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The imagining of ‘others’ in colonial Korea in the works of Yi In-sŏng

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 February 2026

Inhye Kang*
Affiliation:
Institut für Kunstgeschichte Ostasiens, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany
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Abstract

Many of Yi In-sŏng’s works, including On an Autumn Day and Room in Summer, depict tropical plants and exotic vegetation. Although the specific types of foliage he portrayed remain unclear, Yi’s use of foreign foliage clearly conveys the allure of exotic scenery. Beginning in the 1930s, coinciding with Japan’s expansion into the South Sea region, images of palm trees and exotic plants found their way into colonial Korean homes. This article investigates the emergence of the practice of portraying ‘others’ in colonial Korea, with a particular focus on the artworks of Yi In-sŏng. Yi was a renowned Western-style painter during the colonial period in Korea, celebrated for his depictions of exotic landscapes and vibrant foreign flora. While Yi’s work is often characterized as an expression of Korean ‘local colour’, this article, instead, explores Yi as an urban bourgeois and delves into his appreciation for exotic elements in his work. By contextualizing the depiction of diverse rural flora and exotic interior decorations in Yi’s urban intellectual cosmopolitanism, this article discusses how the practice of imagining ‘others’ emerged in colonial Korea during the 1930s.

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Research Article
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© The Author(s), 2026. Published by Cambridge University Press.

Introduction

‘I must go somewhere. To the ends of the earth, to infinity, forever, to wherever my toes can reach, to a deserted island! To the desolate plains of Siberia! To the scorching South Seas, where the oil in my body sizzles and burns! Ah—’ I shrugged my shoulders as if exhilarated, thinking of the lush forests I’d seen on picture postcards, and of the naked people sitting beneath palm trees.Footnote 1

This excerpt from Yŏm Sang-sŏp’s novel A Frog in a Specimen Room, widely known as one of the first naturalist works of fiction in Korea, vividly illustrates the extent to which the South Sea region captured the imagination of intellectuals in colonial Korea in the mid-1920s. As depicted in such writings, the region was often envisioned as a ‘distant exotic’ or a strange and uncharted fantasy, as remote as the Siberian plains. Surprisingly, the ‘scorching’ heat and ‘the naked people’ under trees can also be found in Yi In-sŏng’s work, for example On an Autumn Day (Figure 1), evident in the depiction of red ground and exotic vegetation. What is intriguing is that Yi portrayed the ‘lush forests’ and ‘scorching’ heat through the lens of his own hometown. Hence, an art critic’s review of Yi’s work, while critiquing the artist’s depiction of hair and body—characterized by less colour contrast and distortion compared to other elements—raises the question of whether Yi was influenced by Paul Gauguin, the renowned Post-Impressionist artist.Footnote 2 Indeed, the low horizontal lines, strong winding contours, and striking colour contrast between the blue sky and red soil do bear a resemblance to Gauguin’s style. Specifically, the exotic flora, untamed nature, and vegetation in Yi’s work draw from Gauguin’s primitivism, which reflects how the French Post-Impressionist perceived South Sea islanders.

Source: Collection of Leeum, the Samsung Museum of Art.

Figure 1. Yi In-sŏng, On an Autumn Day, oil on canvas, 96 x 161.4 cm, 1934.

A native of Taegu, Yi In-sŏng has often been framed as a ‘local colour (hyangt’osaek)’ painter.Footnote 3 This term refers to the tendency to depict local images—mostly pastoral and bucolic scenes—that emerged throughout the 1930s as part of the Japanese empire’s colonial policy to promote each colony’s local and regional ‘colours’ (for further discussion of ‘local colour’ see the section ‘Local colour paintings and autoethnography’ below). That being said, rather than interpreting Yi’s works through a local colour framework, this article focuses on his description of tropicality—probably related to the South Seas in terms of historical context—as well as his taste for exoticism. By situating the depiction of varied rural flora and exotic taste within Yi’s urban intellectual cosmopolitanism, this article discusses how the imagining of ‘others’ emerged as a practice in 1930s colonial Korea. Despite having no formal education beyond elementary school, Yi was often touted as a genius for having been accepted at the age of 19 to the Chosŏn misulchŏllamhoe (hereafter Chosŏn Art Exhibition), the Korean version of the exhibition established by the Japanese colonial government.Footnote 4 Later, with the help of acquaintances, he was able to study in Japan, where he rose to such prominence that he was even accepted to exhibit at Japan’s official salons, the Teiten and Shin Bunten, while in Tokyo from 1932 to 1935. Due to his many awards, his local colour paintings are sometimes seen as cooperative works that cater to the Japanese art authorities’ tastes, for example by highlighting the colourful localism attributes of each colony and region.

Thus, this article aims to reconsider the discussion on local colour during the 1930s under Japanese colonialism by redirecting attention toward Yi’s portrayal and perception of ‘others’. Further, I will discuss how the imagining of ‘others’ emerged as a practice in 1930s colonial Korea by investigating Yi’s portrayal of tropical vegetation and exotic interior decorations through the lens of urban bourgeois cosmopolitanism. This analysis includes examining these works in the context of the changing tastes and cultural practices of the urban middle class, who were gradually learning to engage with the ‘other’ and with exotic cultures. Therefore, this article will raise the following questions: in what ways can we read the depiction of tropical flowers and plants in Yi In-sŏng’s works? How can we contextualize Yi’s bourgeois domestic space within contemporary discussions about the home? These questions should lead to the rethinking of local colour discourse as well as imagining ‘others’ in the 1930s.

The emergence of tropical images

The tropical indigenous fern and banana plant, with their vibrant green hues, stand out against the reddish objects and floors positioned prominently in the foreground of Yi’s painting Room in Summer (Figure 2). A red garden croton plant in the centre further accentuates the colourful ambience. All these plants, potted and placed indoors, originate from tropical regions that were quite unfamiliar to Koreans at the time. Another painting by Yi, Interior (Figure 3), conveys his exoticism and sense of a tropical atmosphere even more strongly. In the foreground, there’s an aspidistra, a tropical plant, potted in a red container and set atop an antique-style side table. The entire room exudes a Western-style ambience, complete with potted palm trees and a view of the garden through a window. The figure at the centre of the painting, dressed in what appear to be slippers and with most of their body exposed, suggests a representation of a summer day or tropical weather. The chair in the centre, with its reclining position and woven material, seems to be crafted from rattan. According to Jordan Sand, rattan chairs often ‘evoke[d] tropics to modern Westerners’ because they encountered such items when ‘living in or traveling through colonies in South and Southeast Asia’.Footnote 5 A large window with a clear view of the outside adds to the overall sensation of being on a tropical holiday, echoed by a miniature sailboat placed on the windowsill. In spite of the presence of various Western-style interior elements, like embroidered cushions and upholstered chairs, the tropical essence of these scenes is unmistakable.

Source: Private collection.

Figure 2. Yi In-sŏng, Room in Summer, watercolour on canvas, 71 x 89.5 cm, 1934.

Source: Private collection.

Figure 3. Yi In-sŏng, Interior, watercolour on canvas, 91 x 117 cm, 1935.

By the 1930s, tropical images were not new in colonial Korea. Alongside Japan’s colonization of Taiwan, which had a subtropical climate, tropical images had already begun to emerge in the Japanese empire. According to Penny Sparke, in her study of nineteenth-century middle-class homes in the West, potted palm trees were frequently used to inject ‘otherness’ and exoticism. These tropical plants, whose popularity is rooted in Western colonization, were not merely decorative choices but were integrated into interior decor, in part, as ‘memories of empire and of an un-tamed world in which nature had held sway’.Footnote 6 In the Japanese empire, undoubtedly, the interest in palm trees and tropical plants most likely surged due to Japan’s expansion into the South Sea region, often perceived as a wild, primitive territory. After the former German Micronesia, known as Nanyō Guntō (South Sea Islands), came under Japanese rule, stories and images of the region, one of Japan’s earliest tropical colonies, appeared frequently in the media. The term ‘Nanyō’ refers to ‘a geographical concept as nebulous as the ambitions directed toward it’, and the establishment of Nanyō-chō (the South Seas Agency) in 1922 led to an influx of Japanese settlers into the region.Footnote 7 From the late 1930s to the 1940s, some Japanese artists and writers, including Nakajima Atsushi, aspired to become the next Pierre Loti or Paul Gauguin of the South Seas.Footnote 8 According to Maki Kaneko, along with the expansion of Japan’s war campaign into Southeast Asia from around 1941, ‘“Southward (nanpō)” art became a new category of Japanese visual propaganda.’Footnote 9 A number of artists, musicians, writers, and filmmakers were sent to the region, and the South Seas Art Association (Nan’yō Bijutsu Kyōkai), established by artists who had been to Micronesia, organized regular exhibitions. In doing so, a wealth of images depicting the ‘Southward’ regions circulated throughout Japan and its colonized territories, largely consisting of fantastical illustrations of local customs and landscapes.Footnote 10 In colonial Korea, Japan’s heightened interest in the South Sea region was echoed by the increased public visibility of images, including tropical plants and fruits, that evoked the region. Therefore, interiors with palm trees and the integration of tropical images in the colony cannot be dissociated from the expansion of the Japanese empire into the South Seas.

The introduction of the term ‘Namyang’ or ‘Nanyō’ in Korea can be traced back as early as 1900. The foreign news section of the Hwangsŏng newspaper provided a brief introduction to the region that covered its climate, customs, and culture:

There is an isolated island called Namyang Oceania Island. In 1804, it was discovered by the British steamship Ocean, and in 1901, the British warship Phraates Footnote 11 hoisted the British flag on the island, declaring it part of British territory […] The air is usually dry, and the population is approximately 458, including around 100 women. Although there is a chieftain, the position is nominal without any real governing authority. The natives were generally weak and indolent by nature, and their products consisted of wild fruits, fish, and the like. Originally, they had no currency among themselves, so they traded solely through barter, remaining purely primitive people.Footnote 12

This article, which also provided a brief history, shaped the image of an underdeveloped society. Kim Sŭng-ik also demonstrated that visual representations of the South Sea people began appearing as early as the 1910s in high school textbooks featuring the region and its inhabitants.Footnote 13 While the surge in media coverage in Korea related to the South Seas began in the late 1930s, coinciding with Japan’s increased military activities in the region, it is accurate to state that the South Sea phenomenon had already begun in Korea in the 1920s. Up until the 1920s, the Southern region, as described in Yŏm’s writing, was perceived as a mysterious and uncharted land, steeped in primitive customs. By the 1930s, its image had transformed into one of a land of plenty and boundless opportunities. In this period, a wide range of regional information was focused on trade news, travelogues, and ethnographic accounts of the South Sea Islands, most of which highlighted their exotic and primitive customs.Footnote 14

Katayama Tan, a Japanese artist residing in Korea, was one of the few artists who submitted works based on the Southern region to the Chosŏn Art Exhibition. He also organized a solo show called ‘The South Sea Landscape Exhibition’, sponsored by Keijō nippō, following his trip to the region. In the works he submitted to the Chosŏn Art Exhibition, he depicted lush Southern scenery with palm trees and tropical plants, as well as indigenous women with dark skin wearing exotic attire. Katayama also contributed a series of travelogue articles about the islands to Keijō nippō with the title ‘From the South Seas (Nanyō kara)’.Footnote 15 These articles were accompanied by various illustrations (Figure 4), which covered not only tropical landscapes with palm trees but also detailed housing styles and people. This series of short essays, along with wood engravings he captured, provided readers with visual information about the region, including topics such as customs and the natural environment.

Source: Keijō nippō, 5 September 1928, p. 5.

Figure 4. Illustration from Katayama Tan’s ‘From the South Seas (Nanyō kara)’.

Informed by these media, as shown in Katayama’s painting too, the South Sea region was often viewed as a ‘distant paradise’ or a place of ‘primitive culture’ in colonial Korea. For example, a newspaper article featured an image of a beach with a massive palm tree hanging over the South Sea shore,Footnote 16 equating summery scenes and tropical trees with the region. The image of towering palm trees and green surroundings was extended to the point of that it was viewed as a pure, primitive, Eden-esque place. The emphasis on tropical paradise often served up an image of Southern islands inhabited by primitive people. Another article from Sindonga magazine detailed the exotic customs of the South Sea region, including practices such as nudity and cannibalism. The article, titled ‘Uncivilized nation’s erratic customs—Santa Catarina Island in the South Pacific’, explains how women in Santa Catarina Island, especially unmarried women, were naked most of the time and only covered themselves with one or two strings.Footnote 17 These ethnography-oriented stories, focused on the customs of the aboriginals, frequently painted the Southern islanders as uncivilized people who lived amid untamed nature. This facilitated the belief that Korea was more civilized than these regions. As Kwŏn Myŏng-a noted, ‘the stress on the uncivilized aspects and native’s customs was an attempt to place colonial Korea over the peoples of the uncivilized Southern regions’.Footnote 18

Diverse tropical images present in Yi’s works affirm the popularity of the South Sea region and subjects related to the tropics. Yi’s abovementioned painting, On an Autumn Day, which received a special prize in the Western-style section at the 13th Chosŏn Art Exhibition in 1934, is often associated with the South Sea region due to its depiction of brown-skinned women in revealing attire. The painting features a late summer scene specific to Taegu’s unique climate, while its background suggests a contrasting autumn scene in the city’s suburbs. The winding, exotic foliage not only represents Korea’s Southern region but also imagines an unknown realm—a ‘primitive, romanticized, and exotic land’.Footnote 19 A large plant in the centre with a rake-like shape extends outwards, along with a partially unclothed woman, creating a tropical atmosphere. This contrasts with the autumn atmosphere suggested by the title and implies that Yi envisioned his hometown as a primitive tropical land. Furthermore, elements such as the rattan basket the woman holds on her arm and the ethnic-patterned scarf, again reminiscent of Gauguin’s style, further suggest his fascination with the region (Figure 1).

A photograph of Yi’s studio (Figure 5), featuring Western-style furniture and an Oriental-style carpet, also attests to his interests in the tropical. On the wall hangs a large painting portraying a South Asian-looking woman with her breast and torso exposed, which can be linked to the woman in On an Autumn Day. A closer examination of his studio reveals a Middle-Eastern carpet under the artist’s chair, and on the wall, an exotic-patterned rug believed to have originated from ancient Indonesia. This rug was most likely rare and hard to find, as it appears on the cover of a pamphlet for his art research institute, with its name written on it (see further below). Yi also possessed an extensive collection of postcards, one of which featured an image of a South Sea woman titled A Woman from the South (Nanyō no onna) painted by Kobayashi Manko.Footnote 20 These tropical motifs in his paintings can be associated with Yi’s interest in the region. Although we cannot affirm that these images refer to the South Sea region specifically, it seems obvious that his interest in diverse exotic images was a source of inspiration. As well as Yi, other contemporary artists who submitted works to the Art Exhibition also portray tropical-related subject matter. For instance, both Ota Masako’s A Part of Conservatory and Amano Kiyoshi’s The Conservatory in the Afternoon boast scenes filled with huge palm trees and tropical ferns, most likely based on observations at the Ch’anggyŏngwŏn Botanical Garden.Footnote 21

Figure 5. A photograph of Yi’s studio, which was located on the third floor of Namsan Hospital. It was taken in 1936, and includes Yi’s students. Source: From Artist Yi In-sŏng [CD-ROM] (Seoul: Yi In-sŏngginyŏm saŏph’oe, 2000).

By the 1930s, products imported from the South Sea region were part of daily life in colonial Korea. For instance, in Moran Hill in Pyŏngyang, a monkey brought from the South Seas was on display.Footnote 22 An article by An Sŏk-chu, part of the ‘Sketch of May’ series, begins with a description of diverse tropical fruits from the South, including bananas, melons, oranges, and pineapples. This contrasts with other items such as mirrors, watches, and cigarettes, which were produced in Korea. Alongside the illustration of a dark-skinned boy in a cartoon, the mention of tropical fruits and jazz music in An’s article illustrates how people in the colonized city incorporated the image of the region as a part of the extended empire.Footnote 23 The display of imported goods represented a transition from mere fantasy and rumours about the region to their integration into daily reality.Footnote 24

Bourgeois taste in the culture house (Munhwa chut’aek)

Yi’s painting, Room in Summer (Figure 2), not only features lush potted palms and an aspidistra but also a variety of elements of modern Western-style interiors, including an expansive window overlooking the outdoors, a stylish side table, and a velvet-upholstered chair. A closer examination of the painting reveals the depiction of a novel space situated within a modern home. The intricate representation of interior decor elements, such as the lacy tablecloth and patterned embroidered cushions on the chair, characterizes a typical bourgeois modern domestic environment. These elements are all situated in what appears to be a guest room with a view of the garden. In other words, Yi’s painting showcases this new type of domestic space, oriented towards a garden with a table and chairs. Its colour palette is expressed using opaque water colours, which creates a pastel-like effect and enhances the cosy ambience of the bourgeois home.Footnote 25 The arrangement of every element in the scene is neat and typical of the interiors of the middle-class families of the time, as seen in department store displays or the pages of magazines. A similar interior setting from that era can be found in many early colonial Korean novels. For instance, a scene from a novel written by Yi T’ae-jun and illustrated by artist Chŏng Hyŏn-ung vividly portrays the interiors of a Western-style, middle-class family home (Figure 6). In Chŏng’s illustration, a man and a woman are seated on rattan chairs in a room that overlooks a garden, and through a window adorned with drapery, readers can catch a glimpse of plants and flowers in the garden. The modern house that appears in both Yi’s painting and Chŏng’s illustration clearly signals a separate guest room/private study space where a table and chairs, a couple of plants, and a display cabinet were placed.

Source:  Yŏsŏng, vol. 2, no. 5, 1937, pp. 32–33.

Figure 6. Illustration from K’osŭmosŭ P’inŭn Chŏngwŏn [A Garden with Blossoming Cosmos], written by Yi T’ae-jun and illustrated by Chŏng Hyŏn-ung.

Garden-facing rooms, in particular, were used both as a reception room and a study, often distinct from the main living room. This type of space appears in a new type of housing called a ‘culture house’, an ideal Westernized house for an urban middle-class family, centred around a family-oriented lifestyle.Footnote 26 Different from houses for the traditional extended family, these model homes often had specific spaces known as the reception room/study, where the husband met his visitors or spent time alone while enjoying tea or coffee, which also showcased the family’s taste, such as exotic furniture and foreign flora.Footnote 27 A Japanese interiors book provides suggestions for the reception room as follows:

In cases where a reception room is planned as an independent space in the strict sense, it is important to connect it directly to the central hall or to ensure convenient access to the kitchen or servants’ quarters for hosting guests […] However, due to the nature of the room, which forms part of the first impression guests receive—alongside the entrance or central hall—it plays an important role. The interior furnishings of the reception room may represent the rest of the house, or even serve as the sole expression of the homeowner’s character. For that reason, many may wish to make it the most elegant room in the home. In this light, it is also worth considering situating the reception room so that it offers a full view of the homeowner’s private garden.Footnote 28

These spaces were often adorned with decorative elements such as beautiful and exotic furniture, flowers, and plants. Media from that era provides various decorating suggestions for this domestic space, including recommendations for furniture, paintings, and suitable plants.Footnote 29 Again, this reception/study space can be seen as a visualization of a modern ‘culture house’. This particular housing style is believed to have originated from the ‘culture village’ exhibited at Japan’s 1922 Peace Memorial Exposition. As a part of efforts to reform Japanese domestic life, the image of a new type of house emerged in the 1920s and was simultaneously introduced to Korea via various exhibitions and design competitions. There was no explicit reference to a specific social class in connection with the culture house, but it is unequivocal that the design was promoting an ‘ideal form of bourgeois home’ or a house for middle-class families.Footnote 30 One of the house design competitions in colonial Korea primarily targeted households that were ‘adapting to cultural life as middle-class families’ and predominantly featured a house design centred around the living room. In contrast to traditional homes, suitable for extended family lifestyles, a family-oriented housing design, along with a reception room, can be considered the core of a ‘culture house’. In other words, the presence of a reception room, along with study spaces, are distinctive feature of culture houses while simultaneously showcasing the class of those who enjoy ‘cultural life in middle-class households’.Footnote 31

The culture house, as visualized through Westernized household items such as chandeliers, curtains, record players, and pianos, is typically known to have been favoured by intellectuals who had studied and experienced life abroad.Footnote 32 A writer of an article titled ‘Home Visit Report’, featured in the women’s magazine Sin Yŏsŏng (New Women), once made a visit to Professor Yun Sŏngdŏk’s house—the younger sister of the well-known singer Yun Sim-dŏk—which was located in Hongpa-dong, then famous for its array of newly built culture houses. The magazine article described her home as a mixture of Western and Japanese styles, along with Korean-style ondol (traditional Korean underfloor heating), effectively illustrating the typical culture house of urban intellectuals.Footnote 33 Posing in front of a piano in a study equipped with a Western-style window and curtains, Yun’s house clearly showcased the domestic space of urban intellectuals. It is, therefore, evident that the culture house in Korea was often sought after by upper-middle-class urban families. A house owned by Pastor Yang Chu-sam, also featured in Sin Yŏsŏng’s ‘Home Visit Report’, confirms the popularity among urban middle-class families of decorating modern houses with exotic trees and flowers.Footnote 34 In front of Yang’s house, two tropical trees are planted, and under the trees, chrysanthemums and other autumn flowers are arranged alongside the roads. As the subtitle of the article, ‘Leading a Completely Americanized Lifestyle’, suggests, his house was full of modern Westernized articles such as jade-coloured curtains, gramophones, and carpets on the floor. Furthermore, a variety of flowers arranged in the windows added to the exotic atmosphere.

As demonstrated in these reception or guest spaces, plants and flowers were essential elements defining the owner’s taste. Home gardens and potted plants, often exotic ones, along with Western and foreign items, perpetuated ideas of the owner’s wealth and cosmopolitanism. According to Penny Sparke, in the nineteenth century, thanks to ‘the tree’s inherent visual elegance and abundant capacity to contribute to the picturesque nature’, potted palms became increasingly integrated into fashionable interiors, both in wealthy country houses and more modest middle-class dwellings.Footnote 35 In addition to the interiors of Westernized domestic spaces, the preference for exotic and tropical plants attests to what Yi and contemporary artists envisioned as wealth and a middle-class lifestyle. In Japan, during the First World War, a large ‘white-collar professional population’ emerged as the ‘new middle class’.Footnote 36 In the late 1920s and 1930s, colonized Korea also witnessed the gradual rise of a similar middle-class population, although their wealth was not comparable to that of their Japanese counterparts.Footnote 37 According to an article from Chosen oyobi Manshū, which introduced ‘the wealthy in Kyŏngsŏng (Seoul)’, a group of men worth one million won (approximately equivalent to 6 billion Korean won today) emerged in colonized Korea. The article stated that while 70,000–80,000 out of 200,000 Chosŏn people in Kyŏngsŏng were so poor that they did not even qualify to pay taxes, the number of wealthy individuals was increasing.Footnote 38 In the 1930s, therefore, Korea also experienced a concomitant increase in both income and consumption.

While exploring the concept of ‘home (katei)’ and its related interests (‘shumi’) in modern bourgeois Japanese culture, Jordan Sand argued that ‘knowledge of how things were done in the West’ or ‘selecting new goods for the home’ often formed the basis of class identity.Footnote 39 For Yi, the selection of goods and decorations in his domestic space mirrored his class identity as an urban middle-class intellectual in the colony. This is evident in the diversity of tastes evident in his work, including Western furniture styles, tropical plants, tropical-inspired upholstery, and foliage. Consequently, his paintings, which embody both affluence and cosmopolitanism, exemplify the class identity of an urban intellectual who studied in Japan. Despite his lack of formal education, Yi attended night school at the Pacific Art Society Institute in Tokyo for three to four years and married the daughter of a hospital director.Footnote 40 Therefore, by the 1930s, he possessed not only wealth but also showcased his cosmopolitan taste. A photograph of Yi’s studio (Figure 7), as mentioned earlier, was used in a pamphlet for his own Western art research institute (Yanghwa yŏn’guso), which displays his middle-class cosmopolitan taste.

Figure 7. A photo of Yi’s studio is featured in the pamphlet for his art research institute. Source: From Artist Yi In-sŏng [CD-ROM] (Seoul: Yi In-sŏngginyŏm saŏph’oe, 2000).

Gardening was a significant hobby for aspiring middle-class homeowners. The portrayal of exotic and foreign plants in art can be linked to the growing interest in flowers and gardening during that period. This was a time when middle-class individuals began to own Western-style homes with small gardens and show an increasing interest in gardening. The introduction of Japanese horticultural magazines, garden-related books, and numerous articles on domestic horticulture attest to the surge in private gardening. In another ‘Home Visit Report’ that explores the ‘culture house’ of Yun Chi-ch’ang, the brother of Yun Ch’i-ho and the first diplomat in England, his garden, adorned with diverse vegetation, is described as follows: ‘In the quite spacious interior, there is a piano and vases with what appear to be freshly picked white roses from the garden […] There’s a splendid backyard, and in the well-tended garden, white roses and azaleas are blooming beautifully.’Footnote 41 Furthermore, a contemporary Tonga newspaper article explained that gardening was not a luxurious or exclusive pastime but something that anyone could enjoy as a daily activity. After promoting gardening as a practice, this article continues with further details: ‘Regardless of the size of the garden, anybody can start home gardening […] You can create a flower bed in a small corner of your house and cultivate all sorts of flowers and trees there.’Footnote 42 This encouragement for gardening confirms the extent to which it captured the interest of the public.

Yi In-sŏng himself was deeply interested in flowers and gardening.Footnote 43 He opened his own café, named Ars (‘Arusu’, located on a street in central Taegu), which he labelled a café for artists (Figure 8). In 1937, Yi moved to a much larger house with a well-designed garden, and subsequently transformed a small corner of the garden into a café, one of the first run by a Korean in Taegu. Yi sometimes displayed his works in the café and decorated the interior himself. According to his daughter Aehyang, the picture known as Garden (Figure 9) is based on Yi’s actual garden in Taegu, and depicts his ornaments and objects.Footnote 44 One can assume that it is a Japanese-style garden because a black pine tree (Kaizuka Juniperus) and stones, known as tobiishi, are depicted in the image. In the centre of the painting is a green Chinese trumpet creeper, which contrasts with the red dress worn by the girl in the image, who draws the viewer’s attention. Standing with her back against the wall, she is Yi’s beloved daughter Aehyang. To the right of centre, palm trees—Yucca palms or Dracaena—are depicted in a large pot, accentuating the colourful and picturesque atmosphere. Another potted aloe cactus is placed in the foreground. This visualization of the garden suggests Yi’s interest in plants, flowers, and wealth, among other things.

Figure 8. A photograph of the Ars café, showing Yi seated with his friends. Source: From Artist Yi In-sŏng [CD-ROM] (Seoul: Yi In-sŏngginyŏm saŏph’oe, 2000).

Source: Private collection.

Figure 9. Yi In-sŏng, Garden, oil on canvas, 91 x 90.7 cm, 1930s.

At the Window (Figure 10), another of Yi’s works, portrays the interior of a café, reimagining its image. With a fascination for Silla culture, Yi is known to have displayed a Silla ridge-end tile on a wall that caught the eye upon entering the café. In the garden in front of the café stands a pagoda, and the open window with diamond-shaped panes bathes the colourful interior in light. In the right corner of the café, Yi’s daughter Aehyang can be seen engrossed in a book, her head tilted downwards. Parts of her body, along with the chair and table, are abruptly cropped, creating a sense of expanding space. Much like Room in Summer, At the Window offers a view of the outdoors through the window. One can glimpse the blue sky and a green hill in the distance, while a variety of small plants, including aloe cacti, orchids, and ferns, adorn the windowsill. In essence, these paintings suggest that the practice of observing and enjoying nature found its way into private homes.

Source: Private collection.

Figure 10. Yi In-sŏng,  At The Window, watercolour on paper, 76 x 59 cm, 1930s.

The tradition of gardening and appreciating plants and flowers in Korea dates back to the eighteenth century, with horticultural practices being quite popular among urban intellectuals even during the Chosŏn dynasty.Footnote 45 However, the admiration of exotic flora and the act of imagining different worlds through foreign plants were novel practices that emerged during the colonial period. The modern home garden and the appreciation of alien flora coincided with the establishment of a modern botanical garden in Korea.Footnote 46 Ch’anggyŏngwŏn was one of the first modern botanical gardens constructed in Kyŏngsŏng by the colonial government. As detailed in the Guide to Ch’anggyŏngwŏn published in 1940, the garden boasted almost 1,400 types of plants, ranging from tropical ornamentals to flora from the wild temperate region. This diverse array of plants provided visitors with year-round floral scenery, igniting their imaginations. Additionally, the gardens featured hundreds of tree species, brought in from all over the country and abroad, enhancing the natural woodlands and ponds. Informative labels allowed visitors to identify these plants.Footnote 47 In the main conservatory, an architectural marvel and the largest of its kind in Asia at the time, a wide range of foliage, including tropical species, flourished.Footnote 48 Designed by the French-educated Fukuba Hayato (福羽逸人), the conservatory showcased an exceptionally diverse collection of plants, from tropical varieties to extensively cultivated chrysanthemums and peonies, offering a fresh perspective for plant appreciation.Footnote 49 Newspaper articles covering the botanical garden, with titles like ‘A Greenhouse Resembling the Southern Region’, underscored the presence of tropical plants in the conservatory. This article delves into how the botanical garden, with its abundant greenery, allowed visitors to feel as if they had been transported to a tropical paradise or a perpetual summer, offering a unique botanical experience.Footnote 50 Another article told how ‘neat green foliage makes us feel as if in summer’ and how ‘various flowers and plants of fairyland created a spectacle at the garden; observing such exotic tropical flora planted in the conservatory lets visitors feel as if they have been transported to another world’.Footnote 51 Both the growing of exotic plants in the home and the appreciation of myriad international plants at Ch’anggyŏngwŏn marked the rise of a sense of seeing and imagining other worlds via floral media. The culture of enjoying plants fuelled sales of ornamental plants at Ch’anggyŏngwŏn; records show that sales of seeds and seedlings reached 4,000 in 1938 alone.Footnote 52 This indicates how the practice of observing and enjoying nature had been brought into private homes. To put it differently, the emergence of modern home gardens and botanical gardens created a vision for how to observe and imagine unknown, different, and exotic cultures. What should be noted here is that these perspectives on other exotic cultures emerged as a part of the culture of urban intellectuals. Just as in the cosmopolitanism of the Japanese empire, the urban bourgeoisie began to embrace exotic and different cultures from other parts of the world, which they used to adorn their beautiful culture houses. For those who had not had the opportunity to enjoy overseas travel, the stories and images of foreign customs reassured the urban middle classes in colonial Korea that they were part of the cosmopolitanism of the extended Japanese empire. As Kwŏn Myŏng-a claimed, just as the enjoyment of the untamed savagery of native customs in the South Seas enabled Koreans to believe that they were somewhat more civilized within the strategically agreed hierarchy among nations, the pleasure of observing other cultures simultaneously supported their middle-class status within the larger Japanese empire.Footnote 53

While the discourse of exoticism concerning the South Sea region had its roots in urban bourgeois culture, a similar perspective was mirrored in how urban intellectuals viewed the locals in colonial Korea. However, I do not assert that the perception of South Sea people directly impacted the tropical-themed local colour paintings like those of Yi In-sŏng. Nevertheless, the gradual incorporation of tropical themes into middle-class domestic settings should be considered within the broader socio-political context in which the Korean urban bourgeoisie sought to embrace diverse and exotic cultures. Enjoying cosmopolitan themes and showcasing exotic tastes were intertwined with the expansion of the Japanese empire, and Korean intellectuals identifying themselves as second-class citizens of the empire. If gardening and horticulture involved bringing a piece of nature into domestic spaces to be appreciated, then the display of exotic objects can be interpreted as introducing a sample of another culture into the home. The imagination of the South Seas as an exotic ‘other’ emerged almost simultaneously with the observation of local ‘others’ within colonial Korea itself. There existed a group of urban artists who observed local people in a manner analogous to how ethnography explores other, often primitive, cultures.

Yi did indeed incorporate images of tropical motifs and envisioned them within a local context, especially in his own hometown. As mentioned earlier, On an Autumn Day is a well-known painting celebrated for its exotic scenery. The untamed and exotic foliage in the background, along with the depictions of local people, not only convey the hot climate of the region but also romanticize and depict the area as a primitive land. What is particularly striking about the image is the brownish skin tones of the sister and brother, and the attire of the sister, which exposes most of her upper body and chest. Korean art historian Youngna Kim, like the art critic I mentioned earlier, points out that the way the woman holds a basket and gazes at the viewer appears to be influenced by the work of Paul Gauguin, perhaps invoking Gauguin’s motifs and his perspective on Tahitians. Indeed, Yi’s possession of a postcard featuring Gauguin’s painting of Maternity (Three Women on the Seashore) allows us to infer Gauguin’s influence on Yi’s painting.Footnote 54 More importantly, this suggests that Yi observed his subjects from a perspective akin to primitivism, similar to the ethnographic gaze. The way Yi incorporates clear and curved lines, as well as intense colour contrast achieved through the use of primary colours in this work, in particular, mirrors the expression of Gauguin’s primitivism. The reddish ground, occupying almost half of the picture and characterized as Chosŏn’s unique soil colour at the time, simultaneously signifies brightness and primitiveness, which is distinct from Japan’s greyish colourway.Footnote 55 In other words, by adopting Gauguin’s techniques, Yi seems to emphasize the primitive nature of the local scenery, reflecting an ethnographic perspective.

Local colour paintings and autoethnography

Many Korean scholars analyse Yi In-sŏng’s works using the local colour framework, particularly works such as On an Autumn Day (Figure 1) and A Valley in Kyŏngju (Figure 11).

Source: Collection of Leeum, the Samsung Museum.

Figure 11. Yi In-sŏng,  A Valley in Kyŏngju, oil on canvas, 129 x 191 cm, 1935.

The portrayal of the local atmosphere, mostly rural scenes, emerged as a popular theme at the Chosǒn Art Exhibition in the 1930s.Footnote 56 For example, Kim Ki-ch’ang’s Kaŭl (Autumn), submitted to the 14th Chosǒn Art Exhibition in 1935, depicts rural children walking amid seemingly idyllic fields of reeds. Chang U-sŏng’s Kwimok (歸牧: The Returning Shepherd Boy), which received an award in the same year, similarly showcases a boy walking with an ox against a backdrop of the romantic countryside. By the 1930s, depictions of rural children wearing traditional hanbok, appearing in tranquil peasant scenery, consistently graced the exhibition. Not only did local rural scenes take centre stage, but Korea’s unique customs were frequently to be seen at these exhibitions. The term ‘local colour (hyangt’osaek)’ refers to the representation of a specific atmosphere, customs, or scenery unique to a particular homeland. It originated in nineteenth-century Germany and is known as ‘Heimatkunst’. The concept of Heimatkunst, or ‘art of the homeland’, was gradually introduced to Japan in the early twentieth century and subsequently made its way into the Korean art world.Footnote 57 While acknowledging its German origins, Ko Yu-sŏp, one of the first art critics in Korea, elaborates on the term:

[Local] refers to a specific region, village, or locality within a country. Put differently, ‘saengto’ (生土, native land) represents the place where human blood ties (life) and nature (land) breathe in the most intimate and direct way. When this native land forms an administrative unit, it becomes the ‘hyang’ (鄕, hometown). Furthermore, this concept is separated from the meaning of the city. A city is where the gathering and dispersing of people is most complex, and therefore, it is the place where the causal relationship between humans and the natural land is weakest. […] Urban art tends to explore the psychology between people, the instability and changes in human society, and it addresses these issues from spiritual, cultural, and political perspectives. On the other hand, native art derives from the unique local conditions imposed by nature, the limitations of locally produced natural materials, and the love for nature formed through blood ties. Therefore, it has a direct causal connection to the material aspects of life.Footnote 58

Ko, therefore, explains that the idea is rooted in intimate relations or kinship in small towns, alluding to the specificity of localism rather than a universal character.Footnote 59

By the 1930s, discussions about Korean locals had permeated various forms of visual art, music, film, and literature. For instance, a well-known magazine, Chogwang, published a series of special issues where diverse authors discussed their hometown memories. Yi’s works are situated within the boom in portraying the customs and culture of a local region or hometown. In the realm of visual art, depictions of local scenery and customs increased during the 1930s. However, the use of local colour as subject matter was advocated as early as the 1920s, particularly by Japanese jurors at the Chosŏn Art Exhibition.Footnote 60 Wada Eisaku, one of the jurors, expressed his opinion on Korean colour in newspaper articles:

Chosŏn’s unique attributes need to be developed. Apart from political assimilation and amalgamation, a nation, in terms of its customs, language, and art, should not fail to advance certain distinctive aspects […] Last year, I visited Marseille, France, and observed colonial exhibitions where Algeria, Tunisia, Indochina, etc., displayed their own industry, customs, and practices. In this way, the exhibition allowed them to showcase their unique characteristics, leaving a deep impression on me. In the same light, I believe that Chosŏn can also preserve its uniqueness, and we can provide adequate support for it to display its own attributes.Footnote 61

Much like the exhibitions he saw in Europe, Wada advocated for colonial Korea to develop its own distinct characteristics for display. As well as Wada, a number of jurors called for Korea to express its own colours at the Chosŏn Art Exhibition. In particular, their comments encouraged the production of images related to local colour. The Chosŏn Art Exhibition, as one of the crucial avenues for advancement in the art world, published jurors’ statements in newspapers, which significantly influenced artists. They frequently advised Korean artists to depict Korea’s own scenery and customs rather than copying the styles and motifs of Japanese artists. As a result, by the mid-1930s, these Korean colours became the primary theme of the entire exhibition. Art historian Park Kye-ri explored the concept of local colour at the Chosŏn Art Exhibition, focusing on two aspects. On the one hand, it was seen to emphasize Korea’s distinctive indigenous character; on the other, it involved the portrayal of romanticized and pastoral scenes from rural Korea.Footnote 62 The latter specialized in depicting the idyllic rural landscapes of Korea, while the former took a more nationalistic stance, even serving as a subtle form of ‘resistance’ to Japanese imperialism.Footnote 63 This nationalist aspect of localism can be traced back to 1930 when artist and critic Kim Yong-jun asserted that Korean artists should neither imitate Western art nor merely express nationalist ideologies, but should instead authentically explore and depict local colour.Footnote 64 Given Kim’s stance, Yi In-sŏng’s expression of local colour was closely tied to his quest for national identity, setting it apart from broader Western art influences. In Yi’s autobiographical article, ‘X-ray view of Korean art scene’, he declared, ‘I have no desire to study in the West as I believe it would erode my uniqueness.’Footnote 65 In his award acceptance interview after being selected for the imperial exhibition, he also mentioned that his initial desire was to express local colour using the colour white, but he was unable to do so due to his father’s objections.Footnote 66 This reference underscores his early concern with the nationalistic vision, as white was known as Chosŏn’s representative colour. Yi also became a member of a group called the ‘Association of Locals (Hyangt’ohoe)’ in Taegu, in the early stages of which Kim Yong-jun was actively involved, and Yi participated in its exhibitions multiple times despite living in Tokyo.Footnote 67 His affiliation with this association, primarily comprising artists native to Taegu, suggests that Yi’s artistic practices were influenced by the city’s nationalist ideas.

However, moving beyond the framework of seeking nationalist and regional distinctiveness, the artists’ representations of local subjects can also be viewed through the lens of ethnographic inquiry. Their gaze towards the local parallels the way in which ethnographers explore native culture and primitivity. In this context, Yi’s portrayal of local landscapes can be linked to Rey Chow’s discussion of autoethnography, where artists depict their own locals from an ethnographer’s perspective. In her analysis of Chinese cinema during the 1980s and 1990s, Chow characterized specific films as ‘a new form of ethnography’,Footnote 68 as many directors sought to ‘return to nature’ or primitiveness through ‘fieldwork’, with the ethnographer being a native of the culture they are transcribing.Footnote 69 In a similar vein, in his painting On an Autumn Day, Yi viewed the Taegu countryside and nature through the lens of an ethnographer conducting fieldwork, despite being a native of the area. In his article ‘Search for My Hometown (I)’, published in the Tonga newspaper, he described how he briefly returned to his homeland to create a work for the imperial exhibition. He went on to explain that ‘as expected, stepping on the red soil of my hometown provides me with an innocent sense of security. I am truly grateful for the scent of red earth.’Footnote 70 This statement underscores his reflective engagement with his hometown—not as a mere resident, but as an observer seeking artistic material, much like an ethnographer returning to a familiar yet distanced subject. By travelling back and forth between colonial Korea and Japan, Yi maintained a certain spatial and psychological distance from his homeland, allowing him to view it with fresh eyes. This pattern was not unique to Yi. For instance, Taiwanese artist Chen Chih-chi (陳植棋) frequently returned to the Tamsui district in Taiwan while studying in Japan to paint local scenery.Footnote 71 For both artists, travel and distance provided a renewed perspective on their native landscapes, enabling a mode of representation comparable to ethnographic observation.

The ethnographic gaze in colonial art was also shaped by institutional encouragement. Japanese colonial art exhibitions of the 1930s actively promoted themes of local colour, often featuring romanticized or exoticized depictions of colonized subjects and settings—such as Taiwanese aboriginals, Korean kisaeng, women carrying water jugs, Chinese women in traditional dress, and regional landscapes.Footnote 72 Thus, jurors for art exhibitions in the colonies may have influenced this ethnographic perspective. Many of the artists working under these conditions did so with what has been described as a ‘temporally different consciousness’—a mindset shaped by displacement and the conditions of colonial modernity.Footnote 73 For example, Yi’s hometown remained rooted in the past, in contrast to his current city life. In his newspaper article ‘Painting My Hometown’, he wrote: ‘I came back to my hometown borne on a flower-scented wind. The red soil felt fathomlessly close to me […] The warm landscape of Chosŏn. I am gradually coming to appreciate the feeling of primitiveness.’Footnote 74 After living in Japan, a bustling metropolis, his hometown felt as though it remained in an unchanging, almost primitive past. In his serialized article, ‘Search for My Hometown (III)’, written during his visits to his homeland, he reflects on the ancient castle walls overlooking Pukhan Mountain, seeking memories of days gone by.Footnote 75 During his stays in the heart of Seoul, he imagines that ‘The walls seem to carry stories of old memories’, and thus embarks on a quest to uncover the past within the city. Statements like these further cement Yi’s ethnographic gaze on his hometown, which he viewed from a temporarily detached standpoint. During that era, many urban Korean artists, whether educated in Japan or living in cities, embarked on journeys to rural areas in search of suitable subjects, almost conducting ethnographic fieldwork. However, even though they directly observed these subjects, their approach often mirrored that of ethnographic photographs or postcard images.

To create local colour paintings promoted by Japanese jurors, many Korean artists travelled to rural areas to describe their regional colours. Take, for instance, the painter Yi Yŏng-il, who, like Yi In-sŏng, was educated in Japan. Yi Yŏng-il’s painting Sigolsonyŏ (Rural Girl),Footnote 76 which he submitted to the Chosŏn Art Exhibition, uses fine contour lines to depict rural children. The vivid red and blue colours used to paint the skirts illustrate the influence of the nihonga genre on the painter. The painting shows three small children against a background of barren yellow land; one of the children seems to be gleaning grain from the ground. All three are dressed in traditional hanbok clothing, and one of the girls is carrying her young brother. These motifs appear to depict typical tourist images, often found on postcards portraying Korean customs, thus reinforcing his ethnographic perspective. In fact, in his award acceptance interview for a special prize at the eighth Chosŏn Art Exhibition, Yi Yŏng-il explained that ‘the painting was actually produced while observing the scenes through the window of the Kyŏngsŏng to Pusan train’.Footnote 77 He then later completed the image in his Kyŏngsŏng studio, leading to a slightly different result. In other words, Yi Yŏng-il observed his subjects from a distance, through a train window, thus separating the viewer and the viewed through an ethnographer’s eye. Alternatively, for these urban intellectual artists, locals, rural customs, and traditions were perceived as the exotic ‘other’.

From the perspective of Japanese imperialism, the concept of local colour was connected to the changing perception of the colonies, which increasingly came to be viewed as ‘regions’ (chihō) of Japan. In other words, colonial Korea, along with Taiwan and Manchuria, ceased to be viewed as a colonial ‘other’ and instead became part of the vast empire, embraced and encouraged to be thought of as local. This shift in perception can be observed in descriptions for tourists, such as in explanations of the image of chige-kkun, a burden bearer. In earlier descriptions, A-frame carriers were often depicted as ‘a case of disarray and [being] underdeveloped’. Now, however, they were described as perpetuating a local custom and considered ‘a must-see’ for travellers.Footnote 78 According to Takashi Fujitani, this transition signifies that Koreans were no longer viewed as ‘outside peoples (gaichi minzoku, 外地民族)’ but as one population within the Japanese empire.Footnote 79 This means that, in the 1930s, the empire was in transition ‘from an era of territorial acquisition to one of territorial maintenance’. In accordance with these shifts, and to better manage itself, the Japanese empire sought to integrate colonized lands and peoples into the Japanese nation as a diverse cultural region within the larger multi-ethnic empire.Footnote 80 The countryside scenery represented in Yi’s paintings is also in line with the embrace of local images as part of the multifarious Japanese empire.

These local colour painters, who were actively producing works in the 1920s and the 1930s, were the second generation of artists of the Korean enlightenment period of 1896–1910.Footnote 81 While previous generations of artists and writers were more conscious of successive national traditions, these artists, mostly born between the 1900s and 1910s, grew up with a different understanding of tradition and national identity.Footnote 82 They did not possess any responsibility for traditional values or any strong desire for national independence. For the new generation, local customs and Korea’s national traditions were not inherited but rather disrupted and newly constructed through colonial culture and education.

These artists, who emerged primarily in the 1920s, viewed tradition or local culture as ‘other’. That said, to these artists, tradition or local (rural) culture was seen as something that was lost and could only be reached through nostalgia. Images of Korean tradition and local culture were often rediscovered through colonialism and urbanization via postcards, exhibitions, or ethnographic images. Therefore, it appears that even Yi’s nationalist vision, or how he saw locals, might have been significantly influenced by Japanese colonialism. At the end of Yi’s article, he states that he wants to unveil A Valley in Kyǒngju (Figure 11), which he claimed was the fruit of his search for Korean colours, at the following year’s Chosŏn Art Exhibition. Significantly, however, a variety of elements in this 1935 Changdŏk-palace prize-winning painting (showing the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae Observatory in the distance and a boy holding a baby) are reminiscent of tourist postcard images.Footnote 83 In particular, images of children carrying a baby on their backs were very common motifs in tourist postcards.Footnote 84 The red ground depicted in this painting was often viewed as a symbol of Korea’s impoverished lands, symbolizing the state of the country at the time. Similarly, Park Rae-yong’s Chim-kun (a burden bearer), a genre painting (depicting local customs and figures), was submitted to the Eastern Painting division of the 15th Chosŏn Art Exhibition. It appears to have drawn inspiration from a tourist postcard image, as mentioned earlier. Similar images began to emerge in the late nineteenth century, targeting tourists, as foreigners began visiting Korea and perceived it as a place stuck in the past, thus highlighting distinct aspects of Korean culture.Footnote 85 The overall composition of Park’s painting, which emphasizes the immense size and weight of the burden jar and obscures the main character’s face, serves to underscore the passivity of Korean labourers and the perceived primitiveness of the entire country. It is evident that both Yi and many other Korean artists who submitted their works to the Chosŏn Art Exhibition tended to depict specific images representing Korean culture and traditions. In a broader assessment of the Chosŏn Art Exhibition, Kim Hoe-san, an artist and critic, likened some of the artists to ‘tourists’, implying that artists not from the region appeared to be hastily searching for something ‘Korean’, almost as if they were sightseeing in Chosŏn.Footnote 86 Similarly, despite Yi’s intention to portray Korea’s unique scenery, he inadvertently arranged elements in a way that aligned with how Japanese people viewed Koreans or as if he were a tourist.

The distance maintained in these images between the artists and their subjects is also analogous to that of ethnographers. While keeping a certain distance from their subjects—much as Yi Yŏng-il observed his subject from the train window—Yi In-sŏng and other urban middle-class artists would approach local subjects from an ethnographer’s perspective, viewing them as ‘others’. For instance, some of Yi’s paintings evoke ethnographic photographs of Korean women, especially images of rural Korean women with parts of their bodies exposed. This is similar to the photographs of Chosŏn women carrying children on their backs while performing household chores. It was common for tourists to observe Korean women engaged in domestic tasks, such as laundry, child-rearing, or carrying water jugs, often with parts of their bodies exposed. These images must have left a strong impression on ethnographers and foreign visitors, prompting them to record such scenes. Carlo Rosetti, an Italian diplomat residing in Korea, depicted them through staged studio photographs (Figure 12).Footnote 87 According to Rosetti, however, such scenes could only be witnessed among the lowest social class, and became increasingly rare before disappearing entirely by 1905.Footnote 88 Yet because of their distinctive nature, many ethnographers—both Japanese and Western—picked up on and reproduced such images of exposed bodies. More significantly, however, is that Yi, a Taegu native, depicted his hometown and its people in the same way (as seen in On an Autumn Day). Rural women’s half-nudity is depicted as an everyday practice, and their brown skin looks closer to that of South Sea islanders. Often, they are situated in proximity to nature, far removed from urban landscapes. In fact, everything about the woman in Yi’s On an Autumn Day, including her posture and gaze toward the viewer, as well as his portrayal of the scene, is comparable to the depictions of women by ethnographers. In this context, O Kwang-su, a renowned Korean art critic, described Yi’s paintings as ‘history paintings’ in that Yi did not depict what he saw in front of his eyes, but instead chose to set up specific characters and backgrounds, including children with brown skin and foliage, in accordance with his own idea of local scenery.Footnote 89

Source: From Carlo Rossetti, Corea e Coreani: Impressioni e ricerche sull’impero del gran Han (Bergamo: Istituto Italiano d’Arti Grafiche, 1904), vol. 1, p. 122.

Figure 12. A photograph of a Korean woman.

Conclusion

In the 1920s, Yi’s earlier works primarily focused on the newly constructed Taegu City and urban scenes. However, his later works in the 1930s, mainly created for the Chosŏn Art Exhibition, present a stark contrast to his earlier pieces. These later pastoral scenes are often categorized as ‘local colour’ paintings, aligning with the preferences of Japanese jurors who favoured representations of Chosŏn localities. Nonetheless, this article has aimed to interpret local scenes within the context of urban bourgeois exoticism. For instance, Yi’s urban landscapes from the 1920s reveal his affinity for exotic imagery through depictions of modern buildings and Western-style Catholic church structures, which were foreign to him at the time. This fascination with exoticism persisted in his still-life paintings, especially those portraying bourgeois homes; this is evident in his depictions of interiors adorned with diverse exotic plants.

This article argues that these portrayals of tropical and exotic foliage reflect a growing interest in the South Seas, fuelled by the expansion of the Japanese empire, especially after the South Sea Islands came under Japanese control. Similar to the Japanese media, the colonial Korean media often portrayed South Sea people and their exotic customs through an ethnographic lens. Furthermore, the portrayal of tropical and exotic foliage in urban bourgeois culture served as a form of ‘othering’. Therefore, this article examined the concurrent emergence of images of exotic vegetation and rural landscapes within the framework of exoticism and cosmopolitanism by urban intellectuals, viewed through the lens of ethnographic ‘othering’ in colonial Korea. This exoticism extended beyond domestic spaces, as many artists ventured into the countryside to draw inspiration steeped in nostalgia or longing for a lost hometown. For instance, Yi revisited his hometown, primarily the suburbs of Taegu or Kyŏngju, and depicted these landscapes and people as preserving an unchanging past. Often, these images bore a resemblance to tourist postcards, featuring children holding their younger siblings or scenes set against a rural field. By presenting tropical foliage as untamed and primitive and by portraying rural Korean natives as unchanging and timeless, Korean middle-class intellectuals seem to have positioned themselves as more civilized than the images they depicted. Thus, through these ethnographic perspectives and the introduction of tropical and Southward-inspired imagery, a practice of imagining ‘others’ and exoticism emerged in colonial Korea.

Competing interests

The author declares none.

References

1 Yŏm Sang-sŏp, ‘P’yobonshirŭi ch’ŏnggaego-ri [A Frog in a Specimen Room]’, in Kyŏnuhwa (Seoul: Pangmunsŏgwan, 1924), pp. 134–135.

2 Song Pyŏng-don, ‘Mijŏn kwan’gam [The Review of Art Exhibition]’, Chosŏn ilbo, 3 June 1934.

3 See Park Kye-ri, ‘Ilchesidae chosŏn hyangt’osaek [The Local Colour of Chosǒn under Japanese Colonialism]’, Han’guk kŭnhyŏndaemisulsahak, vol. 4, 1996; Youngna Kim, ‘Lee In-sung’s Local Colours: Nationalism or Colonialism?’, in 20th Century Korean Art, (trans) Youngna Kim and Doryun Chong (London: Laurence King Publishing), pp. 106–122; Kim Hyŏn-suk, ‘Han’gukkŭndaemisuresŏŭi tongyangjuŭi yŏn-gu -sŏyanghwadanŭl chungshimŭ-ro [Study on Asianism in Korean Modern Art—Focusing on the Western Art Circle]’, PhD thesis, Hongik University, 2001.

4 The Chosŏn Art Exhibition was established by the Government-General of Korea in 1921. It opened the following year and ran annually until 1944. Its Japanese equivalent was the Bunten (shortened from Monbusho Bijutsu Tenrankai, ‘Ministry of Education Fine Arts Exhibition’) and it was modelled on the French Salon. It was a juried exhibition that had a significant impact on the modern Korean art scene by shaping the way art was categorized and understood. The exhibition was initially divided into three sections: Tongyanghwa (Eastern-style painting), Sŏyanghwa (Western-style painting, which included chogak or sculpture), and Sŏye (calligraphy). In 1932, a craft section (kongye) was added and the calligraphy section was subsequently discontinued. See Youngna Kim, 20th Century Korean Art; Charlotte Horlyck, Korean Art from the 19th Century to the Present (London: Reaktion Books, 2017).

5 Jordan Sand, ‘Tropical Furniture and Bodily Comportment in Colonial’, positions: asia critique, vol. 21, no. 1, 2013, p. 98; Jordan Sand, House and Home in Modern Japan: Reforming Everyday Life 1880–1930 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), p. 98.

6 Penny Sparke, ‘Paradise in the Parlor: Cozy Corners and Potted Palms in Western Interiors, 1880–1900’, in Oriental Interiors: Design, Identity, Space, (ed.) John Potvin (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2015), p. 209.

7 Mark R. Peattie, Nan’yō: The Rise and Fall of the Japanese in Micronesia, 1885–1945 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1992), p. 2 and Chapter 6.

8 Robert Thomas Tierney, Tropics of Savagery: The Culture of Japanese Empire in Comparative Frame (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), pp. 143–144.

9 Maki Kaneko, Mirroring the Japanese Empire: The Male Figure in Yoga Painting, 1930–1950 (Leiden: Brill, 2014), p. 55.

10 Kaneko, Mirroring the Japanese Empire, pp. 55–56. According to Peattie, Japan’s image of the South Seas was mostly shaped by popular culture—including pulp magazines, comic strips, and cheap novels—which portrayed the region as a distant paradise inhabited by primitive peoples. These depictions framed them as little more than ‘savages’: naked, ignorant, sensuous, and dark-skinned. See Peattie, Nan’yō, p. 216.

11 The name of the British warship is written in romanized Korean as ‘P’uairat’ŭsŭ ho’ in the newspaper, but it most likely refers to HMS Royalist.

12 ‘Namyang kodoŭi ingwang [South Sea Island’s Land Rock]’, Hwangsŏng Sinmun, 3 June 1903.

13 According to Kim Sŭng-ik, information about the South Sea region began to emerge in Korea around 1910 through newspapers, magazines, or textbooks. In particular, a ‘races all over the world’ category appeared in a high school textbook published in 1908, containing detailed illustrations of various races, including the South Sea people. See Kim Sŭng-ik, ‘Iilchegangjŏmgi nambang imiji hyŏngsŏnggwa kŭ ŭimi [The Construction of the Image of Nan’yō and its Meaning during Japanese Colonialism]’, Han’gukkŭnhyŏndaemisulsahak, vol. 20, 2009, p. 82.

14 Yi Il-chun, ‘Namyangdapsagi—namyang chosŏnsaramhwaltong [Travelogue on Namyang: Activities of Koreans in Namyang]’, Sindonga, vol. 5, no. 1, 1935, pp. 170–177; Chŏng Ch’un-su, ‘Hujinminjogŭi kigoehan p’ungsok. Namt’aep’yŏngyang ssant’a k’at’arinato [Eccentric Customs of the Uncivilized Nation-Santa Catarina Islands in the South Seas]’, Sindonga, vol. 4, no. 10, 1934, pp. 145–150; In addition, in March 1942, Chogwang published a special edition on the South Sea area. See also Chŏng Pyŏng-ho, ‘Chosŏnch’ongdokpu kigwanji kyŏngsŏngilbo ŭi namyang chiyŏk kwallyŏn’kisa [A Study on Articles Related to the “the South Sea” Area (1910–1935) in Keijo-Nippo, an Official Newspaper of the Japanese Government-General of Korea (1910–1935)]’, Ilbonyŏn-gu, vol. 37, 2022, pp. 93–122; O T’ae-yŏng, ‘Namyang p’yosanggwa chijŏnghakchŏk sangsangnyŏk [Representation of “the South Seas(南洋)” and Geopolitical Imagination]’, Han’gukmunhak iron’gwa pip’yŏng, vol. 43, 2009, pp. 631–658.

15 Katayama Tan, ‘Nanyō kara (From the South Seas)’, Keijō nippō, from 31 August 1928 to 13 September 1928.

16 ‘Yajasu ugŏjin namyangŭi haean [The Seashore of Nan’yō, Densely Covered with Tropical Trees]’, Chosŏn Chungang ilbo, 2 August 1935.

17 Chŏng Ch’un-su, ‘Hujinminjogŭi kigoehan p’ungsok’, pp. 145–146.

18 Kwŏn Myŏng-a, Yŏksajŏk p’asijŭm chegukŭi p’ant’ajiwa chendŏjŏngch’i [Historical Fascism: Imperial Fantasy and Gender Politics] (Seoul: Chaeksesang, 2005), pp. 373–383.

19 Youngna Kim, 20th Century Korean Art, pp. 113–115.

20 The postcard reads: ‘The 20th kōfūkai exhibition: Nanyō no onna by Kobayashi Monko’.

21 Ota Masako, Onshitsu no itchibu [A Part of Conservatory], submitted to the 13th exhibition in 1934. Amano Kiyoshi, Gogo no onshitsu [The Conservatory in the Afternoon], submitted to the 12th exhibition, 1932.

22 Chŏng Hye-yŏng, ‘Sikminji chosŏngwa namyang-irŭnŭn t’aja [Colonial Korea and the Namyang (南洋, Southern Ocean) as Others]’, Kuk’ak yŏn’gu ronch’ong, vol. 31, 2023, p. 269.

23 An Sŏk-chu, ‘Owŏrŭi sŭk’ech’i namyangesŏ kullŏon sasaenga [Sketch of May: An Illegitimate Child rolled in Namyang]’, Chosŏn ilbo, 17 May 1934.

24 Chŏng Hye-yŏng, ‘Sikminji chosŏngwa namyang-irŭnŭn t’aja’, p. 269.

25 The artist’s use of white and opaque watercolours brightens the atmosphere to emphasize how the sun lights the room. Moreover, it adds semi-transparency to the work. In Japan, while working for the Ōsama Crayon company, he enrolled in the Taiheiyō bijutsu gakko (Pacific Art Society Institute) night school, a leading school in the watercolour movement in modern Japan. As Ch’oe Chae-hyŏk pointed out, the early 1930s (the time of Yi’s arrival in Japan) witnessed massive transformations in various watercolour techniques and styles. This includes the use of both transparent and opaque materials, which creates the oil painting effect of Yi’s works. See Ch’oe Chae-hyŏk, ‘Yi In-sŏngŭi ilbonch’ehŏmgwa such’aehwa: 1930 nyŏndae ilbonsuch’aehwadanŭi kwallyŏnsŏngŭl chungshimŭ-ro [Yi In-sŏng’s Experience in Japan and Watercolour Painting: The Artist’s Relation to Japan’s Watercolour Painting Scene in the 1930s]’, in Hyang, Yi In-sŏng t’ansaeng 100 chunyŏn kinyŏmjŏn [On “the Native” (hyang), The Centennial Celebration of Yi In-sŏng’s Birth], Exhibition Catalogue (Gyŏnggi-do: National Museum of Contemporary Art, 2012), pp. 26–33. In the Western world, watercolours were associated with amateurism and considered a secondary medium. However, in Japan, they were accepted as an important artistic medium and tool. This is especially true regarding its ‘mediating Japanese artists’ transitions from traditional Japanese art techniques to Western-style painting’: see Chingshin Wu, Parallel Modernism: Koga Harue and Avant-Garde Art in Modern Japan (Oakland: University of California Press, 2019), pp. 16–18.

26 Sand, House and Home, pp. 164–166.

27 Ibid., p. 166. While in the Korean model of ‘culture house’, the living room could also be a guest room/study or both, the Japanese model from the ‘culture village model’ (see below) separates the guest room from the living room. It can be assumed that Yi’s pictures showing domestic space are based on the Japanese-style culture house.

28 Noboru Kobayashi, Ōsetsuma kagu [Living Room Furniture] (Tokyo: Kōyōsha, 1937), pp. 8–9.

29 Paek Ch’ae-rin, ‘Ilchegangjŏmgi chut’aegŭi ŭngjŏpshire kwanhan yŏn-gu Chosŏn’gwa kŏnch’ugŭi chut’aek saryerŭl chungshimŭ-ro [A Study on Living Rooms during the Japanese Colonial Period]’, Taehan’gŏnch’uk’ak’oe, vol. 37, 2021, p. 99; see also ‘Ttaria chaebaebŏp [How to Grow a Dahlia]’, Tonga ilbo, 30 March 1935; ‘Pyŏge kŭrim kŏnŭn pŏp [How to Hang the Pictures]’, Chosŏn ilbo, 4 March 1938.

30 Sand, House and Home, pp. 252–253

31 ‘Chut’aek toan hyŏnsangmojip [House Design Competition]’, Chosŏn’gwa kŏnch’uk, vol. 1, no. 1, 1922, p. 6, cited in Kim Yong-bŏm, ‘Munhwa chut’aekŭl t’onghaebon han’guk chugŏ kŭndaehwaŭi sasangjŏk paegyŏnge kwanhan yŏn-gu [A Study on the Ideological Background of Modernization of Korean Urban Dwellings through “Mun-hwa” Residence in the Japanese Colonial Period]’, PhD thesis, Hanyang University, 2009, pp. 32–33.

32 Yi Kyŏng-a, ‘Ilchegangjŏmgi Munhwa chut’aek kaenyŏmŭi suyonggwa chŏn’gae [The Introduction and Development of the Concept of “Mun-Hwa (Culture)” House during Japanese Colonialism’, PhD thesis, Seoul National University, 2006, pp. 47–48. The fact that the culture house was favoured by intellectuals and a limited group of people is well illustrated in a newspaper article: ‘The “culture house craze” arrived in the 1930s and became intense. Friends who had either returned from the United States or just returned from a visit to Japan […] when they found a moment, would enthusiastically talk about culture houses’: Sŏkyŏng, ‘1931 nyŏni omyŏn 4 [When it Becomes 1931 (4)]’, Chosŏn ilbo, 28 November 1930.

33 ‘Tangdaeyŏinsaenghwal t’ambanggi-ijŏn-kyosu yun sŏngdŏkssi p’yŏn [Report of Home Visit to the Contemporary Women’s Life styles—A Report on a Professor at Ihwa College, Yun Sŏng-dŏk]’, Sin Yŏsŏng, vol. 8, no. 7, 1933, pp. 58–61.

34 ‘Myŏngsa kajŏng puŏk t’amgwan’gi sirijŭ [A Series of Family Visit Report Looking at Kitchens of Celebrity’s Homes: Yang Mae-ryun’s Kitchen, Leading Completely Americanized-Life style]’, Sin Yŏsŏng, vol. 4, no. 11, 1926, pp. 85–87.

35 Sparke, ‘Paradise in the Parlor’, p. 210.

36 Sand, House and Home, p. 12.

37 The 1920s in colonial Korea were a significant time, especially as it marked the entry of the first generation who had studied abroad, including in Japan, into society. See Pak Ch’an-sŭng, Han’gukkŭndae chŏngch’isasangsayŏn’gu: minjokchuŭi up’aŭi shillyŏk yangsŏng undongnon [Study of the History of Modern Korean Political Thought] (Seoul: Yŏksabip’yŏngsa, 1992), pp. 112–116. In addition, the 1920s and 1930s in colonial Korea witnessed the rise of modern consumption spaces, including department stores, cafés, and movie theatres. Urban bourgeois lifestyles of this kind were reflected in detail in contemporary magazines such as Pyŏlgŏn’gon. See also Chŏn Hye-jin, ‘‘Pyŏlgŏn’gon’esŏ tŭrŏnan toshi purŭjua munhwawa hyuyangji p’yosang [The Urban Bourgeois Culture and Representation of Resort in the Pyŏlgŏn’gon]’, Han’gugŏnŏmunhwa, vol. 14, 2010, pp. 7–8.

38 Cited in Son Chŏng-mok, Toshisahoesangyŏn-gu [A Study on the Social Phenomenon of the City] (Seoul: Ilchisa, 1996), p. 114. In January 1929, an article in Chosŏn oyobi Manshu described the wealthy in Kyongsŏng, noting that individuals with assets ranging from hundreds of thousands to over one million won had emerged in colonialized Korea. The article also highlighted some of the wealthiest individuals at the time, including Min Paekki, Paek Hwanggi, and Yi Hang-gu, who owned property worth several million won. See Son, Toshisahoesangyŏn-gu, p. 114.

39 Sand, House and Home, p. 99.

40 Many scholars point out that Yi started his formal education at a much older age due to his family’s poverty. However, according to Yi’s son’s testimony, this was mainly because Yi had already completed his studies at the private traditional Korean village school (Sŏdang), and it had nothing to do with his family’s poverty. Interview with Yi Ch’ae-wǒn (Yi In-sŏng’s son, President of Yi In-sŏng Memorial Society), in discussion with the author, Taegu city, Republic of Korea, July 2022.

41 ‘Haengbokŭi kajŏng-Yunch’ich’ang-ssi taek kajŏngp’unggyŏng [Sweet Home—Landscape of Yun Chi’-ch’ang’s Home]’, Yŏsŏng, vol. 3, no. 12, 1938, p. 52.

42 Kim Yŏng-hŭi, ‘Pomch’ŏrŭi kajŏngwŏnye: Ch’wimi ppun anira anira silikto issŭmnida [Home Gardening in the Spring: It is Not Merely a Hobby, but has also Benefits too]’, Tonga ilbo, 17 April 1939.

43 Yi Chun, ‘Kŭndaehwadanŭi kwijae iinsŏng yesulŭi chaejomyŏng [Korean Modern Art’s “Unusual Genius”: A Re-examination of the Paintings of Yi In-sǒng]’, in Kŭndaehwadanŭi kwijae Yi In-sǒng [Modern Korean Art’s Unusual Genius], (ed.) Samsung Art Museum (Seoul: Samsung Art Museum, 2000), p. 18.

44 Yi Ku-yŏl, ‘Explanation of the Works’, in Yi In-sǒng Chakp’umjip [Collected Works of Yi In-sǒng] (Seoul: han’gukmisulch’ulp’ansa, 1972), p. 98.

45 Kim Chŏng-ŭn, ‘Ilchekangjŏmgi ch’anggyŏngwŏnŭi imijiwa yuwŏnji munhwa [The Image of Ch’anggyŏngwŏn and Culture of Pleasure Grounds during the Japanese Colonial Period]’, Han’gukchogyŏnghak’oe, vol. 43, 2015, p. 10.

46 Ibid., p. 10.

47 Cited in O Ch’ang-yŏng, Han’guktongmurwŏn p’alsimnyŏnsa: ch’anggyŏngwŏnp’yŏn [80-year History of Korean Zoo] (Seoul: Seoul Metropolitan city, 1993), p. 161.

48 Kim Chŏng-ŭn, ‘Ilchekangjŏmgi ch’anggyŏngwŏnŭi imijiwa’, p. 8

49 It is known that the layout was designed by Fukuba, while the construction was carried out by a French company. A graduate of the horticultural school in Versailles, Fukuba was well-versed in Western horticultural practices and later worked at the Shinjuku Imperial Garden. See Fukuba hayato kaikoroku, Kaisetsuhen (Tōkyō: Kokumin Kōen Kyōkai Shinjuku Gyoen, 2006).

50 ‘Namgukkwa kat’ŭn onsil [A Greenhouse like the Southern Region]’, Maeil Sinbo, 30 January 1913.

51 ‘Yosai ch’anggyŏngwŏnŭi Singmurwŏn onshire innŭn ongat hwach’o [Various Flowers and Plants in Conservatory of Ch’anggyŏngwŏn]’, Maeil Sinbo, 23 January 1921.

52 O Ch’ang-yŏng, Han’guktongmurwŏn p’alsimnyŏnsa, pp. 113–114.

53 Kwŏn, Yŏksajŏk p’asijŭm chegukŭi p’ant’ajiwa chendŏjŏngch’I, pp. 373–383.

54 Youngna Kim, 20th Century Korean Art, pp. 113–115.

55 ‘Hyangt’osaek nonghu chiljŏkŭrodo chinbo: mijŏnshimsawŏn tam [Replete with Local Colour: Developed in its Quality—Jurors’ Note]’, Tonga ilbo, 12 May 1936.

56 Kim Chŏng-sŏn, ‘Chosŏn misul chŏllamhoeŭi ilbonin shimsawŏn’gwa chosŏnhyangt’osaek [Japanese Jurors at the Chosŏn Art Exhibition and Korea’s Local Colour]’, in Kanten ni miru kindai bijutsu: tōkyō sōru taihoku chōshun, (ed.) Fukuoka Ajia Bijutsukan (Fukuoka: Fukuokājiabijutsukan, 2014), p. 221.

57 Park Kye-ri, ‘Ilchesidae chosŏn hyangt’osaek’, pp. 169–171. Many scholars point out that the concept of ‘homeland art/local colour’ was first introduced to Japan from Germany in the early twentieth century. As such, the term Heimatkunst—or ‘local colour’ in Korea—carries layered ironies: what is now regarded as an intrinsic feature of a culture is, in fact, a twice-imported construct, arriving from Europe by way of Japan. See Joshua S. Mostow (ed.), The Columbia Companion to Modern East Asian Literature, (associate eds) Kirk A. Denton, Bruce Fulton and Sharalyn Orbaugh (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), p. 502. To explore the emergence of Heimatkunst in Germany, see Elizabeth Boa and Rachel Palfreyman, Heimat—A German Dream: Regional Loyalties and National Identity in German Culture 1890–1990 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).

58 Ko Yu-sŏp, ‘Hyangt’o yesul ŭi ŭiŭi wa kŭ chohŭng [The Meaning of Local Art and Its Promotion]’, Samch’ŏlli, vol. 13, no. 4, 1941, pp. 216–218.

59 Ibid., pp. 216–218.

60 O Kwang-su, a Korean critic, explains that only a few works depicted local scenery and customs between the first and eighth exhibitions, but from the ninth exhibition in 1930 onwards, their number increased. This phenomenon applies not only to Korean artists but also to Japanese artists who submitted works to the exhibition. See O Kwang-su, Han’gukkŭndaemisulsasangnot’ŭ [Notes on Ideas of Modern Korean Art] (Seoul: Ilchisa, 1987), pp. 76–81.

61 Wada Eisaku, ‘Yesulkwa chosŏn-chosŏnenŭn sunjosŏn gŏsŭl paltalk’ehara [Art and Chosŏn: Let Purely Chosŏn Things Develop in Chosŏn]’, Maeil Sinbo, 26 April 1923.

62 Park Kye-ri, ‘Ilchesidae chosŏn hyangt’osaek’, pp. 196–197.

63 Park Kye-ri (Carey Park), ‘Korean Modern Art and the Conflicts of Tradition and Modernity, c. 1953’, in Korean Art from 1953: Collision, Innovation and Interaction, (eds) Yeon Shim Chung et al. (London: Phaidon Press, 2020), p. 18.

64 Kim Yong-jun, ‘Tongmijŏnŭl kaech’oehamyŏnsŏ [As the Tokyo Art Exhibition is being held]’, Donga ilbo, 12 April 1930.

65 Yi In-sŏng, ‘Chosŏnhwadanŭi X kwangsŏn [X-ray View of Korean Art Scene]’, Sindonga, vol. 5, no. 1, 1935, pp. 110–111.

66 ‘Kŭmch’u chejŏn e ipsŏn toen Yi In-sŏng-gun kwa chakp’um, Tonggyŏng e kohak hanŭn sipkusae sonyŏn hyangt’osaek ŭl naegi e himssŭldŏ [Selected for this Autumn’s Teiten [Imperial Art Exhibition]: Yi In-sŏng and His Works. The Nineteen-Year-Old Youth, Arduously Studying in Tokyo, Devoted his Efforts to Expressing Local Colour in the Competition], Tonga ilbo, 25 October 1932.

67 The Association of Locals (Hyangt’ohoe) was a small art collective active in the Taegu region during the early 1930s. Its inaugural exhibition was held in October 1930, marking a significant moment in the development of regional modern art under Japanese colonial rule. See Yi Chung-hŭi, ‘Taeguŭi ch’ogi such’aehwa tan sŏngnip kwa 1930 nyŏn Hyangt’ohoe balchok paegyŏng [The Formation of Taegu’s Early Watercolour Painting Circle and the Founding Background of the 1930 Hyangt’ohoe (Local Association)]’, Han’gukkŭnhyŏndaemisulsahak, vol. 23, 2012, pp. 33–65; Yun Pŏm-mo, ‘Hyangt’ohoewa taeguhwadan [The Association of Locals and Taegu Art Circle]’, Han’gukkŭnhyŏndaemisulsahak, vol. 4, 1996, pp. 6–99.

68 Rey Chow, Primitive Passions: Visuality, Sexuality, Ethnography, and Contemporary Chinese Cinema (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), p. 143.

69 Ibid., pp. 42–43, 145; see also Paek Chi-hye, ‘Kyŏngsŏngjedae chakkaŭi minjokchi kusŏngbangbŏp yŏn-gu [A Study on Structural Methods of Ethnographical Works by Those Who Studied at Kyŏngsŏng Imperial College]’, PhD thesis, Seoul National University, 2013.

70 Yi In-sŏng, ‘Hyangt’orŭl ch’ajasŏ I [Search for the Locals]’, Tonga ilbo, 7 September 1934.

71 Yen Chuan-ying, ‘Teiten to daiten shokuminchi gaka ni okeru sakufuu no rimensei [Duplicity of Works in Terms of Artists at the Imperial Exhibition and Taiwan Exhibition]’, in Kanten ni miru kindai bijutsu: tōkyō sōru taihoku chōshun, (ed.) Fukuoka Ajia Bijutsukan (Fukuoka: Fukuokājiabijutsukan, 2014), pp. 116–118.

72 Rawanchaikul Toshiko, ‘Kanten no jidai [The Age of Official Exhibition]’, in Kanten ni miru kindai bijutsu: tōkyō sōru taihoku chōshun, (ed.) Fukuoka Ajia Bijutsukan (Fukuoka: Fukuokājiabijutsukan, 2014), pp. 181–182.

73 Chow, Primitive Passions, p. 42.

74 Yi In-sŏng, ‘Kyōdo wo egaku (Painting my Hometown)’, 19 June 1935, cited in Artist Yi In-sŏng [CD-ROM] (Seoul: Yi In-sŏngginyŏm saŏph’oe, 2000).

75 Yi In-sŏng, ‘Hyangt’orŭl ch’ajasŏ III [Search for my Hometown]’, Tonga ilbo, 11 September 1934.

76 When it was submitted to the eighth Chosŏn Art Exhibition in 1929, its original title was Nongch’onŭi aidŭl [Rural Children].

77 ‘Pinanŭn yŏngye wa t’ŭksŏn chakka kamsang [Shining Glory and Appreciation of Selected Artists]’, Maeil Sinbo, 30 August 1929.

78 Kate McDonald, Placing Empire: Travel and the Social Imagination in Imperial Japan (Oakland: University of California Press, 2017), p. 121.

79 While focusing on wartime Japan and the United States, Takashi Fujitani argues that both nations transitioned from overt, exclusionary racism to a more subtle, inclusionary form of ‘polite racism’, driven by the demands of total war and the need to mobilize diverse populations. He further explains that, within this transformation, Koreans were reconsidered ‘from the outside to the inside of the population’. See T. Fujitani, Race for Empire: Koreans as Japanese and Japanese as Americans during World War II (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011), pp. 49–53.

80 McDonald, Placing Empire, pp. 106–107.

81 Park Kye-ri, ‘20 segi han’guk’hoehwaesŏŭi chŏnt’ongnon [The Discourse on Tradition in 20th-Century Korean Painting]’, PhD thesis, Ewha Women’s University, 2006, p. 131. The Korean Enlightenment Period (1896–1910) refers to the transitional era following the 1876 Kanghwa Treaty and leading up to 1910, during which Western culture was increasingly introduced and significantly modernized the everyday lives of Korean people. This period is often characterized by limited national sovereignty and Korea’s growing dependence on Japan.

82 According to Janet Poole, for this generation, it was ‘no longer possible to access without the mediation of knowledge produced by the colonial regime’. See Janet Poole, When the Future Disappears: The Modernist Imagination in Late Colonial Korea (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014), p. 92.

83 According to the Anthology of Chosŏn Climatic Tanka [朝鮮風土歌集:], which collected Tanka (short songs) written by various Japanese writers after their travels to or living in colonial Korea, Kyǒngju was depicted as a place in ruins where fragments of roof tiles were scattered, and children often sold them. See Ku In-mo, ‘Tank’aro kŭrin chosŏnŭi p’ungsokchi—Ichiyama Morio p’yŏn, chosŏnp’ungt’ogajip (1935) e taehayŏ [A Record of Chosŏn Customs Depicted in Tanka (短歌)—Edited by Ichiyama Morio (1935)]’, SAI, vol. 1, 2006, pp. 216–221.

84 According to Kim Hyŏn-suk, it was rare to see a boy holding a child in this manner, as such depictions typically featured girls. Kim Hyŏn-suk, ‘Han’gukkŭndaemisuresŏŭi tongyangjuŭi yŏn-gu’, pp. 118–120.

85 McDonald, Placing Empire, p. 121.

86 Kim Hoe-san, ‘Chosŏnmijŏnch’onp’yŏng—sŏyanghwabu [A General Overview of Chosŏn Art Exhibition—Oil Painting Section]’, Chosŏn ilbo, 28 May 1935.

87 Carlo Rossetti, Corea e Coreani: Impressioni e ricerche sull’impero del gran Han (Bergamo: Istituto Italiano d’Arti Grafiche, 1904), vol. 1, p. 122.

88 Ibid., p. 124.

89 O Kwang-su, Han’gukkŭndaemisulsasangnot’ŭ, pp. 60–61.

Figure 0

Figure 1. Yi In-sŏng, On an Autumn Day, oil on canvas, 96 x 161.4 cm, 1934.

Source: Collection of Leeum, the Samsung Museum of Art.
Figure 1

Figure 2. Yi In-sŏng, Room in Summer, watercolour on canvas, 71 x 89.5 cm, 1934.

Source: Private collection.
Figure 2

Figure 3. Yi In-sŏng, Interior, watercolour on canvas, 91 x 117 cm, 1935.

Source: Private collection.
Figure 3

Figure 4. Illustration from Katayama Tan’s ‘From the South Seas (Nanyō kara)’.

Source: Keijō nippō, 5 September 1928, p. 5.
Figure 4

Figure 5. A photograph of Yi’s studio, which was located on the third floor of Namsan Hospital. It was taken in 1936, and includes Yi’s students. Source: From Artist Yi In-sŏng [CD-ROM] (Seoul: Yi In-sŏngginyŏm saŏph’oe, 2000).

Figure 5

Figure 6. Illustration from K’osŭmosŭ P’inŭn Chŏngwŏn [A Garden with Blossoming Cosmos], written by Yi T’ae-jun and illustrated by Chŏng Hyŏn-ung.

Source:  Yŏsŏng, vol. 2, no. 5, 1937, pp. 32–33.
Figure 6

Figure 7. A photo of Yi’s studio is featured in the pamphlet for his art research institute. Source: From Artist Yi In-sŏng [CD-ROM] (Seoul: Yi In-sŏngginyŏm saŏph’oe, 2000).

Figure 7

Figure 8. A photograph of the Ars café, showing Yi seated with his friends. Source: From Artist Yi In-sŏng [CD-ROM] (Seoul: Yi In-sŏngginyŏm saŏph’oe, 2000).

Figure 8

Figure 9. Yi In-sŏng, Garden, oil on canvas, 91 x 90.7 cm, 1930s.

Source: Private collection.
Figure 9

Figure 10. Yi In-sŏng,  At The Window, watercolour on paper, 76 x 59 cm, 1930s.

Source: Private collection.
Figure 10

Figure 11. Yi In-sŏng,  A Valley in Kyŏngju, oil on canvas, 129 x 191 cm, 1935.

Source: Collection of Leeum, the Samsung Museum.
Figure 11

Figure 12. A photograph of a Korean woman.

Source: From Carlo Rossetti, Corea e Coreani: Impressioni e ricerche sull’impero del gran Han (Bergamo: Istituto Italiano d’Arti Grafiche, 1904), vol. 1, p. 122.