Introduction: institutional approach to Global Asian Studies
Global Asia(s) is increasingly gaining academic presence through a range of new institutional initiatives and interdisciplinary methods of studying and teaching Asia in the Humanities and Social Sciences. While some initiatives have developed pedagogical programs, others function primarily as research institutes, with markedly different understandings of Global Asia(s) – as a geographic space, as people and dynamic identities shaped by transnational flows, as a cultural and historical construct, or as strategies to move beyond problems found in traditional Area Studies.
Scholarship in Asian Studies has long challenged established intellectual traditions within Area Studies, a field that has been arguably in crisis, losing its legitimacy, for many decades (Huat et al. Reference Huat, Dean, Engseng, Chong, Rigg and Yeoh2019). As King (Reference King2005) lamented nearly two decades ago, “The preoccupation with region is charged with being old-fashioned, ethnocentric, parochial, politically conservative, essentialist and empiricist in its mission to chart distinctive culture language zones and draw boundaries in an increasingly changing, globalizing world (King Reference King2005, 2).” Problematizing the framework of “Asia” as a historically and geopolitically discursive construct, scholars have increasingly emphasized Asia’s porosity and heterogeneity (Duara Reference Duara2010, Huat et al. Reference Huat, Dean, Engseng, Chong, Rigg and Yeoh2019, Morris-Suzuki Reference Morris-Suzuki2020, Sakai Reference Sakai2010). Such debates on the positionality and topology of Asian Studies have often led to an acknowledgment of the contextual specificities of knowledge production, necessitating collaborative approaches. These efforts manifest in both intellectual discourses, through the introduction of new concepts into Asian Studies, and in concrete academic collaborations and visions (Chen Reference Chen2021a, Sato and Sonoda Reference Sato and Sonoda2021). The growing focus on interconnectedness has stimulated intellectual collaboration and dialogue across disciplines, including, to list only some: sociology (connected histories, Bhambra Reference Bhambra2010), world history (global history, Haneda Reference Haneda, Elman and Jenny Liu2017), media and cultural studies (trans-Asia as method, De Kloet Reference De Kloet, Chow and Chong2019), broader humanities fields such as comparative literature and ethnic studies (Global Asias, Chen Reference Chen2021a), social sciences and data science (mega-Asia, Shin Reference Shin2021).
Among them, “Global Asias,” coined by the Global Asias Initiative based at Penn State University, is a key term, given its ongoing impact on related fields, most notably in North America. The Global Asias Initiative was established in 2008, building an academic community that brings together Area Studies and Ethnic Studies – two research fields that have historically stood in opposition – into a more dialogic, cross-pollinating relationship. The former grew during the Cold War, primarily funded by Western governments to produce knowledge about “the others” that was useful for foreign policy; the latter arose from social movements in the 1960s and 1970s, particularly anti-racist, anti-imperialist, and decolonial activism. “Global Asias” has become the “multidisciplinary, trans-field approach to the study of Asia and its multiple diasporas (Eubanks and Chen Reference Eubanks, Chen, Chen and Eubanks2025: 4). As “imaginable ageography,” “Global Asias” brings to the fore ideas of plurality, structural incoherence, and non-consolidation in its conceptualization and alternative imagination of “Asias” (Chen Reference Chen2021b). The multidisciplinary journal Verge: Studies in Global Asias has been an instrumental platform in making “Global Asias” legible and increasingly visible as an emerging knowledge project.
As such, “Global Asia(s)” has become increasingly visible in related fields that engage with studies of Asian histories, societies, Asian people, and Asian diaspora. Several institutional forms have emerged worldwide, often in response to an impending call for collaboration and conversation. As collaboration across regions and disciplines increases, it becomes essential to examine institutional dimensions from a comparative perspective, focusing on local and academic conditions that shape each institutional mechanism. To explore current institutional practices, this paper proposes Global Asian Studies as an open-ended working definition and analytic framework. Global Asian Studies, in this paper, is used to loosely connect and to explain various intellectual practices and ways of doing Asian Studies or Studies on Asia(s) in different parts of the globe. In doing so, we highlight a new intervention into participating fields and the notion of “Asia.” However, this does not mean we define Global Asian Studies as an all-encompassing “field descriptor” that combines and integrates all forms of Asian Studies in a totalizing way.Footnote 1
Our engagement with this concept resonates with and is influenced by the notion of an “inside-out” approach to Asian Studies proposed by Sato and Sonoda (Reference Sato and Sonoda2021). They examined the recent repositioning of Asian Studies and proposed new methodologies for teaching and researching Asia, while recognizing the growing presence of Asian Studies in Asia and Asia’s influence on the global landscape. An “inside-out” approach herein implies approaching Asian Studies from “a global perspective based on the long-term experience of a particular society or a set of people to define what is to be studied, respecting the agency of local people in that society or group” (Sato and Sonoda Reference Sato and Sonoda2021: 212).
To push this idea further, this paper draws on Global Asian Studies to propose more inclusive discursive spaces for generating multivocal, multilocal, self-reflexive dialogues and intellectual exchanges across various settings, as well as tools for examining the knowledge production process in contemporary Asian Studies. In this regard, again, the term “global” can function as an umbrella term, loosely encompassing different locales where the research is being conducted, not necessarily within geographical Asia (however defined) or within “Asian Studies scholarship in Asia.” In this vein, “Global Asian Studies” in this paper refers to the initiative to call upon the reflexivity and positionality of doing Asian Studies and Studies about Asia, by pluralizing its locales and situating them contextually, i.e., socially, geopolitically, and historically.
The institutional perspective on Global Asian Studies draws on the sociology of knowledge, which critically questions the processes of knowledge production and the social contexts that shape them, determined by social interactions among various actors – agencies, institutions, discourses, and contextual conditions (Berger and Luckmann Reference Berger and Luckmann1966). From an institutional and behavioral perspective on knowledge production, scholars in Asian Studies have engaged in discussions on academic systems, educational policies, internationalization and mobility, as well as knowledge reproduction and consumption (A.B. 2006, Chan et al. Reference Chan, Yang and Tai2022, Nguyen Reference Nguyen2016). Yet comparative studies of institutional conditions and differences in “doing Asian Studies” have received little attention. Focusing on knowledge production practices in the field of Asian Studies helps reconsider Western-centric knowledge production and distribution, historical and ongoing, along with other hierarchies between institutions and nation-states, reinforcing the need for transnational and cross-disciplinary engagement (Issac et al. Reference Isaac, Mathew, Nerlekar, Schalow and Sears2021; Sakai Reference Sakai2010). The institutional comparison on knowledge production in Global Asian Studies will provide a lens that brings into focus the locality and globalization of knowledge production, highlighting scholarly differences and institutional practices.
This study aims to explore how contemporary Asian Studies and Studies on Asia are explicitly implemented through the conceptualization of “Global Asia(s),” and to actively engage with the diversity within them from an institutional perspective on knowledge production. Drawing upon Global Asian Studies as an analytic framework to examine institutional and institutionalizing forms of doing Asian Studies, this paper will map the contemporary landscape of Global Asian Studies, outlining its present status, identifying institutional challenges, and exploring possible ways forward. We argue that, despite their diverse contexts, these institutions share a common commitment: dissatisfaction with conventional models of Asian Studies and an aspiration to move beyond geographic boundaries, the East–West divide, and disciplinary compartmentalization. Yet, their interpretations and practices of Global Asia(s) vary, shaped by local histories, academic traditions, institutional structures, leadership visions, and available resources.
Research question and method
To unpack the institutional “differences,” our primary research questions are: (1) how and why do different institutions define and implement Global Asian Studies differently? (2) What commonalities exist across institutions, and where do they originate? This study examines how institutes or programs grappled with “new” types of Asian Studies, often under the banner of “Global Asia(s)”; to grasp the current status of Global Asian Studies around the world from a comparative perspective; and to assess the field’s future directions. Identifying key divergences and commonalities, we consider the institutional, disciplinary, and geopolitical contexts that shape these initiatives, while assessing broader epistemological challenges and prospects.
Between November 2022 and August 2024, we conducted semi-structured online interviews with directors from ten academic institutions involved in Global Asian Studies in different ways.Footnote 2 The details of each institute are provided in Appendix 1. Most institutions were selected based on their explicit use of the term Global Asia in their programs, initiatives, research centers, or curricula, as well as other institutions identified as relevant to the evolving field.Footnote 3 Each institution is at a different stage of institutionalization. For example, initiatives at Penn State University, the University of Tokyo, National Taiwan University, Sogang University, and New York University Shanghai can be characterized as more concrete institutional projects, while others – such as initiatives at Nanyang Technological University and Rutgers – function as collaborative clusters or, like Bandung Schools, as alternative and unconventional institutions. Still others, such as Global Asia programs at Monash University and Simon Fraser University, operate primarily as undergraduate education courses.
Each interview lasted approximately one hour and followed a semi-structured format. The questions include the background and activities of the program, the interviewee’s thoughts on the notion of “Global Asia,” its challenges, and the vision of the program. The following six questions were asked to all interviewees: 1) why they initiated the institute; what the major missions and activities are; 2) what they think of the difference of their program from the existing approach of Asian Studies or Area Studies; 3) what they think of the implication or limitation from their own locality in practicing “Global Asian Studies”; 4) how they think of the notion “Global Asia”; 5) how they evaluate the potential of the concept of “global Asia”; 6) what their outlook is for Global Studies in the conditions in which they operate.
All interviews were conducted, recorded, and subsequently transcribed in full for analysis. Following transcription, we employed a manual thematic coding approach. The authors read transcripts closely and iteratively to identify recurring topics, concepts, and patterns. Emerging themes were grouped into broad categories, including institutional structures, leadership, resources, local contexts, and intellectual frameworks. These themes formed the analytical framework for cross-institutional comparison. This grounded and inductive approach allowed us to capture the nuanced perspectives of interviewees and to highlight both shared challenges and divergent strategies in shaping Global Asian Studies programs.Footnote 4
Navigating shared challenges in Global Asian Studies
Before elaborating on the differences and divergences, we want to first highlight the common challenges and the collective aspirations among these initiatives by drawing on insights from interviews with scholars leading these programs worldwide.
Our analysis reveals that most institutions share a dissatisfaction with the status quo and are deeply committed to breaking and crossing boundaries in academic knowledge production. These boundaries take various forms, including national and continental borders, both in physical and conceptual senses; the East-West dichotomy; and the borders between academic silos. After addressing the limitations imposed by these boundaries, these institutions seek to reconnect knowledge across regions and develop new methodologies that challenge conventional assumptions in relation to Asia.
Reimagining boundaries: geographical and conceptual shifts
Many Global Asian Studies institutions struggle with how to approach Asia not as a singular, isolated region, but as a complex, interconnected space shaped by historical and contemporary transnational flows. Despite differences in local contexts, these institutions share a vision for a more globally engaged Asian Studies, recognizing that Asia’s influences and implications extend beyond its geographic borders and affect global politics, economics, culture, and environmental issues. As a result, many institutions seek to highlight Asia’s interconnectedness with the world, positioning Asia not as an isolated region but as an active participant in global transformations.
This attempt challenges the traditional academic divisions that have long structured Asian Studies. For instance, Tansen Sen at New York University Shanghai, drawing inspiration from The Myth of Continents: A Critique of Metageography (Lewis and Wigen Reference Lewis and Wigen1997), conceptualizes Asia as an “artificially constructed meta-continent” – a region whose boundaries were not naturally defined but shaped by historical forces. He echoes Arjun Appadurai’s assertion that “histories make geographies,” not the other way around (Appadurai Reference Appadurai2010). Similarly, Liu Hong at Nanyang Technological University Singapore highlights how Asian Studies departments have been compartmentalized, dividing research into separate regional categories such as East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia. This segmentation limits cross-regional dialogue, as scholars working within a specific regional focus rarely engage with those studying other parts of Asia. The division of Asian Studies into rigid geographic categories has, in many ways, reinforced the idea of Asia as a fragmented entity rather than a fluid and interconnected space. Expanding on this idea, Tamara Sears at Rutgers University suggests that Global Asias allows scholars to “find Asia anywhere that Asia is” and “anywhere that Asia interacts.” Rather than being tied to rigid geographic divisions, she argues that Global Asian Studies should explore Asia’s global networks, the Asian diaspora, and the ways Asia has shaped, and been shaped by, the world.
Studies on the movements of opium, tea, cotton, and labor in the last century were frequently cited as powerful and concrete examples during multiple interviews. For instance, Tansen Sen raised questions about the transnational circulation of goods and people: how Indian cotton traveled to Japan and Shanghai; how indentured laborers from China and India were sent to British Guiana, Fiji, and Mauritius, and later to the Caribbean before migrating to Toronto; and how Asian diasporic communities subsequently formed in the Caribbean and the United States. Similarly, Nadine Attewell highlighted the Komagata Maru incident of 1914 as a poignant example. The Komagata Maru – a Japanese ship carrying more than three hundred Punjabi immigrants and a Japanese crew – arrived in Vancouver via Hong Kong and Japan at a time when racially restrictive Canadian immigration laws were in force. Its arrival provoked intense anti-Asian backlash, forcing the passengers to remain on board for two months (Johnston Reference Johnston2006). These questions and incidents demonstrate that the histories of migration, trade, and cultural exchange cannot be fully understood without examining the reciprocal and multidirectional interactions between Asia and the wider world. In the contemporary context, research on environmental impacts similarly transcends the borders of Asia, reinforcing the need for more interconnected and globally oriented approaches to scholarship.
The artificial compartmentalization of the world not only affects contemporary academic research but also distorts our understanding of historical Asia. The separation between Asia and the rest of the world has narrowed scholars’ perspectives, preventing them from fully appreciating the long history of cultural and economic exchanges across regions. As a result, traditional frameworks have often overlooked the reality of Asia’s deep-rooted global connections. By breaking away from Cold War-era frameworks that compartmentalized Asia into rigid geopolitical regions, “Global Asia” encourages scholars to think broadly across disciplines and regions, enabling them to explore interconnections that traditional approaches have struggled to address.
Apart from interconnections, comparison is also another possible approach. For example, studying Chinese migration solely within the context of Chinese migration to the United States might reinforce a limited, America-centric perspective. However, comparing Chinese migration to the U.S., Australia, and Southeast Asia allows scholars to see broader global patterns of migration, labor, and cultural exchange. This comparative approach helps scholars develop more nuanced and globally relevant analyses, rather than reinforcing artificial divides between Asia and the rest of the world.
Beyond rethinking the Asia conceptually, Global Asian Studies institutions also emphasize the importance of collaboration between scholars across and within Asia in a practical sense. Sonoda Shigeto, director of the program at the University of Tokyo, stresses that meaningful Area Studies requires close, reciprocal connections with intellectuals in the countries being studied. The idea of “Global Asian Studies” at the University of Tokyo was initiated from its previous institutional forms, one of which was the “Global Japan Studies” initiative, aiming for mutual understanding through dialogues between Japan studies in Asia and Asian Studies in Japan, which developed into “Global Asian Studies” (Sonoda Reference Sonoda2023). He argues that the knowledge production should not be a one-way process. Understanding the interactive nature of the knowledge production of one country in another country also deepens our understanding of ourselves. Only through interaction with others can we realize who we are. Linking this with the aforementioned “inside-out” perspective, what is “inside” can only be identified through interactions with others, whether they are non-Asianists or Asianists from other countries.
For example, Sonoda points out that even when Japanese scholars write about Asia, their work is often produced in Japanese, for a Japanese audience, within a Japanese academic framework. In such cases, can this work still be classified as Asian Studies, or should it also be understood as Japanese Studies? In his view, this question pertains to how Japanese scholarship perceives a region. This example highlights the importance of scholarly exchange and the fluid nature of academic boundaries and the need for scholars to be more self-aware about how knowledge is created, shared, and consumed.
While many Global Asian Studies institutions emphasize the importance of studying Asia from within, they also stress that Asian Studies should contribute to broader global discussions. Liu Hong, the director at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, argues that while research may be deeply rooted in local Asian contexts, it should also engage with global issues and debates. A concrete example he raises is the Bandung Humanism project, which does not simply document what happened in Bandung – it also explores how Bandung emerged as a key symbol of Asian and African solidarity in the post-colonial world, its roles in shaping the transnational flows of ideas among Asian-African nations, and the multi-dimensionality and fluidity of Bandung humanism in the evolving domestic and international landscapes (Liu & Zhou Reference Liu and Zhou2019).
By moving beyond national and regional boundaries, Global Asias engages with the transregional flows of materials, people, and ideas. This approach reinforces the notion that Asian Studies should not be confined to a fixed geographic space, but rather should actively contribute to broader intellectual debates and global conversations.
Breaking away from the East-West divide
Another major challenge is the enduring East-West dichotomy, which has historically framed Asian Studies through the lens of Orientalist perspectives (Said Reference Said1978, Paramore Reference Paramore2016). In this framework, Asia has been positioned not as a center of knowledge production, but as an object of study – a place for Western scholars to observe, categorize, and analyze rather than a site of theoretical innovation or intellectual leadership.
A major theme among many Global Asian Studies institutions is the effort to decolonize Asian Studies and challenge the dominance of Western academia, particularly the Orientalist traditions that have historically shaped the field. One of the most common critiques of existing knowledge structures is that Asia has long been framed as “the Other” – a subject for Western scholars to interpret, rather than a region producing its own theories and intellectual contributions. Lan Pei-Chia, the director at National Taiwan University, explains that in the traditional model, “Asia is really just ‘the Other’ for the Global North scholarship to look at something totally different.” She also highlights the paradox that many Asian scholars have been trained in Western institutions and are more connected to academic networks in the Global North than to scholars in neighboring Asian countries, even though they are physically located in Asia. This has led to a disconnection between Asian Studies as practiced in Asia and as understood in Western academia. To correct this imbalance, she argues that more efforts should be made to foster intra-Asian academic collaborations and to promote knowledge production from within Asia itself, rather than relying on Western theoretical models.
This structural imbalance in knowledge production was also emphasized by Director Lim Jie-Hyun of the Critical Global Studies Institute. He argues that one of the key tasks of Asian Studies is to go beyond the conventional division of scholarly labor, where Western scholars provide theories while Asian scholars supply empirical data to support those theories. This hierarchical structure has reinforced academic inequalities, where Western institutions dominate the production of theoretical frameworks, while scholars in Asia remain largely confined to fieldwork and case studies.
To challenge this imbalance, many scholars emphasize the importance of bringing intellectual leadership back to Asia. This aligns with what Tzeng, Richter, and Koldunova (Reference Tzeng, Richter and Koldunova2018) described as the “Asianization of Asian Studies,” as advocated by Sato and Sonoda (Reference Sato and Sonoda2021). The “inside-out” perspective, which highlights knowledge produced from within Asia based on local lived experiences, also represents an effort to move beyond the artificial division of academic labor. Liu Hong, the director of Global Asia Research Cluster, Nanyang Technological University, takes a similar stance, arguing that scholarship should emerge from within Asia itself, based on its unique social, political, and economic realities. While this approach does not exclude perspectives from outside the region, he emphasizes that the intellectual force behind Asian Studies should primarily come from within Asia, as scholars based in the region experience its transformations firsthand. The Bandung Schools, founded by Chen Kuan-Hsing, also represent an initiative aimed at producing scholarship that is globally relevant while remaining firmly grounded in local intellectual traditions. It does so by deliberately rejecting the institutional constraints of traditional academia, including the university system itself. Drawing inspiration from inter-Asian cultural studies and decolonial and de-imperial thought, the Bandung Schools foster alternative forms of knowledge production, challenging the dominance of English-language academia and Western research methodologies.
A similar problem exists in Japan’s academic tradition, which has itself long treated Asia as “the Other.” Sonoda Shigeto, director of the initiative at the University of Tokyo, explains that Japanese academia has traditionally positioned Japan as separate from the rest of Asia, reinforcing a sense of distance between Japan and other Asian countries. One of the key missions of the initiative is to fight against this worldview. By using Global Asian Studies as a new conceptual tool, scholars in Japan are working to challenge conventional ideas of Japan’s relationship with Asia and to reimagine new ways of engaging with Asian Studies beyond historical divides.
However, breaking away from Orientalist influences does not mean simply reversing the equation and creating a new “Other” out of the West. A reactionary approach – where the West is demonized, and the East is idealized – can be just as problematic as traditional Orientalism. Director Lim Jie-Hyun clearly argues that to truly move beyond these colonial frameworks, scholars must deconstruct not only Orientalism but also Occidentalism. Along this line, a potential pitfall is Asian exceptionalism – the belief that Asian experiences are entirely unique and incomparable to other regions. In Lim’s words, this is the “trap of essentialization,” where Asia is treated as a monolithic, homogeneous entity with a single “essence.” He stresses that scholars must recognize the diversity within Asia, rather than viewing it through a singular, fixed identity. He also cautions against geo-positivism – an approach that assumes regions can be defined in objective, static, or purely geographical terms. Instead, he argues for a more decentralized view of Asia, acknowledging that its meaning varies depending on historical, cultural, and geographical contexts.
Today, scholars in Global Asian Studies are using new epistemologies and frameworks to rethink Asian Studies, moving beyond the mental and structural limitations of the West-East divide. By challenging historical academic hierarchies, deconstructing rigid regional divisions, and encouraging intra-Asian and transnational collaboration, these scholars are working toward a more inclusive, globally integrated approach to Asian Studies.
The challenge is not just to reject old frameworks but to create new methodologies that better reflect Asia’s role and scholarly positionality in global intellectual production. Global Asian Studies institutions recognize that breaking away from the East-West dichotomy is not just about shifting power dynamics but also about expanding knowledge in a way that is more representative of Asia’s complexity and global influence. Through this process, Global Asian Studies can move beyond being an object of study and become a driving force in contemporary global thought.
Bridging disciplinary silos and creating infrastructure
In addition to geographical, epistemological, and conceptual barriers, another major challenge in Global Asian Studies is the rigidity of disciplinary divisions within academia. Many Global Asian Studies institutions actively work to dismantle the separation between Area Studies and disciplinary approaches, as scholars often find themselves constrained by academic silos that separate regional studies from broader theoretical and disciplinary frameworks.
Tamara Sears from Rutgers University describes the bipolar nature of academia in the United States, where scholars must navigate two parallel conversations. Domestically, research is heavily dependent on departmental affiliations, with scholars expected to frame their work through a strict disciplinary lens. Internationally, however, scholars engaged in Asian Studies often find themselves in two sets of conversations – one in reference to disciplinary knowledge, and one in Asian Studies, not fully recognized by their home discipline.
This structure reinforces a hierarchy, where disciplinary work is seen as generating theory, while Area Studies is viewed as providing descriptive content without contributing to broader theoretical discussions. This divide has historically marginalized Asian Studies within academia, reinforcing the idea that theoretical innovation must come from Western disciplines, while Asian scholars are expected to supply data rather than shape intellectual debates.
Tina Chen, the director at Penn State University, points out a related problem: the lack of institutional structures that facilitate interdisciplinary collaboration between Area Studies, Ethnic Studies, and Diaspora Studies. These fields, while overlapping in subject matter, have been kept separate due to differences in assumptions, priorities, and methodologies, with little effort made to foster intellectual cross-pollination. The problem is not just a matter of different scholarly traditions, but rather a structural issue, where academic institutions have failed to create spaces for scholars to work across disciplinary boundaries.
To address these limitations, Global Asias at Penn State University encourages scholars to integrate both theoretical frameworks and empirical data, challenging the notion that theory should come exclusively from established disciplines, while Asian Studies remains confined to empirical work. She argues that global Asian Studies should not only work to deconstruct academic silos but also rethink and “deconstruct” the concept of Global Asia itself. Instead of allowing Global Asian Studies to become a rigid, institutionalized field, she suggests that it should remain an open platform for interdisciplinary exchange, where scholars can engage in ongoing conversations without consolidating knowledge into a single, fixed structure. In her words, Global Asias should function as a space that keeps things “epistemologically unconsolidated.”
Several Global Asian Studies institutions have taken concrete steps to break down disciplinary divisions and foster interdisciplinary collaboration. At Rutgers University, efforts have focused on creating institutional mechanisms that connect faculty across departments. Recognizing that many scholars interested in Asia are housed in separate departments, Rutgers has developed graduate working groups and cross-departmental initiatives to encourage scholars from different fields to collaborate. These efforts reflect a broader trend across institutions, where universities are actively creating new academic spaces that allow scholars working on Asia to engage with each other beyond disciplinary and institutional barriers.
At Simon Fraser University, Global Asian Studies functions as a hub for interdisciplinary collaboration, bringing together faculty and students from a wide range of fields, including business, international studies, geography, and the humanities. According to the director, students in the program come from diverse academic backgrounds, reflecting the growing recognition that Asian Studies is not just a topic for the humanities but a crucial part of understanding contemporary global issues across all disciplines and fields.
A similar initiative is underway at Monash University, where Global Asia is explicitly designed to promote “Asia literacy.” The program seeks to help students develop a deeper understanding of Asia’s diversity, encouraging them to engage with Asia beyond simplistic national or cultural stereotypes. By offering a comparative and transnational perspective, Monash aligns with broader efforts across the university’s Asian Studies programs to expand the intellectual scope of Asian Studies and to encourage students to think critically about Asia’s place in the world.
Beyond addressing intellectual and disciplinary challenges, many Global Asian Studies initiatives are also working to transform academic institutions by building new infrastructures that support interdisciplinary and transnational collaboration. These efforts go beyond simply encouraging interdisciplinary work – they involve creating new academic spaces, networks, and resources that enable scholars to work across traditional academic boundaries, bridge theoretical and empirical research, challenge outdated academic hierarchies, and foster meaningful dialogue across fields.
Unpacking the difference: the purposes and practices of Global Asian Studies
Despite the growing number of academic institutions adopting the term Global Asia, its definitions, implementations, and institutional priorities differ considerably. Two key factors influence the distinctive practices of each program or initiative: institutional conditions and local contexts. Institutional conditions include the disciplinary background of each program, the role of its directors, and the resources available to the institution. These elements affect the program’s academic focus, research priorities, and operational structure.
The geographical and academic environment of each institution also plays a significant role. This includes its location, the local academic atmosphere, and broader social and global influences. Differences in these factors lead to variations in how Global Asian Studies programs and initiatives define their scope, engage with other institutions within and outside their home universities, and develop their research and teaching agendas.
Together, these institutional and contextual characteristics have shaped the direction and implementation of each program, influencing its founding vision and evolving practices.
Institutional structures and disciplinary influence
To begin with institutional conditions, participants often described their initiatives as interdisciplinary and/or multidisciplinary, aiming to foster collaboration across departments and schools within their universities and to overcome disciplinary boundaries and silos. Although the vision of cross-disciplinary conversation is prevalent across most institutions, we found that pre-existing disciplinary structures continue to influence thematic interests, collaboration methods, networking strategies, and resource allocation.
For example, at National Taiwan University, where the center is housed within the College of Social Sciences, the focus is on “Asian modernities,” as this concept better captures contemporary “transformations and changes rather than the stagnant, unchanging nature of Asia.” This focus aligns with the core research interests of its faculty, who are primarily social scientists – sociologists, political scientists, geographers, and economists. However, this presents challenges in fostering interdisciplinary collaboration with the humanities. As the interviewee noted, historians tend to focus on longer time frames and the uniqueness of each country, whereas social scientists emphasize “connectivity and comparisons.”
Rutgers University, on the other hand, has a strong emphasis on the humanities while making efforts to incorporate social sciences, including political science, economics, and sociology. Given the significant potential for integrating Asian Studies across a large research university, the directors of the Global Asias Initiative at Rutgers University highlighted the importance of an “institutional mechanism” that provides faculty and students with structured opportunities for cross-departmental conversations. Following a year of brainstorming and discussions on intersecting interests, the working group determined that the key to sustaining interdisciplinary collaboration lies in creating institutional spaces for dialogue and cooperation. This led to the expansion of theme-based graduate student working groups across Asian Studies at Rutgers University. However, as of 2022, when the interview was conducted, the initiative was still working toward its goal of institutional stability and recognition. While the interdisciplinary vision encourages a broad geographic and temporal approach to Asian Studies, logistical challenges – such as the physical distance between different schools and campuses – hinder sustained collaboration.
Some Global Asian Studies institutions go further, attempting to establish alternative and experimental models for intellectual collaboration and networking. Examples include the Flying University of Transnational Humanities by the Critical Global Studies Institute and the Bandung Schools, which operate outside or with minimal institutional constraints from traditional universities.Footnote 5 These initiatives challenge conventional academic structures and propose more flexible, non-hierarchical approaches to knowledge production and exchange.
Leadership and vision
The role of the director is essential to the institutional structure of these programs. Not only does it shape the thematic direction of the initiative, but it is also closely connected to the extent of intra-institutional and international networks developed by each program. Interestingly, most of these initiatives were driven by the strong leadership of their founding faculty members, whose vision for Asian Studies played a key role in shaping the trajectory of their respective programs. The leadership of directors has influenced these initiatives in multiple ways, including their thematic focus, relationship with existing Asian Studies frameworks, sustainability, and intra-institutional and international collaborations.Footnote 6
More broadly, Global Asian Studies programs adopt different positionalities toward Asia and Asian Studies, often reflecting the previous experiences of their directors and their intellectual perspectives. For example, program directors at New York University Shanghai, the University of Tokyo, Bandung Schools, and Sogang University have dedicated their academic careers to pioneering intellectual practices and fostering cross-disciplinary and cross-regional conversations, either within academic institutions or through research initiatives. Tansen Sen of New York University Shanghai’s program previously ran the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Center at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore from 2008 to 2012, where the emphasis was on examining inter-Asian connections before transitioning to NYU Shanghai, before establishing the Center for Global Asia at NYU Shanghai in 2015. Global Asian Studies at UTokyo developed from previous initiatives such as Global Japan Studies and ASNET (Network for Education and Research on Asia), where the director had been actively involved as a key faculty member.Footnote 7 Bandung Schools has been closely connected to Inter-Asia Cultural Studies since 2004, while Critical Global Studies Institute at Sogang University builds upon the transnational humanities program initiated by the same director.
Unlike these cases, the program directors of Nanyang Technological University, Monash University, and Rutgers University have not directly institutionalized Asian Studies or transnational knowledge production. However, they have leveraged their education and research experience in Asian Studies, along with their networks with scholars in Asia and Asian Studies, to develop their programs and facilitate transnational intellectual exchanges with other institutions in Asia.
Besides their challenges to existing Asian Studies paradigms and local academic traditions, the disciplinary backgrounds and research interests of each director also correlate with the overarching themes and topical focus of their programs. Under the common umbrella term of Global Asia(s), themes vary substantially across institutions. For example, National Taiwan University focuses on migration and transnationalism; Nanyang Technological University emphasizes Asia’s global connections; Sogang University explores global memory spaces; and Penn State University centers on transnational mobility and Asian American studies. Similarly, Simon Fraser University highlights gender studies and transnational history, while the Bandung Schools focus on de-imperialization and decolonization theory.
Despite differences in leadership styles and thematic priorities, these initiatives and programs often represent pioneering efforts within their universities and broader academic communities. In some cases, they also refresh traditional academic conventions, which will be addressed in the next section. However, a critical challenge remains regarding the sustainability of these programs. Strong leadership raises concerns about succession, as the long-term viability of these initiatives depends on how well they transition to the next generation of scholars. Meanwhile, in some cases, such as Rutgers University and Simon Fraser University, the director is appointed for a fixed term. Appointment-based directorships raise questions about continuity, as new leadership may shift priorities or restructure programs entirely. The future sustainability of Global Asian Studies initiatives will depend on their ability to institutionalize their impact beyond individual leadership and establish mechanisms for sustained interdisciplinary collaboration.
Resources and institutional capacity
The third component of institutional conditions includes both tangible and intangible resources, such as faculty members, funding, library collections, and institutional networks, which shape current activities and enable future opportunities. The presence of dedicated faculty members and cooperative colleagues within and beyond each home university serves as the foundation for these interdisciplinary and intra-institutional projects. At Rutgers University, for example, directors describe their initiative as a “vastly collaborative process” that incorporates faculty, graduate students, and increasingly, undergraduates. They characterize it as a “grassroots effort from the bottom-up, from faculty up”, highlighting both its reliance on internal cooperation and the need to establish sustainable outreach mechanisms.
Among the ten programs analyzed, the Global Asian Studies (GAS) program at UTokyo stands out as a unique case. Unlike many other programs, UTokyo’s GAS initiative emerged from an existing institutional apparatus tied to well-established research institutes in Asian Studies. As a result, it benefits from an already substantial network of collaborating colleagues within the university as well as pre-existing international research counterparts. As such, UTokyo’s program invests its resources in inter-regional partnerships and international academic dialogues beyond Japan.
NYU Shanghai is another distinct case, benefiting from its global campus system and international academic networks. As part of New York University, NYU Shanghai maintains direct institutional ties to campuses in New York and Abu Dhabi, as well as twelve study-abroad sites in Berlin, London, Sydney, Buenos Aires, and other locations. This extensive international infrastructure enables the development of university-wide Global Asia courses, the implementation of co-taught classes with faculty members from different locations, and the utilization of virtual classrooms for real-time interdisciplinary engagement. Additionally, NYU Shanghai leverages its global academic network for research collaboration, as exemplified by the “Port Cities Environments” project. Furthermore, NYU Shanghai’s strategic location and its director’s professional networks facilitate partnerships with universities in New York, Boston, Singapore, and Hong Kong.
Students also play a crucial role as key resources in Global Asian Studies programs, both in undergraduate and postgraduate education. Their personal experiences, social and historical contexts, and cultural backgrounds determine classroom discussions and curriculum development, as seen in the cases of Simon Fraser University and Monash University. Factors such as students’ majors and minors, family histories, migration paths, nationalities, cultural interests, language proficiency, ethnicity, gender, and career aspirations influence in-class discussions and the reception of historical and contemporary topics in Global Asian Studies.
Finally, financial resources and library collections serve as critical material assets for sustaining and expanding Global Asian Studies programs. Programs at Monash University and UTokyo demonstrate how extensive archival and research collections in Asian Studies not only enhance research networks abroad but also enable the development of research-driven curricula. Funding directly impacts the stability and long-term viability of these initiatives, including the scope of activities and collaboration, the thematic focus, employment and the program’s sustainability. Limited budgets can restrict program activities, while strong financial support – whether from the internal university budget or external grants – can create new opportunities for research, education, and international collaboration. In some cases, funding availability affects thematic priorities and determines potential research collaborators, as seen in the cases of National Taiwan University, UTokyo, and Penn State University. Funding is even more critical given that the transnational intellectual dialogue often involves the mobility of people through hosting or attending international academic events. After COVID-19, some of these institutions have made efforts to utilize online platforms to overcome both physical and financial limitations.
Locality and global positioning
The geographical setting of a university or institution appears to contribute to the development of a Global Asia(s) agenda, as seen in multicultural and multiethnic cities such as Singapore and New Jersey, transnational port cities like Shanghai, Vancouver, and Melbourne, and increasingly cosmopolitan megacities like Tokyo, Seoul, and Taipei. However, there is a noticeable divide between institutions located in Asia and those outside Asia in how they approach Global Asian Studies. While both groups recognize Asia as deeply connected to their own societies and histories, their perspectives and objectives differ.
Institutions based in Asia in a geographical sense tend to emphasize the need to redefine and relativize Asian Studies within their own societies, advocating for a transnational, comparative, or global perspective, as seen in the cases of National Taiwan University, Nanyang Technological University, UTokyo, and NYU Shanghai. They promote a Global Asia framework by emphasizing historical and contemporary connections and interactions. Simultaneously, these programs aim to expand the traditional scope of “Asia” for domestic audiences and scholars, encouraging a broader and more inclusive imagination of the region. Within the Asian region, “Asia” is often perceived as a tangible entity composed of real people, cultures, and historical legacies, of which “we” are a part, rather than merely as a geopolitical or conceptual construct.
In contrast, programs outside Asia, such as Rutgers University, Simon Fraser University, Penn State University, and Monash University tend to focus on understanding their own communities through connections and interaction with Asia. Many of these initiatives emphasize Asian diasporas and migration histories, reflecting the lived experiences of local Asian ethnic communities. In this context, Asia is not a distant subject but an integral part of their own local history and society. Another approach taken by institutions outside Asia is to study Asia as a point of reference, using it as a comparative framework to better understand global dynamics and their own societies. Whether through diasporic histories or comparative studies, these programs recognize Asia’s growing relevance in contemporary global affairs, reinforcing the idea that “Asia is within us” and the idea of Asia as a key counterpart in contemporary global society that “we” are part of.
The sense of proximity and distance to Asia, as well as each institution’s local history of Asian connections, influences how they conceptualize and implement Global Asian Studies. Every director is keenly aware of their own institution’s local background, adapting global perspectives on Asia and Asian Studies to suit their specific academic and social environments. For example, the director at National Taiwan University highlights “the need to connect Taiwan Studies with other parts of Asia,” positioning Taiwan as a part of both East and Southeast Asia. The director strategically emphasizes “inter-Asia connections” to enhance the visibility of Taiwan Studies on the international stage. Similarly, Monash University leverages its position as an English-speaking institution in the Asia-Pacific to develop a Global Asian Studies perspective that reflects its in-between positionality in regional and global academic networks.
Local academic traditions and intellectual legacies
Local academic traditions and intellectual legacies are significant factors that influence the character and approach of each Global Asian Studies program. In English-speaking countries such as Canada and Australia, the longstanding influence of Anglophone hegemony and frequent academic exchanges with the United States have contributed to the intellectual frameworks used in their institutions. Meanwhile, Global Asias initiatives in the United States must navigate the historical dominance of Area Studies in American academia, particularly within Asian Studies, while also contending with tensions between Area Studies and disciplinary traditions.
The intellectual influence of the so-called Global North or Anglophone hegemony is not limited to North America or other English-speaking contexts. As the director of National Taiwan University noted, many scholars trained in Western institutions experience a dual academic identity, describing the dilemma as “theoretically and methodologically affiliated with the West, but physically and socially connected to Asia.” This paradox highlights the challenge of producing knowledge that is simultaneously rooted in local Asian contexts while engaging with global academic discourses. The Bandung School takes a relatively radical approach to these issues, positioning itself as a decolonial and de-imperialized alternative to traditional university-based scholarship. It actively experiments with non-university-centered knowledge production, promoting inter-Asian collaboration and intellectual exchanges between peripheral regions (Chen, Lu, and Qiu Reference Chen, Lu and Qiu2022, Chen Reference Chen2023).
Other institutions strive to address and overcome historical and institutional legacies within their own national academic traditions. For GAS at UTokyo, one of its intellectual challenges is grappling with the legacy of the Institute of Oriental Studies, which was established in 1941 immediately before the Pacific War. The institute changed its English name to the Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia in 2011 and has expanded its regional scale, topical scope, and international network beyond Japan. Additionally, a lack of dialogue between Japan Studies in Asia and Asian Studies in Japan, as well as an underestimation of comparative and global perspectives in Japanese academia were brought up as a characteristic of Japanese academia that GAS has engaged from its earlier institutional forms. Similarly, the Critical Global Studies Institute in Korea was founded to challenge methodological nationalism in Korean academia, aiming to transcend national boundaries and foster transnational approaches to knowledge production.
Finally, each institution forms its Global Asian Studies agenda in response to contemporary social and global challenges, taking on intellectual responsibility for addressing pressing issues in their locales. For example, Rutgers University engages with local communities through public and digital humanities initiatives specifically to instruct Asian American studies in New Jersey and other schools, while NYU Shanghai incorporates research on the environmental impacts of China’s Belt and Road Initiative on coastal environments. The program at Monash University focuses on training students to become globally conscious citizens, and that of Sogang University works toward overcoming nationalism by promoting new memory cultures.
These diverse institutional and intellectual contexts have led to distinctive approaches in how each program defines, implements, and expands the field of Global Asian Studies. As will be examined in the next section, despite differences in institutional structures, geography, and disciplinary traditions, these initiatives share a common goal: to challenge conventional knowledge production and promote a more globally interconnected and balanced perspective on Asian Studies.
Conclusion: building a collaborative future for Global Asian Studies
The field of Global Asian Studies has rapidly evolved, reflecting the shifting landscapes of academia, geopolitics, and global intellectual engagement. While Global Asian Studies programs vary widely in institutional structures, thematic focuses, and regional contexts, they share a common mission: to rethink and reshape the study of Asia in ways that transcend traditional boundaries. Throughout this paper, we have explored how Global Asian Studies institutions implement this mission by continually problematizing national and regional compartmentalization, dismantling the East-West dichotomy, and breaking down disciplinary silos, while grappling with the critical challenges of financial resources and institutional barriers.
A key takeaway from our study is that Global Asian Studies institutions are not merely responding to historical legacies and epistemological challenges but actively seeking to reshape the terms of academic knowledge production. By deconstructing the Cold War-era regional divisions that continue to define Area Studies, these initiatives promote more fluid and dynamic frameworks that emphasize Asia’s transnational connections and porous histories. At the same time, Global Asian Studies programs confront the continued dominance of Western epistemologies and other hierarchies in knowledge production by advocating for knowledge (re)production that emerges from within Asia and their own societies, reflecting its lived realities, intellectual traditions, and contemporary transformations. Furthermore, by intervening in the artificial separation between disciplinary and regional studies, these programs provide a space for theoretical innovation that incorporates diverse methodologies and perspectives.
Despite these advances, significant challenges remain. Many Global Asian Studies initiatives are still in the process of establishing institutional stability and securing both short-term capacity and long-term sustainability. Others must navigate the complexities of interdisciplinary and intra-institutional collaboration in university systems that remain deeply siloed. Moreover, as the field grows, there is an ongoing debate about how to maintain its flexibility and openness while also building a more cohesive and recognizable academic identity.
“Global Asian Studies” can be thought of as a tactic for dialogue and reflexivity – a glue that brings scholars in different disciplines and regional focus onto a shared platform, especially if the institution is already grounded in the idea of plurality and multidisciplinary collective intellectual practice. As the field continues to evolve, the challenge remains: how can these intellectual endeavors in Asian Studies and Studies on Asia in global settings sustain their momentum while remaining flexible, innovative, and responsive to contemporary global and local challenges? This shared question and diversified institutional praxis will undoubtedly shape the next phase of Global Asian Studies.
Supplementary material
To view supplementary material for this article, please visit https://doi.org/10.1017/S1479591426100771
Acknowledgements
We extend our sincere gratitude to Directors and Professors Nadine Attewell, Chen Kuan-Hsing, Tina Chen, Liu Hong, Pei-Chia Lan, Jie-Hyun Lim, Tamara Sears, Tansen Sen, Shigeto Sonoda, Beatrice Trefalt, and Andrew Urban for their invaluable insights during the interviews, their gracious permission to include selected content in this article, and their thoughtful review of the relevant sections. We are also grateful to Sam Bamkin for his assistance with editing, and to the two reviewers for their thoughtful and insightful comments.
Competing interests
The authors are affiliated with the Institute of Advanced Studies on Asia, University of Tokyo, which has its own Global Asian Studies initiatives. This affiliation has not influenced the research design, analysis, or conclusions presented in this paper.
AI disclosure
AI assistance (ChatGPT) was used for grammar checking and minor language refinement. All analyses, interpretations, and conclusions are the authors’ own.