spine, the Bethel-Gibeon Plateau, and the eastern desert fringe (Zertal Reference Zertal, Finkelstein and Na’aman1994; Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein and Levy1995). These areas were likely chosen due to their suitability for a combination of dry farming and animal husbandry – key elements for sustaining new farms and villages. While the initial settlement wave in the highlands may have been driven by the climate crisis and social upheaval during later phases of the LBA, its expansion took place under improved, wetter conditions, which likely facilitated settlement along the desert fringe. The same trend is observed in the highlands of Transjordan, particularly at sites located on the eastern fringe. A notable example is the large Iron I site of Sahab, situated 12 km southeast of Amman (Ibrahim Reference Ibrahim1987). Similar settlement expansion occurred in western Syria, contributing to the rise of the Aramean kingdoms at the onset of Iron II (Finkelstein and Langgut Reference Finkelstein and Langgut2018 and references therein).

A significant phenomenon from this period is the system of Iron I settlements on the Kerak Plateau, south of Wadi Mujib in Transjordan – an area that today receives ca. 300 mm of rainfall per year (Figure 13; Porter et al. Reference Porter, Xie, Challinor, Field, Barros and Dokken2014; for the regional survey, see Miller Reference Miller1991). Two key sites in this network are the fortified strongholds of Khirbet Medeineh ‘Aliya and Khirbet Medeineh Mu‘arrajeh, both located along the eastern fringe of the plateau and dating to the late Iron I (Routledge Reference Routledge2000; Finkelstein and Lipschits Reference Finkelstein and Lipschits2011; Porter et al. Reference Porter, Xie, Challinor, Field, Barros and Dokken2014). Based on pottery evidence and radiocarbon dating, Khirbet Medeineh ‘Aliya was likely established in the 11th century BCE and abandoned by the mid 10th century BCE (for pottery analysis, see Routledge Reference Routledge2000, Reference Routledge and Grabbe2008; for radiocarbon data, see Porter et al. Reference Porter, Xie, Challinor, Field, Barros and Dokken2014: 135). Despite being located east of the current boundary for permanent agriculture, the site shows evidence of dry farming (Porter et al. Reference Porter, Xie, Challinor, Field, Barros and Dokken2014). Settlement activity in the Kerak Plateau may have been linked to copper mining in Wadi Faynan, ca. 60 km to the south, as well as the transportation of copper northward along the King’s Highway (Finkelstein and Lipschits Reference Finkelstein and Lipschits2011). No doubt, during periods when the area received more than 300 mm of rainfall annually, daily life was more stable, supporting both farming and herding. Copper production at Wadi Faynan (e.g., Khirbet en-Nahas, see Levy et al. Reference Levy, Adams and Najjar2004, Reference Levy, Higham and Bronk Ramsey2008) would also have benefited from improved water availability in ravines draining from the Edomite Plateau into the Arabah. It not only provided water for human needs and for operating the metallurgical operation but also supported denser vegetation cover; thus, wetter periods in the region supplied more fuel – a critical factor for copper production (Cavanagh et al. 2022).

Figure 13

The Kinneret and the Dead Sea drainage basin together with Iron Age sites, palynological records, phytogeographic zones, and rainfall isohyets (based on Zohary Reference Zohary1973, Reference Zohary1982 and Srebro and Soffer Reference Srebro and Soffer2011, respectively).

Map prepared by M. Cavanagh.

In the Beer-sheba Valley, two MBA sites have been identified, but there is no evidence of LBA settlements. Sedentary activity resumed in the Iron I, with key sites including Stratum III at Masos and Stratum IX at Beer-sheba (Herzog Reference Herzog, Finkelstein and Na’aman1994; for updated chronology, see Herzog and Singer-Avitz Reference Herzog and Singer-Avitz2004: 231). Several sites in the Negev Highlands were first settled in the later phase of the Iron I (Fantalkin and Finkelstein Reference Fantalkin and Finkelstein2006: 20). The Masos–Negev Highlands settlement system, which peaked in the Iron IIa, was linked to the copper industry in the Arabah (Fantalkin and Finkelstein Reference Fantalkin and Finkelstein2006; Martin and Finkelstein Reference Martin and Finkelstein2013; Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein2014). However, since no evidence of agriculture has been found in the Negev Highlands (Shahack-Gross et al. Reference Shahack-Gross, Boaretto, Cabanes, Katz and Finkelstein2014; Langgut and Finkelstein Reference Langgut and Finkelstein2023b), grain supplies must have come from regions farther north.Footnote ¹⁸ The wetter conditions characterizing the Iron I (Figure 12) may have supported dry farming in the Beer-sheba Valley on a larger scale than is possible today.Footnote ¹⁹An exception to this general pattern is the Judean Highlands, where Iron I settlement activity remained sparse (Table 2). This suggests that demographic expansion during Iron I was not solely determined by climate conditions. The rugged and rocky terrain of the region required significant effort to clear land for agriculture, which may have deterred settlement when more hospitable areas remained relatively unoccupied (Finkelstein and Langgut Reference Finkelstein and Langgut2018).

2.3.2 Iron II

The Iron II (ca. 950–586 BCE) is characterized by the continuation of relatively humid conditions, but a dramatic reduction in olive pollen in the Kinneret as well as in the Zeʾelim palynological diagram. The time interval of ca. 950–550 BCE was further subdivided into Pollen Zone 2 and Pollen Zone 3 (Figure 12 and Table 3).

At Pollen Zone 2 (ca. 950–750 BCE), the arboreal pollen curve of the Kinneret maintains high frequencies similar to Pollen Zone 1, reaching 38.1%, whereas in the Dead Sea, it declines sharply to a minimum of 0.5%. The palynological data suggest that a well-developed Mediterranean forest/maquis and relatively humid climate conditions persisted near the Kinneret. Additionally, the Zeʾelim section’s depositional environment during Iron II is interpreted as a deep lake (Figures 3 and 7 c; Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Neumann and Stein2014a; Kagan et al. Reference Kagan, Langgut, Boaretto, Neumann and Stein2015), further supporting evidence of a wet climate. The significant decline in Mediterranean tree pollen percentages at Zeʾelim profile, therefore, likely reflects human-induced deforestation rather than climatic change. The rise of territorial kingdoms in the region, beginning in the second half of the 10th century BCE, occurred under favorable climatic conditions for agriculture. These conditions would have supported emerging bureaucratic systems, which likely managed the organization of surpluses, commodity transportation, and agricultural specialization. However, in an era defined by the emergence of kingdoms, international trade, and shifting geopolitical landscapes, climate alone did not dictate settlement patterns. A notable example is the rise of the Aramean territorial kingdoms in western Syria, which can be seen as a case of secondary state formation – a development spurred by the growing power of Assyria. The decline of the early Moabite polity in the Kerak Plateau’s fringe region around the mid 10th century BCE or slightly later occurred despite persisting wet conditions. This suggests that environmental factors were not the primary cause; rather, the shift was likely driven by geopolitical changes. Egyptian intervention in the south during the early days of the 22nd Dynasty (Sheshonq I’s reign) – potentially aimed at monopolizing the copper industry in the Wadi Faynan area – led to a redirection of copper transportation routes. Instead of moving northward via the King’s Highway in Transjordan, copper was now transported northwest through the Beer-sheba Valley to the Mediterranean coast and Egypt. This shift fostered prosperity in the Negev while contributing to the decline of settlements in the Kerak Plateau (Finkelstein and Lipschits Reference Finkelstein and Lipschits2011; Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein2014).

In the Negev Highlands, settlement activity peaked in the early to mid 9th century BCE but declined in the latter half of the century (Shahack-Gross et al. Reference Shahack-Gross, Boaretto, Cabanes, Katz and Finkelstein2014; Langgut and Finkelstein Reference Langgut and Finkelstein2023b). Similarly, copper production in the Faynan region decreased during this period. Both trends occurred despite ongoing relatively wet climate conditions, indicating that climate was not the driving factor. Instead, these economic and settlement declines were likely due to the renewed availability of Cypriot copper, which gradually replaced Arabah-mined copper as the Levant’s primary source (Knauf Reference Knauf and Edelman1995: 112−113; Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein2014). Judah’s expansion into the Beer-sheba Valley during the late Iron IIa was likely facilitated by favorable climatic conditions, though climate itself was not the principal driving force. Instead, Judah’s expansion appears to be linked to its alliance with Damascus, formed after Hazael’s campaign against Gath. The Judahite strongholds at Arad and Beer-sheba may have played a strategic role in helping Damascus suppress copper production in the Arabah, allowing Cypriot copper, shipped via the Phoenician coast, to dominate regional trade (Fantalkin and Finkelstein Reference Fantalkin and Finkelstein2006; Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein2014).

Pollen Zone 3 corresponds to the later phase of the Iron II (ca. 750–550 BCE) and is characterized by moderate climate conditions (Figure 12 and Table 3). In the Kinneret record, arboreal pollen declines slightly (not exceeding 29.4%), while the olive pollen curve shows a gradual increase (from 1.6% to 16.1%). In contrast, the Dead Sea record continues to show low values for both arboreal (≤3.7%) and olive pollen (≤2.6%), although they are slightly higher than in the previous zone. This suggests a minor recovery of the Mediterranean forest/maquis, alongside a modest expansion of olive orchards. The estimated annual precipitation in Soreq Cave is slightly lower than the present-day average (Figure 8).

Both pollen records show their lowest arboreal and olive pollen percentages at nearly the same time (Figure 12): Arboreal pollen values reach their lowest point at ca. 750 BCE in the Kinneret, while in Zeʾelim, this occurs roughly a decade earlier. Olive pollen reaches its lowest levels at ca. 700 BCE in both records. Despite these shifts, the relatively high lake levels reconstructed for Zeʾelim sedimentological sequence during this period (Figure 3; Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Neumann and Stein2014a; Kagan et al. Reference Kagan, Langgut, Boaretto, Neumann and Stein2015) indicate that relatively humid climatic conditions persisted. A moderate increase in olive percentages after ca. 700 BCE was documented in both the Kinneret and Dead Sea records (Figure 12). The decrease in the extension of the Mediterranean woodland ca. 750 BCE could have been the result of the peak of population growth in the Kingdom of Israel (Broshi and Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein1992), which would have brought about deforestation in order to clear land for agriculture. Growth in the Mediterranean woodland that followed in the 7th century BCE, though moderate, may have been the result of the deportations after Tiglath-pileser’s conquest in 732 BCE (Younger Reference Younger1998). Archaeological surveys show that many of the Iron Age sites in the Lower Galilee were abandoned as a result of the Assyrian takeover (Gal Reference Gal1988–89).

Low arboreal values in the Dead Sea in the second half of the 8th century do not reflect diminishing precipitation, as sediments along the lake were embedded in high lake levels (Figures 3 and 7 c; Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Neumann and Stein2014a; Kagan et al. Reference Kagan, Langgut, Boaretto, Neumann and Stein2015). Rather, this must reflect the peak of settlement activity and hence deforestation in the Judean Highlands in the Iron IIb-c (Table 2; Ofer Reference Ofer, Finkelstein and Naʾaman1994; Finkelstein and Silberman Reference Finkelstein and Silberman2006a). In this period, too, some of the settlement processes were dictated by geopolitical strategies, sometimes against the sheer logic of the environmental conditions. This is true first and foremost for the dramatic increase in settlement activity in the Edomite Plateau and the Beer-sheba Valley, both probably related to prosperity created by the Assyrian-led Arabian trade, which passed through these regions (Finkelstein and Langgut Reference Finkelstein and Langgut2018). Further details on the region’s specialized economy under Assyrian rule can be found in Section 3.4.

2.4.1 Climate Reconstruction

Figure 14 provides a summary of key paleoclimatological proxies for the period between ca. 1200 and 300 BCE. Its primary aim is to illustrate the paleoclimate conditions during the Achaemenid period in the context of the preceding centuries. The diagram incorporates major pollen curves from the Kinneret and Dead Sea (Zeʾelim) records, reconstructed Dead Sea levels (Bookman [Ken-Tor] et al. Reference Bookman (Ken-Tor), Enzel, Agnon and Stein2004), and the lithological record from the Zeʾelim outcrop (Figure 7; Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Neumann and Stein2014a). The consistency among these independent paleoclimate records reinforces the reliability of the findings, which indicate that the region experienced relatively dry climatic conditions from the late 6th century through the first half of the 5th century BCE (ca. 520–450 BCE). This period was followed by a gradual increase in humidity, culminating in significantly wetter conditions by the 4th century BCE. The dry climate conditions during the early phase of the Achaemenid period are evident not only in the decline of arboreal pollen percentages in the palynological records but also in the accumulation of sand layers and aragonite crusts, which indicate deposition in a shoreline environment, pointing to a drop in Dead Sea levels. Collectively, this evidence indicates reduced precipitation across the Dead Sea drainage basin (Figure 13). The Soreq Cave isotopic record shows that annual precipitation was below the modern average, further supporting the presence of dry climate conditions during this period (Figure 8; Laugomer Reference Laugomer2017).

Figure 14

A concise diagram with SL paleoclimate proxies available for the period of ca. 1200–300 BCE.

(based on Langgut and Lipschits 2017: plate 8)

The arid conditions of the Early Achaemenid period align with broader regional trends, influencing both the Mediterranean and semiarid steppe zones of the SL, which share similar atmospheric dynamics, particularly precipitation driven by mid-latitude Mediterranean cyclones. The dry climate conditions of the period had widespread effects, with evidence of prolonged drought, economic difficulties, and agricultural shortages even in the area surrounding Jerusalem. These challenges are reflected in both the prophetic literature of the Early Achaemenid period and the historiographical narratives of Ezra-Nehemiah (Langgut and Lipschits Reference Langgut and Lipschits2017). The impact of this dry phase was most probably more influential in climatically vulnerable regions such as the southern Hill Country, the northern Negev Desert, and the southern Shephelah (Figure 11), where arid conditions led to a decrease in grazing opportunities and dry farming. The shift toward a wetter climate in the Late Achaemenid and Early Hellenistic periods opened new options for settlement expansion and agricultural development in these marginal areas (Langgut and Lipschits Reference Langgut and Lipschits2017).

2.4.2 Possible Links between Dry Climate Conditions and the Establishment of Idumea

As already outlined, even minor climatic fluctuations can have significant environmental consequences in the steppe-marginal regions of the Levant (Figure 11). The drier conditions from the late 6th to mid 5th centuries BCE (ca. 520–450 BCE), combined with the absence of a dominant political or military force in this arid and remote area, may have played a key role in the widespread abandonment of villages in the southern parts of the former Kingdom of Judah (Figure 15a; Langgut and Lipschits Reference Langgut and Lipschits2017 and references therein). These conditions likely contributed to population shifts, with some inhabitants migrating to the core areas of the province of Yehud, while others may have adopted a more nomadic lifestyle. This period of decline created a demographic vacuum that facilitated the influx of nomadic groups – part of a broader movement that had begun after the fall of the Kingdom of Judah and the collapse of its southern settlements and military infrastructure. Additionally, the successful expansion of Nabonidus into northern Arabia and his relocation to Taymā’ (553–543 BCE) may have led to the dissolution of the Kingdom of Edom and its eventual integration into greater Arabia (Lemaire Reference Lemaire, Lipschits and Blenkinsopp2003: 290). Nabatean, Arab, and Edomite groups migrated into the depopulated areas of the southern former Kingdom of Judah. By the Late Persian and Early Hellenistic periods, their presence is evident in Mareshah and its surrounding region, forming the core population of the province of Idumea (Figure 15b; Zadok Reference Zadok1998; Eshel Reference Eshel, Lipschits, Knoppers and Albertz2007; Graf Reference Graf, Schmid and Mouton2013).

Figure 15a.

The Kingdom of Judah in the 8th–7th centuries BCE, together with rainfall isohyets (after Srebro and Soffer Reference Srebro and Soffer2011). b. The Provinces of Yehud and Idumea in the 4th–3rd centuries BCE, together with rainfall isohyets.

(after Srebro and Soffer 2011). Based on Langgut and Lipschits 2017: plate 7

The gradual increase in humidity, which characterized the region in the late 5th and 4th centuries BCE, may have supported a cultural change by stabilizing settlements that were highly dependent on water resources and local agriculture. Seminomadic elements could easily settle in the area and quickly create the settlement alignment of the Province of Idumea (Figure 15b). According to the excavations at Mareshah (Kloner Reference Kloner2003) and according to the archaeological surveys and excavations (see further), it is evident that the major period of change in this area and the crystallization of the new settlement and demographic pattern occurred during the 4th century BCE.

The developments in Idumea and the southwestern parts of Yehud during the 4th century BCE have long been recognized and are generally attributed to the Persian Empire’s reorganization following the Egyptian revolts, when Egypt freed itself from Persian rule (until 343 BCE). At this time, the Achaemenids likely viewed the SL – particularly its southern regions – as a crucial border zone and potential battlefield. This period may have been the most significant for the region since the Babylonian conquest and destruction at the end of the 7th and the beginning of the 6th centuries BCE (Lipschits Reference Lipschits, Lipschits and Oeming2006: 23). Following these events, the Achaemenids consolidated their rule, reorganizing administration and security along the southern coastal plain, the southern Shephelah, and the Beer-sheba–Arad Valley. During this process, a fort was built at Beer-sheba (Stratum H3), which produced about forty Aramaic ostraca dated 359–338 BCE bearing Idumean, Arab, and Judahite names (Kloner Reference Kloner2015: 363–364), and a smaller fort was established at Arad (Stratum V), yielding about eighty-five Aramaic ostraca that attest to its role as a military and administrative center (Kloner Reference Kloner2015: 363–364). The main administrative center at Lachish (Stratum I) was also founded at this time (Fantalkin and Tal Reference Fantalkin, Tal and Ussishkin2004). Most forts and administrative centers along the Negev roads likewise date to this period (Stern Reference Stern2001: 420–421), as do numerous unprovenanced Aramaic ostraca that highlight the importance of the southern Shephelah and the Beer-sheba–Arad Valley to the Persian economy, military, and administration (Lemaire Reference Lemaire, Lipschits and Blenkinsopp2003).

Langgut and Lipschits (Reference Langgut and Lipschits2017) suggested that the improved climate conditions during this period may have been one of the factors contributing to the change in settlement, demography, and history of the area where the province of Idumea developed. This shift may also have enabled seminomadic groups to settle in the southern Judean hills, the southern Shephelah, and the Beer-sheba–Arad Valley, possibly marking a second wave of immigration into this sparsely populated region (Figure 15b). Following the early 6th-century-BCE crisis, settlement in the central and southern Judean Shephelah south of the Elah Valley shows substantial continuity (Lipschits et al. Reference Lipschits, Shalom, Shatil, Gadot, Stiebel, Peleg-Barkat, Ben-Ami and Gadot2014). Of the fifty-five sites occupied in this area during the Achaemenid period, forty-four were already inhabited in the Iron Age, with only eleven newly established. The limited number of new sites likely reflects some degree of aridification. Although historical and archaeological evidence is sparse, it seems probable that Arab and Idumean tribes entered the region gradually, with most inhabitants maintaining a seminomadic lifestyle; significant changes occurred only with climatic improvement in the Late Achaemenid period. Survey data indicate that between the Late Achaemenid and Hellenistic periods, a marked shift took place around Mareshah and Lachish: only 26 of the 55 Achaemenid period sites remained occupied (47%), while 123 new sites were established in their vicinity (Lipschits et al. Reference Lipschits, Shalom, Shatil, Gadot, Stiebel, Peleg-Barkat, Ben-Ami and Gadot2014).

While surveys cannot precisely date the settlement changes, extensive research and salvage excavations suggest that the transformation occurred in the 4th century BCE. Along the Ellah Valley – likely within the borders of the Province of Yehud – a large village existed at Azekah during the Late Achaemenid–Early Hellenistic period, alongside a smaller settlement at nearby Khirbet Qeiyafa (Stratum III). The excavators dated this stratum to the Late Achaemenid–Early Hellenistic period (Garfinkel et al. Reference Garfinkel, Ganor and Hasel2014), and based on pottery and numismatic evidence, Sandhaus and Kreimerman (Reference Sandhaus and Kreimerman2015) refined it to the late 4th–3rd centuries BCE. Evidence from Azekah’s northern and western surroundings indicates continuity in rural settlement (Lipschits Reference Lipschits2005; Shalom et al. Reference Shalom, Lipschits, Shatil, Gadot, Honigman, Nihan and Lipschits2021), as also supported by excavations at Beth-Shemesh (Kogan-Zehavi Reference Kogan-Zehavi, Stiebel, Peleg-Barkat, Ben-Ami and Gadot2014).

During this period, Mareshah became the center of the new province of Idumea (Kloner and Stern Reference Kloner, Stern, Lipschits, Knoppers and Albertz2007). To its southeast, Achaemenid remains were uncovered at Tel ‘Eton, including the foundations of a large building atop the mound and a surrounding small village. Faust et al. (Reference Faust, Katz and Eyall2015) described the building as a fort, though it may also have been a central structure of a village, a farmhouse, or local estate. Based on local and imported pottery, the Achaemenid phase is dated to the 4th century BCE, continuing into the early 3rd century BCE (Faust et al. Reference Faust, Katz and Eyall2015). At Tel Halif, Achaemenid-period building remains, and other scattered artifacts were also excavated (Cole Reference Cole2015), a pattern likely mirrored at Khirbet el-Qom (Kloner and Stern Reference Kloner, Stern, Lipschits, Knoppers and Albertz2007). The Achaemenid residency at Lachish, first dated by Tufnell (Reference Tufnell1953) to the 5th century BCE and later by Fantalkin and Tal (Reference Fantalkin, Tal and Ussishkin2004) to the early 4th century BCE, fits this broader pattern, although its official character and purpose differ from the rural settlements.

In the hill country, a large public building with two Achaemenid phases was excavated at Jabel Nimra, near Tell er-Rumeide (Hebron; Hizmi and Shabtai Reference Hizmi, Shabtai, Erlich and Eshel1993). Pottery and a silver coin suggest the main phase dates to the Achaemenid period, with a second phase in the Late 5th–4th centuries BCE; the structure’s destruction is assigned to the end of the 4th century BCE (Hizmi and Shabtai Reference Hizmi, Shabtai, Erlich and Eshel1993). At Khirbet Lutzifar in the southern Hebron Highlands, 90% of the finds date to the Achaemenid period, though some sherds are from Iron II and Hellenistic periods. Baruch (Reference Baruch and Eshel1995) suggests the site functioned as a local fort and road station, erected in the later Achaemenid period (personal communication).

In summary, shifts in borders, settlement patterns, and demographics in the SL between the 6th and 3rd centuries BCE (Figure 15) reflect broader regional changes in vegetation and climate (Figure 14). Integrating high-resolution climatological and environmental records with archaeological research, which distinguishes Achaemenid phases, has greatly enhanced understanding of this transformative era (Langgut and Lipschits Reference Langgut and Lipschits2017).

3.2.1 Fruit Tree Horticulture

The main five founders that established fruit tree horticulture are the olive (Olea europaea), grapevine (Vitis vinifera), date palm (Phoenix dactylifera), common fig (Ficus carica), and pomegranate (Punica granatum). It was suggested in the literature that the SL served as a core area for fruit tree cultivation (Zohary and Spiegel-Roy Reference Zohary and Spiegel-Roy1975; Weiss Reference Weiss2015; Langgut Reference Langgut2024).Footnote ²² Today, these fruit trees significantly contribute to human diet in many countries and to global trade.

Oleiculture

Olive (Olea europaea) played a crucial role in antiquity, significantly shaping the Levantine economy while also serving cultural, religious, and medicinal purposes (Zohary et al. Reference Zohary, Hopf and Weiss2012: 116). Archaeological evidence points to the Carmel Coast – and possibly the Galilee – as an early global center of olive cultivation (Langgut Reference Langgut2024 and references therein). The recent discovery of wild olives along the Carmel Coast supports this (Ben-Dor et al. Reference Ben-Dor, Dag and Perelberg2024). Charcoal remains from all SL sites in the Mediterranean zone show that since the EBA, olive wood has dominated, often making up 50–80% of assemblages (Figure 17; Liphschitz Reference Liphschitz2007; Langgut and Lev-Yadun Reference Langgut, Lev-Yadun, Nikita and Rehren2024).Footnote ²³ This high frequency is likely linked to the common practice of pruning, a necessary technique for increasing fruit yield and ease the harvest (Zinger Reference Zinger1985: 94–95). Since pruning waste needed to be removed to prevent fungi and disease spread in the orchards, it was likely shifted to the nearby settlements, where it served as an accessible and readily available fuel source with a high calorific value (Langgut and Lev-Yadun Reference Langgut, Lev-Yadun, Nikita and Rehren2024).

Figure 17

Reconstruction of the arboreal vegetation of the Shephelah from the MBA through the Hellenistic period based on the charred-wood assemblages from Azekah (Jin et al. Reference Jin, Lipschitz and Langgut2024) and Lachish (Liphschitz Reference Liphschitz and Ussishkin2004).

Figure 17 Long description

The y-axis lists percentages from0 to 70, while the x-axis lists the four ages. Each age has 5 bars: Olea europaea (olive), Mediterranean elements, Imported tree (cedar of Lebanon), Desert elements, and Fruit trees (other than olive). The values are as follows. Middle Bronze Age: 48; 33;19; 1; 0.5. Late Bronze Age: 40; 51; 5; 2; 0.5. Iron Age 2: 61; 26; 4; 8; 1. Persian or Hellenistic periods: 56; 36; 0; 0; 9. All values are approximate.

Based on Jin et al. 2024: fig. 4.

Langgut et al. (Reference Langgut, Lev-Yadun and Finkelstein2014b) show that rehabilitating abandoned olive orchards is quick and technically simple,Footnote ²⁴ enabling a substantial increase in yield without the long wait required for new orchards. This efficiency may have influenced the reoccupation of the same sites during periods of intensified settlement in antiquity, reflecting a preference for resettling near abandoned orchards.

Pollen curves (Figs. 5, 13, 14) illustrate Olea cultivation during the periods under study.Footnote ²⁵ During LB I–III, olive pollen was low compared to earlier periods (Fig. 5), reflecting its limited cultivation in the Galilee and Judean Highlands. This is also evident in the Jezreel Valley and Shephelah charcoal assemblages (Fig. 17; Benzaquen et al. Reference Benzaquen, Finkelstein and Langgut2019; Jin et al. Reference Jin, Lipschitz and Langgut2024). The restricted spread of olive horticulture during the LBA was not climate-related, as the region experienced precipitation above today’s average for most of the period covering the LB I and II (Figure 8). It was only in the mid 13th century BCE that conditions became significantly drier. The low presence of olive pollen and charcoal during the early phases of the LBA is likely linked to a decline in settlement activity during this time (Table 2).

Evidence suggests that olive cultivation in the LBA was primarily for local consumption, while periods of peak olive frequencies have been linked to both local use and olive oil exportation (Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Adams and Finkelstein2016). Palynological data from Tell Sukas on the Syrian coast support this scenario. High olive pollen percentages in the northern record characterize the EB II–LB period, but a sharp decline began in the Iron I (Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Adams and Finkelstein2016: fig. 4 c; Sorrel and Mathis Reference Sorrel and Mathis2016: fig. 5a).Footnote ²⁶

Following limited olive cultivation during the LBA in the SL, a significant increase occurred in the Iron I (Figures 12 and 14). The Kinneret pollen diagram reveals a dramatic rise in olive pollen starting in the late 12th century BCE, peaking in the early 10th century BCE – the highest representation of olive pollen since the EB I (Figure 5). This increase reflects the expansion of olive orchards and coincided with the recovery of urban centers in northern Canaan after the LBA dryness. By the late Iron I (late 11th to mid 10th centuries BCE), major urban centers emerged in the valleys, the Lower Galilee, and the Central Highlands, resembling a revival of the LB city-state system (Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein and Levy1995, Reference Finkelstein, Dever and Gitin2003). Large-scale olive oil production is also evident from the Shephelah (Bunimovitz and Lederman Reference Bunimovitz and Lederman2009), suggesting that output exceeded local demand, possibly for export, primarily to Egypt. The Zeʾelim pollen diagram also indicates rising olive pollen percentages in the Iron I (Figure 14). Since the Hebron Highlands are unsuitable for olive cultivation, and settlement in the Judean Highlands was sparse (Table 2), the pollen may have been transported to the Dead Sea via the Jordan River from the Kinneret or carried by northwesterly winds from the Jerusalem area. This hypothesis is supported by the Ein Feshkha pollen record, which shows an olive pollen increase at the beginning of the Iron I (Figure 5).

A sharp decline in olive pollen around 950 BCE was documented in both the Kinneret and Dead Sea palynological records (Figure 14). The reduction in the Kinneret diagram may be linked to the destruction of late Iron I cities in the north, particularly Kinneret and Tel Rekhesh, which are in proximity to the Kinneret core (Figure 13; Finkelstein and Langgut Reference Finkelstein and Langgut2018). Subsequently, the Kingdom of Israel may have promoted olive cultivation in the Samaria Highlands, as suggested by the 8th-century-BCE Samaria ostraca, which document oil shipments to the capital (Niemann Reference Niemann2008). However, neither the Kinneret nor the Dead Sea pollen diagrams capture the vegetation of this region due to their geographic limitations. The drastic decline in olive pollen in the Kinneret diagram during the late 8th century BCE (Figures 12 and 14) may reflect depopulation following Assyrian deportations, which led to the abandonment of olive orchards (Finkelstein and Langgut Reference Finkelstein and Langgut2018). By the 7th century BCE, the olive oil industry had shifted to the Shephelah as part of the Assyrian-specialized economy (detailed in Section 3.3). The reduced olive pollen levels at the beginning of the Achaemenid period may be attributed to drier climatic conditions. However, since the mid 5th century BCE, both pollen and charcoal evidence indicates large-scale olive horticulture in the different regions of the SL (Figures 14 and 17).

3.2.2 Terracing the Landscape

Farming terraces represent one of the most widespread forms of agricultural landscapes in hilly and mountainous regions. Terraces are a highly visible feature in many agricultural landscapes, shaping both the physical terrain and human interaction with it. Their stepped structures interrupt natural slopes, creating horizontal platforms that control water flow, reduce erosion, and maximize arable land. In many regions, they reflect long-term land management practices and serve as enduring markers of human adaptation to challenging topography (Arnáez et al. Reference Arnáez, Lana-Renault, Lasanta, Ruiz-Flaño and Castroviejo2015). In the Jerusalem Highlands, terraces covered more than 60% of the landscape (Ron Reference Ron1977) and significant portions of the Judean Highlands further south. In the SL, the highlands were primarily used for rainfed fruit tree cultivation, while the plateau areas were mainly dedicated to irrigated grain cultivation (Figure 4).

Until recently, it was commonly accepted in the research that the intensive plantation economy in the hill regions of the SL, which began in the EB (Deckers et al. Reference Deckers, Riehl and Meadows2024; Mor et al. Reference Mor, Greenberg and Langgut2025), was supported by terrace systems. However, OSL (Optically Stimulated Luminescence) dates from recent years contradict this claim. The new dates indicate that large-scale terracing in the hill country began only in the Hellenistic period. Limited evidence from Nahal Shmuel (northwest of Jerusalem) suggests that the process may have started as early as the end of Iron Age II (Gadot et al. Reference Gadot, Elgart-Sharon and Ben-Melech2018; Ben-Melech et al. Reference Ben-Melech, Zeevi-Berger and Porat2024). How, then, were orchards cultivated in the hill regions without terraces? Davidovich et al. (Reference Davidovich, Farhi and Kol-Ya’akove2006) proposed that they were grown in soil pockets through intensive stone-clearing activities. It is also possible that the orchards were not cultivated in the hill regions at all, but rather on the lower slopes and in the plains. Palynological evidence supports these observations. According to Baruch (Reference Baruch, Bottema, Entjes and Van-Zeist1990), intensive fruit tree cultivation in the highlands of Galilee and Judea began only during the Roman period. Pollen data indicate that between the Chalcolithic and the Roman era, there was no significant decrease in Mediterranean woodland pollen, suggesting that the highland woodlands remained largely intact (Baruch Reference Baruch, Bottema, Entjes and Van-Zeist1990).

3.2.3 Deforestation and Overgrazing

The pollen evidence of the Zeʾelim sequence indicates that during the 8th–7th centuries BCE, human impact on the Judean Highlands reached its zenith (Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Neumann and Stein2014a). The sporadic presence and low percentages of the two oak types (evergreen and deciduous) may reflect deforestation in the Judean Highlands, while the near-total disappearance of pines – a pioneer species in Mediterranean forest regeneration – suggests that the region’s Mediterranean maquis/forest was under intense anthropogenic pressure (Figure 3). Indeed, the surge in human activity that began in the Iron I reached its peak during Iron IIb-c (8th–7th centuries BCE), with 520 settlements documented in the hill country, including a peak in the Judean Highlands (Table 2; Broshi and Finkelstein Reference Finkelstein1992; Ofer Reference Ofer, Finkelstein and Naʾaman1994).

The pollen data from the Dead Sea also suggest increased grazing activity in the Judean Highlands and possibly Moab during the Iron II (Figure 3; Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Neumann and Stein2014a). The continuous presence of grazing-resistant plants (mainly thorny plants and therefore inedible, such as the Carduus-Centaurea group), which reached their highest percentages at the beginning of the Iron II (up to 8.6%), indicates a rise in livestock grazing. Notably, these pollen types peak while grasses remain low or even absent, suggesting the spread of non-palatable thorny herbs and shrubs such as the Carduus-Centaurea group and white wormwood (Artemisia herba-alba), a species common in the region (Zohary Reference Zohary1982). This pattern (Figure 3) is consistent with overgrazing. Archaeozoological evidence further supports this trend, showing an increased reliance on livestock from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age (Grigson Reference Grigson and Levy1995; Hesse and Wapnish Reference Hesse, Wapnish and Collins2002; Sapir-Hen et al. Reference Sapir-Hen, Gadot and Finkelstein2014). Other secondary anthropogenic indicators, such as plants from the buckwheat family (Polygonaceae) – adapted to thrive under human disturbance – also reach their highest distribution during this time (Figure 3). Collectively, these palynological indicators align with archaeological evidence of extensive human impact on the Judean Highlands vegetation.

The long-term effects of this human intervention (deforestation, overgrazing) likely led to reduced vegetation cover, resulting in higher runoff, increased soil erosion, and lower groundwater infiltration. Additionally, the intensive agriculture indicated by extensive olive horticulture in earlier periods may have accelerated soil degradation. The decline in Mediterranean woodland cover during the Iron II was likely driven by a combination of slightly decreased precipitation and significant human-induced stress on the environment, as is also evident based on the SL charcoal assemblages (Section 3.2.1).

3.2.4 The Introduction of Nonnative Trees

Since the LBA, remains of nonindigenous sycamore fig (Ficus sycomorus) wood have appeared in relatively high proportions in the dendroarchaeological assemblages of the SL. It has been suggested that the species was introduced to the region from Egypt during the New Kingdom (Liphschitz Reference Liphschitz2007: 114; Jin et al. Reference Jin, Lipschitz and Langgut2024). In Egypt, the sycamore fig was associated with the Sycamore Goddess (Ben-Dor Evian and Gichon Reference Ben-Dor Evian and Gichon2024). While its fruits are edible, the tree was primarily valued for its timber (Kislev Reference Kislev, Schwarz, Amar and Zifer2000; Zohary et al. Reference Zohary, Hopf and Weiss2012: 130). The cultivation of sycamore fig in the SL is mentioned in biblical texts (1 Kgs 10:27; 2 Chr 1:16). Additionally, the Assyrian Lachish relief depicts the sycamore fig alongside olive and grapevine (Kislev Reference Kislev, Schwarz, Amar and Zifer2000). During the Achaemenid period, Theophrastus recorded that in Egypt, the species was commonly used for both its fruit and timber (Historia Plantarum 4:2). Dendroarchaeological evidence further indicates that this wood was used in construction – particularly for planks and beams – as well as for crafting objects such as coffins and furniture (Gale and Cutler Reference Gale and Cutler2000: 113–115).

Another nonnative species used for construction and toolmaking was the cedar of Lebanon (Cedrus libani). However, unlike the sycamore fig, its fruit was not consumed, and it was not cultivated in the SL. Instead, cedar beams and artifacts were imported from the Northern Levant. Cedar was regarded as a prestigious timber, prized for its straight beams, durability, and pleasant aroma. As a result, it was typically reserved for monumental architecture, as evidenced by dendroarchaeological finds from SL sites (Lev-Yadun et al. Reference Lev-Yadun, Michal, Ezra and Ragna1996; Liphschitz Reference Liphschitz2007: 116–117; Faust et al. Reference Faust, Katz and Sapir2017; Benzaquen et al. Reference Benzaquen, Finkelstein and Langgut2019). The commerce of this high-quality timber during the Iron Age is referenced in biblical accounts (1 Kings 5:15–25, 6:18, 9:11), which describe Hiram, King of Tyre, trading cedars with King Solomon.

Another nonindigenous tree, the citron (Citrus medica), first appeared in the regional archaeological record during the Achaemenid period (Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Gadot, Porat and Lipschits2013b). Although its fruit is edible, it was introduced primarily as a prestigious ornamental plant. Its earliest evidence in the Mediterranean comes from citron pollen found at the Persian royal garden at Ramat Rahel near Jerusalem (Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Gadot, Porat and Lipschits2013b). It arrived in the region from India via Persia and gradually became integrated into Jewish culture and tradition. Despite being one of the four species used by Jews during Sukkot, the citron is not mentioned in the bible. The association between the citron and the “fruit of the goodly tree” described in Leviticus 23:40 was only established in the 1st century CE (Langgut Reference Langgut2015). Other nonlocal trees identified in the palynological spectrum at Ramat Rahel include cedar and birch, while local fruit trees and ornamental plants found in the garden included grape, common fig, olive, Persian walnut, myrtle, willow, water lilies, and poplar (Figure 18; Langgut et al. Reference Langgut, Gadot, Porat and Lipschits2013b).

Figure 18

A suggested reconstruction of the 5th- to 4th-century-BCE Persian royal garden of Ramat Rahel (near Jerusalem).

Drawn by N. Kedem.