Hostname: page-component-77f85d65b8-2tv5m Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2026-04-20T14:50:27.190Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Constructing Industrial Order in the Center of the American Economy: How Electoral Competition and Social Collaboration Evolved in Twentieth-Century New York

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 February 2017

Stephen Amberg
Stephen Amberg*
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science and Geography, University of Texas at San Antonio
*
Stephen.Amberg@utsa.edu
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Comparative studies of capitalist political economies have settled on a new understanding of how historical choices about electoral rules were constitutive of the current varieties of capitalism that are distinguished by their strategies of growth and adjustment to competitive conditions. The countries that have “coordinated market economies” typically have well-organized unions and employers with distinct partisan representation under multiparty electoral rules, and they have more egalitarian outcomes. The countries that have “liberal market economies” have arms-length market-based relationships under the plurality rule that are more conflictual, and they have inegalitarian outcomes. This article develops the analysis of electoral rules and industrial order by taking another look at the United States, which has always been taken as a case of plurality and liberal market economy. In contrast, New York had multiparty politics for most of the twentieth century, in part because of its cross-endorsement fusion rule of nominations. This article argues that fusion operated in a similar way to proportional representation to enable labor–management collaboration and social regulation. Collaboration in New York City was a constitutive element of the New Deal's laboristic politics. The later disruption of this American version of coordination transformed the U.S. political economy into a liberal market economy.

Information

Type
Research Article
Information
Studies in American Political Development , Volume 31 , Issue 1 , April 2017 , pp. 108 - 129
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2017 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Article purchase

Temporarily unavailable

References

1. Montgomery, David, The Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State, and American Labor Activism, 1865–1925 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 393CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Montgomery uses Walling's fearful comment from 1912 to characterize what occurred in 1920 when Democratic President Wilson's electoral strategist argued that to help unions who were being pressed by aggressively anti-union employers would make “the country at large think that we are making a special appeal to labor at this time” when the typical voter wanted an end to war-time controls.

2. Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David, “Electoral Institutions and the Politics of Coalitions: Why Some Democracies Redistribute More Than Others,” American Political Science Review, vol. 100, no. 2 (2006): 165–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cusack, Thomas R., Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David, “Economic Interests and the Origins of Electoral Systems,” American Political Science Review, vol. 101, no. 3 (2007): 373–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Martin, Cathie Jo and Swank, Duane, “The Political Origins of Coordinated Capitalism: Business Organizations, Party Systems and State Structure in the Age of Innocence,” American Political Science Review 102, no. 2 (2008): 181–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Carmines, Edward G., “Class Politics, American Style: A Discussion of Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer—And Turned its Back on the Middle Class ,” Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (2011): 645–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3. Hall, Peter and Soskice, David, eds., Varieties of Capitalism: The Institutional Foundations of Comparative Advantage (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4. Martin, Cathie Jo, “Sectional Parties, Divided Business,” Studies in American Political Development 20 (2006): 160–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cusack et al., “Economic Interests,” 381. Cf. Martin, Cathie Jo and Swank, Duane, The Political Construction of Business Interests (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5. Cusack et al., “Economic Interests,” 388. Their argument about federalism is not specifically about the United States, but the argument has been made by Hollingsworth, J. Rogers, “The Logic of Coordinating American Manufacturing Sectors,” in Governance of the American Economy, ed. Campbell, John L., Hollingsworth, J. Rogers, and Lindberg, Leon N. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 35–73 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. Robertson, David Brian, Capital, Labor, and State (Lanham MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000)Google Scholar.

6. The term laboristic emerged in the 1940s to denote the U.S. political economy as not capitalist (as previously understood) or socialist. Sumner H. Slichter, “Are We Becoming a ‘Laboristic’ State?” The New York Times Magazine (May 16, 1948). Slichter answered his question affirmatively. Fels, Rendigs, “An Ideology for a Laboristic Economy,” Southern Economic Journal 16, no. 3 (1950): 284–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Young, Stanley, “Long-Run Goals for a ‘Laboristic’ Economy,” American Journal of Economics and Sociology, vol. 23, no. 4 (1964): 397–406 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Dubofsky, Melvyn, The State and Labor in Modern America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 199Google Scholar. Lichtenstein, Nelson, The State of the Union (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), 166fGoogle Scholar. Dubofsky and Lichtenstein argue that the influence of organized labor was more circumscribed than Slichter claimed; cf. Galbraith, John Kenneth, American Capitalism: The Concept of Countervailing Power (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1952)Google Scholar.

7. Gonzalez, Francisco E. and King, Desmond, “The State and Democratization: The United States in Comparative Perspective,” British Journal of Political Science 34 (2004): 193–210 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Hacker, Jacob and Pierson, Paul, Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer—and Turned Its Back on the Middle Class (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2010), 110–112 Google Scholar, 151–155, 158–160.

8. Collaboration is my term for the forms of cooperation that are organized to conduct a society's business rather than only the liberal market and coordinated market types. In general, see Lindblom, Charles, The Market System (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001)Google Scholar.

9. Cusack et al., “Economic Interests,” p. 374.

10. Firms need policies that support training skilled labor through discipline of employers’ personnel practices to prevent free-riding, that stabilize the terms of employment, support cooperative workplace government that allows employers to direct the enterprise, public administration of industrial conditions to prevent competition based on unscrupulous short-term gains, and insurance for workers that the skills they have acquired will be employed and/or their incomes secured.

11. See Korpi, Walter, The Democratic Class Struggle (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983)Google Scholar. Korpi, Walter, “The Rise and Decline of Social Citizenship Rights in the Western World: Distributive Conflict and the Keynesian Welfare State, 1939–2005” (Paper delivered at the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, 2011)Google Scholar.

12. Cusack et al., “Economic Interests,” 381. Marks, Gary, Unions in Politics: Britain, Germany, and the United States in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 218CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Oestreicher, Richard, “The Rules of the Game: Class Politics in Twentieth-Century America,” in Organized Labor and American Politics, ed. Boyle, Kevin (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1998), 30–31 Google Scholar.

13. Thelen, Kathleen, How Institutions Evolve: The Political Economy of Skills in Germany, Britain, the United States, and Japan (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14. Montgomery, The Fall of the House of Labor, 393. Dubofsky, The State and Labor, 166f.

15. Cf. Amberg, Stephen, The Union Inspiration in American Politics (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994)Google Scholar chap. 2. Thelen, How Institutions Evolve.

16. Piore, Michael and Sabel, Charles, The Second Industrial Divide (New York: Basic Books, 1984)Google Scholar.

17. Berger, Suzanne and Piore, Michael, Dualism and Discontinuity in Industrial Societies (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980)Google Scholar. Berk, Gerald, Louis D. Brandeis and the Making of Regulated Competition, 1900–1932 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Scranton, Philip, Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industrialization, 1865–1925 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Berk, Gerald and Schneiberg, Marc, “Varieties in Capitalism, Varieties of Association: Collaborative Learning in American Industry, 1900 to 1925. Politics & Society 1 (2005): 46–87 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Deeg, Richard and Jackson, Gregory, “Towards a More Dynamic Theory of Capitalist Variety,” Socio-Economic Review 5(1) (2007) 5(1): 149–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18. Orren, Karen and Skowronek, Stephen, The Search for American Political Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. Crouch, Colin, Capitalist Diversity and Change: Recombinant Governance and Institutional Entrepreneurs (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 47–55 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19. This article was written before a major statement of “the electoral turn” in comparative political economy came to my attention that makes a somewhat similar claim about the relationship between industrial structure and politics. Pablo Beramendi and his colleagues argue that the current context for economic governance casts doubt on the widely accepted theory of a tight connection between production systems and politics because of the “high uncertainty about economic consequences and efficiencies of alternative pathways,” which expand the options for party leaders to form policy coalitions. They are agnostic about whether the tight relationship holds in the past, but this article directly addresses that point. Also, their essay does not take account of the ways in which electoral rules themselves may be a resource to form coalitions for alternative industrial orders. Beramendi, Pablo, Hausermann, Silja, Kitschelt, Herbert, and Kriesi, Hanspeter, The Politics of Advanced Capitalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015): 61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20. The conventional wisdom is that the 1896 presidential election ushered in a System of 1896 in which the Right was divided nationally but was united on a regional basis. But this picture of electoral equilibrium is overdrawn because of significant subnational economic and political diversity. Also, certain characteristic features of the System of 1896 did not appear until many years later, such as the “rule of reason” in antitrust adjudication and electoral demobilization. Orren, Karen and Skowronek, Stephen, “Institutions and Intercurrence: Theory Building in the Fullness of Time,” in Shapiro, Ian and Hardin, Russell, eds. NOMOS 38: Political Order (1996), 111–46Google Scholar. McCormick, Richard L., From Realignment to Reform: Political Change in New York State, 1893–1910 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1981), 261–3Google Scholar.

21. Cusack, et al. , “Economic Interests,” 379. Keyssar, Alexander, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (New York: Basic Books, 2000), 166Google Scholar. Key, V. O. Jr., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York: Knopf, 1949)Google Scholar. Burnham, Walter Dean, “The Changing Shape of the American Political Universe,” American Political Science Review 59, no. 1 (1965): 7–28 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Piven, Frances Fox and Cloward, Richard, Why Americans Don't Vote (New York: Pantheon, 1988), 26–95 Google Scholar. Cf. Katznelson, Ira, City Trenches (New York: Pantheon, 1981), 71Google Scholar.

22. “Fusion … constituted a significant feature of late nineteenth century politics, particularly in the Midwest and West, where full or partial fusion occurred in nearly every election.” Argersinger, Peter H., “A Place on the Ballot: Fusion Politics and Antifusion Laws,” American Historical Review 85, no. 2 (1980): 287–306 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23. Pragmatists argue that rules are conventional as well as instrumental because what to do is deeply influenced by the situation that individuals find themselves in. Workers and employers make decisions about how to get work done that are based on the existing rules that define decision-making authority as well as on the evolving practice of the work that turns these rules into resources. Dewey, John, Human Nature and Conduct (New York: Henry Holt, 1922), 19Google Scholar. Douglas, Mary, How Institutions Think (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1986)Google Scholar. Berk, Gerald, Galvan, Dennis C., and Hattam, Victoria, “Introduction: Beyond Dualist Social Science: The Mangle of Order and Change,” in Political Creativity, ed. Berk, Gerald, Galvan, Dennis C., and Hattam, Victoria (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 16Google Scholar.

24. Cobble, Steven and Siskind, Sarah, Fusion: Multiple Party Nomination in the United States (Madison: Center for New Democracy, 1993)Google Scholar. Oestreicher, “The Rules of the Game,”  30–33.

25. Argersinger, Peter H., Representation and Inequality in Late Nineteenth-Century America: The Politics of Apportionment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 8–41 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 284, 306. Of course, this tactic is widely practiced today.

26. Argersinger, Representation and Inequality, 20.

27. Martin and Swank, Political Construction, 3.

28. A U.S. Supreme Court decision in a contemporary case upholding a state ban on fusion stipulated that “Ballots serve primarily to elect candidates, not as forums for political expression.” Timmons v. Twin Cities New Party, 520 US 351 (1997), 363. Cf. Cohen, Joshua, Philosophy, Politics, Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 290Google Scholar. Ferguson, Thomas, Golden Rule: The Investment Theory of Party Competition and the Logic of Money-Driven Political Systems (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 17–38 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Not fusion alone, but projects that mobilize electoral resources matter. In the contemporary United States, investors became decisive when working class voters’ own organizations declined. E.g., Hacker and Pierson, Winner-Take-All Politics, 137–158.

29. Finegold, Kenneth, Experts and Politicians: Reform Challenges to Machine Politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30. Shefter, Martin, Political Parties and the State, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 169, 187Google Scholar.

31. E.g., Marks, Unions in Politics, 208. Cf. Fraser, Steven, Labor Will Rule (New York: The Free Press, 1991)Google Scholar and Hattam, Victoria C., Labor Visions and State Power: The Origins of Business Unionism in the United States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who analyze the multiple role possibilities for labor activists.

32. Howe, Irving, World of Our Fathers (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976), 386Google Scholar.

33. Marks, Unions in Politics, 224.

34. Ansell, Christopher and Burris, Arthur L., “Bosses of the City Unite! Labor Politics and Political Machine Consolidation, 1870–1910,” Studies in American Political Development 11, no. 1 (1997): 1–43 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Marks, Unions in Politics, 222–223, 231.

35. Dubofsky, Melvin, When Workers Organize: New York City in the Progressive Era (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1968), 3–4 Google Scholar. Marks, Unions in Politics, 114.

36. Marks, Unions in Politics, 152, 53, 206–208. Hattam, Labor Visions, 137, 165, 209f.

37. Yellowitz, Irwin, Labor and the Progressive Movement in New York State, 1897–1916 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1965), 169–70Google Scholar.

38. Women won the right to vote in New York in 1917 when the state Constitution was amended. Freeman, Jo, A Room at a Time: How Women Entered Party Politics (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000)Google Scholar. Storrs, Landon, Civilizing Capitalism: The National Consumers’ League, Women's Activism, and Labor Standards in the New Deal Era (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000)Google Scholar. Yellowitz, Labor and the Progressive Movement, 188–215. Wesser, Robert F., Charles Evans Hughes: Politics and Reform in New York, 1905–1910 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1967), 86–88 Google Scholar. Shefter, Political Parties and the State, 185. Weinstein, James, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900–1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968)Google Scholar. Eldot, Paula, Alfred E. Smith: The Politician as Reformer (New York: Garland, 1983)Google Scholar.

39. Howe, World of Our Fathers, 321.

40. Yellowitz, Labor and the Progressive Movement, 226.

41. Yellowitz, Labor and the Progressive Movement, 167, 197.

42. Wesser, Robert F., “Conflict and Compromise: The Workmen's Compensation Movement in New York, 1890s–1913,” Labor History 12, no. 3 (1971): 345–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The CFU endorsed The New York Call, a Socialist newspaper, as its official voice.

43. Yellowitz, Labor and the Progressive Movement, 197, 201, 211. “Not since Henry George's campaign of 1886 had there been so massive a defection of working-class voters from Tammany Hall” as there was in 1905. Many believe Tammany stole the election according to Yellowitz. Also see Eldot, Alfred E. Smith, 271.

44. Slayton, Robert, Empire Statesman: The Rise and Redemption of Al Smith (New York: The Free Press, 2001), 84–8Google Scholar. Tammany tried but failed to block fusion. Friedman, Jacob Alexis, The Impeachment of Governor William Sulzer (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939), 90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

45. Yellowitz, Labor and the Progressive Movement, 26, 104. Robert Wagner was the co-chair.

46. Yellowitz, Labor and the Progressive Movement, 119. Wesser, “Conflict and Compromise,” 364. Eldot, Alfred E. Smith, 193f. Josephson, Matthew and Josephson, Hannah, Al Smith: Hero of the Cities (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1969), 126Google Scholar.

47. Quoted by Wesser, “Conflict and Compromise,” 367. Friedman, Impeachment, 91.

48. Yellowitz, Labor and the Progressive Movement, 228–29. Wesser, “Conflict and Compromise,” 363, 368. Friedman, Impeachment, 70–99f, 241 reports that Sulzer's relationship with Tammany completely collapsed when it became clear he was going to act independently of party interests, including his proposal for primary elections and his refusal to appoint machine nominees. Democratic legislators did not approve either of Sulzer's two AFL nominees to head the Labor Department, one the former president of the United Mineworkers and the other the president of the Typographers.

49. Friedman, Impeachment, 259. Yellowitz, Labor and the Progressive Movement, 31–32.

50. Yellowitz, Labor and the Progressive Movement, 118–19, 235–37, 244–48. Eighteen candidates were withdrawn by Tammany to reduce the damage. Friedman, Impeachment, 260, 267.

51. Yellowitz, Labor and the Progressive Movement, 120–24, 155–56. The legislature asked the American Association for Labor Legislation (AALL) to draft the bill. Gompers was a member of the AALL, but he resigned when it endorsed a weak Industrial Commission for New York. Another of Smith's accomplishments was to strengthen the law. Eldot, Alfred E. Smith, 200.

52. Slayton, Empire Statesman, 135–38.

53. Smith “conferred with officials of the New York State Federation of Labor whose legislative agenda largely coincided with his own.” Eldot, Alfred E. Smith, 201–203, 212.

54. Nathan Miller argued against the minimum wage: “Life is a struggle…. All human progress has been brought about in that way…. Those who urge you [labor] that the world owes you a living are not your friends.” Eldot, Alfred E. Smith, 209. In 1915, the Republican Party tried to amend the state Constitution to ban all protective labor legislation “granting to classes of individuals privileges and immunities not granted equally to all members of the State.” Eldot, Alfred E. Smith, 195. When the U.S. Congress provided federal grants to states for maternal and infant care (the Sheppard-Towner Act of 1921), Governor Miller refused them. Eldot, Alfred E. Smith, 216.

55. Manual for the Use of the Legislature of the State of New York (Albany, NY: Secretary of State, J.B. Lyon, 1924), 763. (Henceforth, Legislative Manual.) Legislative Manual 1925, 782.

56. Legislative Manual 1924, 763–65, 784–86; 1925,782; 1926, 830–31, 834–55; 1927, 832–33, 841.

57. “Even immigrant Jews ordinarily contemptuous of old-party politics were delighted by Smith's career. If they could not quite see him as one of their own, they felt him to be a sort of kinsman.… For what Smith brought to focus between 1911 and 1928 was an upheaval of lower-class ethnic and urban groups within the shabby precincts of Tammany Hall…. Smith eased the way for second-generation Jewish intellectuals … to enter old-line politics.” Howe, World of Our Fathers, 386–87. Shefter, Political Parties and the State, 187. Shefter sees the patronage machine as victorious at this time, but we agree that the Democratic Party was willing to create regulatory authorities.

58. The Red Book: An Illustrated Legislative Manual of the State Containing the Portraits and Biographies of Its Governors and Members of the Legislature, ed. Will L. Lloyd, Edgar L. Murlin and James Malcolm, vol. 6 (Albany, NY: J.B. Lyon, 1892–1923), 534–39. (Henceforth, Red Book.)

59. Bonnett, Clarence E., Employers’ Associations in the United States: A Study of Typical Associations (New York: Macmillan, 1922)Google Scholar.

60. Carpenter, Jesse, Employers’ Associations and Collective Bargaining in New York City (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1950)Google Scholar.

61. Bonnett, Employers’ Associations, 160–74. Palladino, Grace, Skilled Hands, Strong Spirits: A Century of Building Trades History (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005), 23–24 Google Scholar, 39–41, 73–74, recounts the story of the trades’ fights for local control against national union control, but passes over the attempts to stabilize labor-management relations in New York where the unions were bigger and more autonomous than local unions in other places.

62. Bonnett, Employers’ Associations, 171, 217, 266, 553. Interest group tactics threatened to disrupt private agreements by getting the legislature to investigate alleged harms to the public. In 1920, there was a Legislative investigation of the construction industry “price fixing.” Palladino, Skilled Hands, 73–74. Governor Smith personally took over one investigation of the state Labor Department to block pressure tactics of the Associated Industries. Eldot, Alfred E. Smith, 210–12.

63. Fraser, Steven, “Dress Rehearsal for the New Deal: Shop-Floor Insurgents, Political Elites, and Industrial Democracy in the Amalgamated Clothing Workers,” in Working-Class America, ed. Frisch, Michael and Walkowitz, Daniel (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), 212–255 Google Scholar. Commons, John R. et al. , History of Labor in the United States, 1896–1932, vol. 3 (New York: Macmillan, 1935)Google Scholar. Parmet, Robert D., The Master of Seventh Avenue: David Dubinsky and the American Labor Movement (New York: New York University Press, 2005), 93, 130Google Scholar.

64. Hall, Max, ed., Made in New York: Case Studies in Metropolitan Manufacturing (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1959), 53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65. Fraser, Labor Will Rule, 89–91.

66. Dubofsky, When Workers Organize, 64–66.

67. Budish, J. M. and Soule, George, The New Unionism in the Clothing Industry (New York: Russell & Russell, 1920)Google Scholar, 111–19f. Carpenter, Jesse Thomas, Competition and Collective Bargaining in the Needle Trades, 1910–1967 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1972), 38–54 Google Scholar. Fraser, “Dress Rehearsal,” 217–18. After the Triangle Shirtwaist fire in 1911, New York established commissions on safety and health, which in turn led the ILGWU to collaborate with the state's Board of Sanitary Control to create the first of its kind Union Health Center. Parmet, Master of Seventh Avenue, 52, 109.

68. Dubofsky, When Workers Organize, 84.

69. Dubofsky, When Workers Organize, 72–75, 89f, 96–100. The Protocols of Peace ended in 1922, but industry-wide bargaining continued. The ACWA's experimentation with an industry-based unemployment insurance fund in Chicago in 1923 was extended to New York in 1928 and later made national; the ILGWU followed suit in 1924. The authors of the Chicago fund were Wisconsin policy specialists John Commons, William Leiserson, and David Friday.

70. Eldot, Alfred E. Smith, 201–202, 204.

71. Parmet, Master of Seventh Avenue, 24. A similar factional scenario played out in the men's segment in New York. In 1921 renegade employers resigned from the National Industrial Federation of Clothing Manufacturers and pushed the workers into a mass strike, which the workers won, but national industry-wide bargaining was not reestablished until 1935. Fraser, Labor Will Rule, 168–70.

72. Smith had appointed Lehman to the 1924 garment industry mediation panel. Ingalls, Robert P., Herbert H. Lehman and New York's Little New Deal (New York: New York University Press, 1975), 7Google Scholar. Parmet, Master of Seventh Avenue, 32–35, 42–48, 63, 84. Eldot, Alfred E. Smith, 204–205.

73. Kelber, Harry and Schlesinger, Carl, Union Printers and Controlled Automation (New York: The Free Press, 1967), 16, 185–87Google Scholar. Hall, Made in New York, 209.

74. Bonnett, Employers’ Associations. Cf. Lipset, Seymour Martin, Union Democracy: The Internal Politics of the International Typographical Union (Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1956)Google Scholar.

75. Berk, Louis D. Brandeis, 189–92.

76. Ansell and Burris, “Bosses of the City,” 27. Cohen, Lizabeth, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919–1939 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 49–50 Google Scholar.

77. A penetrating analysis of union corruption and charges of graft in Chicago in the context of failed regulation but an intense desire for stability, is made by Cohen, Andrew Wender, The Racketeer's Progress: Chicago and the Struggle for the Modern American Economy, 1900–1940 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004)Google Scholar. Cohen explains strong-arm union tactics to enforce otherwise unenforceable contracts, but fails to connect this tactic to stabilize markets with attempts to establish industry-wide accords in Chicago, which he considers anti-labor. Accords no doubt limit freedom of action. They also require political reinforcement, as in New York City.

78. In Chicago, the open shop movement reduced the unionized percentage of the job shop industry from 80 percent in 1910 to 35–40 percent in 1927. The largest printing company in the country, R. R. Donnelley in Chicago, operated open-shop. Brown, Emily C., Book and Job Printing in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1931)Google Scholar, cited by Newell, Barbara Warne, Chicago and the Labor Movement: Metropolitan Unionism in the 1930's (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1961), 26Google Scholar. Hall, Made in New York, 211. Amberg, Union Inspiration, 44f. Cf. Brattain, Michelle, ”The Pursuits of Post-Exceptionalism,” in Labor in the Modern South, Eskew, Glenn T. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2001), 1–46 Google Scholar.

79. Howe, World of Our Fathers, 391. Buenker, John D., Urban Liberalism and Progressive Reform (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1973)Google Scholar. Derber, Milton and Young, Edwin, eds., Labor and the New Deal (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1957)Google Scholar. Schlesinger, Arthur Jr., The Age of Roosevelt: The Coming of the New Deal (Cambridge, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1959)Google Scholar. Himmelberg, Robert F., The Origins of the National Recovery Administration (New York: Fordham University Press, 1976)Google Scholar.

80. Vladek was the managing editor of the Jewish Daily Forward. Fraser, Labor Will Rule, 77.

81. Parmet, Master of Seventh Avenue, 90.

82. Fraser, Labor Will Rule, 325–26.

83. When the committee later broke away to become the Congress of Industrial Organizations, the ILGWU stayed with the AFL.

84. Freeman, Joshua, Working-Class New York (New York: The Free Press, 2000), 52Google Scholar, citing Carpenter, Employers’ Associations and Collective Bargaining, 31.

85. Kelber and Schlesinger, Union Printers, 188, 189, 193, 201, 209.

86. Carpenter, Employers’ Associations and Collective Bargaining, 35 n. 12. Kelber and Schlesinger, Union Printers, 193, 210. Hall, Made in New York, Table 3, 150, 209.

87. Freeman, Working-Class New York, 103. Another specific American quality is that the distribution of benefits was race-based in New York as in the rest of the country.

88. Stratz, Ralph A. and Munger, Frank J., New York Politics (New York: New York University Press, 1960) 13Google Scholar. Shefter, Political Parties and the State, 201. Kessner, Thomas, Fiorello LaGuardia and the Making of Modern New York (New York: Penguin, 1991)Google Scholar.

89. Shefter, Political Parties and the State, 203–204.

90. Spitzer, Robert J., “Multiparty Politics in New York,” in Herrnson, Paul S. and Green, John C., eds., Multiparty Politics in America (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002), 145–59Google Scholar.

91. See Douglas, Andrew, The Effect of Fair Representation Voting on 2013 Cambridge, Massachusetts Municipal Elections (Tacoma Park, MD: Center for Voting and Democracy, 2014)Google Scholar.

92. Freeman, Joshua, In Transit: The Transport Workers Union in New York City, 1933–1966 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989)Google Scholar, 108, 171, 198–99f, 283.

93. Freeman, In Transit, 268. Freeman, Working-Class New York, 53.

94. Democrats and Republicans—with the support of the Catholic Church, the AFL, and the New York Board of Trade—overturned STV. The purge of the Communist Left also undermined black power. Democratic Party leaders blocked their candidates from endorsement by the ALP. The ALP leader, Hillman of the ACWA, died in 1946; other key union leaders left the ALP. In 1948 the New York State CIO Council dropped the ALP as its political arm. Freeman, In Transit, 294. Freeman, Working-Class New York, 79. The collapse of the ALP also led to Democratic Party domination in Italian community politics tailored to ethnic and craft appeals. Shefter, Political Parties and the State, 204–207, 214–16f, 221.

95. Shefter's interpretation is that the Liberal Party was a Jewish mini-machine. The Liberal Party's long-time leader was Alex Rose from the Cloth Hat, Cap, and Millinery Workers’ International Union. Spitzer, “Multiparty Politics,” 153.

96. Amberg, Union Inspiration, 116–170. Cf. Greenstone, J. David, Labor in American Politics (New York: Knopf, 1969)Google Scholar.

97. Freeman, In Transit, 326. The Liberal Party later endorsed Nelson Rockefeller in 1966, but Rockefeller's “liberalism” provoked the creation of the New York Conservative Party. Bjerre-Poulsen, Niels, Organizing the American Conservative Movement, 1945–1965 (Copenhagen, Denmark: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2002)Google Scholar, 142–46f.

98. Freeman, Working-Class New York, 273. Hall, Made in New York, 67f.

99. Mollenkopf, John, A Phoenix in the Ashes: The Rise and Fall of the Koch Coalition in New York City (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Mollenkopf, John and Castells, Manuel, eds., Dual City: Restructuring New York (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1991)Google Scholar. Freeman, Working-Class New York, 261–270.

100. Haumptmeier, Marco and Turner, Lowell, “Political Insiders and Social Activists: Coalition Builders in New York and Los Angeles,” in Labor in the New Urban Battlegrounds: Local Solidarity in a Global Economy, ed. Turner, Lowell and Cornfield, Daniel B. (Ithaca, NY: ILR and Cornell University Press, 2007), 129–43Google Scholar. Levitan, Mark, “It Did Happen Here: The Rise of Working Poverty in New York City,” in New York and Los Angeles: Politics, Society, and Culture—A Comparative View, ed. Halle, David (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 251–66Google Scholar. The Liberal Party lost its ballot status in 2002.

101. Lowndes, Joseph E., From the New Deal to the New Right: Race and the Southern Origins of Modern Conservatism (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008)Google Scholar. Levitan, Sar and Cooper, Martha, Business Lobbies: The Public Good and the Bottom Line (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984)Google Scholar. Hacker and Pierson, Winner-Take-All Politics, 110–112f.

102. Ferguson, Thomas and Rogers, Joel, Right Turn (New York: Hill and Wang, 1986)Google Scholar. Edsall, Thomas, The New Politics of Inequality (New York: Norton, 1984)Google Scholar. Hacker and Pierson, Winner-Take-All Politics, 184, 224.

103. Molly Ball, “The Pugnacious, Relentless Progressive Party That Wants to Remake America,” The Atlantic (January 7, 2016). http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/01/working-families-party/422949/. Alterman, Eric, Inequality and One City (New York: Nation Books, 2014)Google Scholar.

104. A recent study that flattens the historical sequences is Marens, Richard, “Generous in victory? American managerial autonomy, labour relations and the invention of Corporate Social Responsibility,” Socio-Economic Review 10, no. 1 (2012): 59–84 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. But see Schneiberg, Marc, “What's on the Path? Path Dependence, Organizational Diversity and the Problem of Institutional Change in the US Economy, 1900–1950,” Socio-Economic Review 5 (2007): 47–80 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

105. Flyvbjerg, Bent, Making Social Science Matter (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

106. Cf. Sabel, Charles F. and Zeitlin, Jonathan, “Stories, Strategies, Structures: Rethinking Historical Alternatives to Mass Production,” World of Possibilities (New York: 1997), 1–33 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

107. Mickey, Robert, Paths Out of Dixie: The Democratization of Authoritarian Enclaves in America's Deep South, 1944–1972 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2015)Google Scholar. I showed that when industrialization was launched in Texas the institutional legacy of Jim Crow was redirected by employers in its conflicts with organized labor. Amberg, Stephen, “Governing Labor in Modernizing Texas,” Social Science History 28, no. 1 (2004): 145–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar.