¹ R. M. Eaton, ‘Introduction’, in Slavery and South Asian History, (eds.) I. Chatterjee and R. M. Eaton (Bloomington, 2006), p. 1; E. Kalb, ‘Slavery in South Asia’, in The Palgrave Handbook of Global Slavery throughout History, (eds.) D. A. Pargas and J. Schiel (London, 2023), p. 517, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13260-5_29.

² A. Chakravarty, ‘Slavery, mobility, and identity on the western coast of India, sixteenth–eighteenth centuries’, Comparative Studies in Society and History (2024), pp. 1–30, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417524000203; J. Hinchy and G. Joshi, ‘Towards a more varied picture of slavery; an interview with Indrani Chatterjee on histories of enslavement in South Asia’, Journal of Global Slavery 6 (2021), pp. 249–261; I. Chatterjee, ‘Renewed and connected histories: slavery and the historiography of South Asia’, in Slavery and South Asian History, (eds.) Chatterjee and Eaton, pp. 22–23.

³ S. Subrahmanyam, ‘Between eastern Africa and western India, 1500–1650: slavery, commerce,

and elite formation’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 61.4 (2019), pp. 805–834, 813.

⁴ G. Marcocci, ‘Conscience and empire: politics and moral theology in the early modern Portuguese world’, Journal of Early Modern History 18 (2014), pp. 473–494. Dom Manuel’s messianic and millenarian penchant was also hotly debated among historians of Portuguese discoveries. See L. F. F. R. Thomáz, ‘L’idée impériale manueline’, in La découverte, le Portugal et l’Europe, (ed.) J. Aubin (Paris, 1990), pp. 35–103.

⁵ F. Xavier, Epistolae S. Francisci Xaverii aliaque eius scripta (1535–52), (eds.) G. S. J. Schurhammer and I. S. J. Wicki (Rome, 1944; reprint, 1996), vol. 1, p. 421.

⁶ S. McManus, ‘Understanding slavery in early modern Asia: Jesuit scholarship from seventeenth-century Iberia and Asia’, in A Companion to the Global Renaissance, (ed.) J. G. Singh (New York, 2021), pp. 64–78.

⁷ R. da Silva Ehalt, ‘Casuística nos Trópicos: a pragmática teológico-moral de Francisco Rodrigues na Ásia portuguesa (séculos XVI e XVII)’, Revista de História da Sociedade e da Cultura 19 (2019), pp. 399–418.

⁸ Â. B. Xavier, ‘Gaspar de Leão e a recepção do Concílio de Trento no Estado da Índia’, in O Concílio de Trento em Portugal e nas suas conquistas: olhares novos, (ed.) A. C. Gouveia, D. S. Barbosa, and J. P. Paiva (Lisbon, 2014); P. Souza de Faria, ‘Os concílios provinciais de Goa: reflexoes sobre o impacto da “Reforma Tridentina” no centro do império asiático portugues (1567-1606)’, Topoi (Rio de Janeiro) 14.27 (2013), pp. 218–238; R. da Silva Ehalt, ‘O Primeiro Concílio de Goa e a releitura da escravidao na Ásia (1567)’, Lusitania Sacra 38 (Jul.-Dec. 2018), pp. 49–78.

⁹ S. Guha, Beyond Caste: Identity and Power in South Asia; Present and Past (Leiden and Boston, 2013), pp. 20–43.

¹⁰ Another well-studied demographic fact is that the Portuguese Crown formally discouraged the importation of Portuguese women. Boxer’s estimate is that five to 15 Portuguese women reached Goa annually. C. R. Boxer, Mary and Misogyny; Women in Iberian Expansion Overseas, 1415-1815; Some Facts, Fancies and Personalities (London, 1975), p. 66. The institution of the ‘king’s orphan girls (orfãs del rey)’, with dowries of minor government posts or land grants, was a half-hearted effort to shore up the elite status of the Portuguese society in the Estado da Índia. T. J. Coates, Degredados e Órfãs: colonização dirigida pela coroa no império protugueês. 1550-1755 (Lisbon, 1998).

¹¹ See N. Lenski and C. M. Cameron, What Is a Slave Society: The Practice of Slavery in Global Perspective (Cambridge, 2018), p. 17.

¹² Although Finley’s theory has been criticised for its West-centric focus and its limited use in the global approach to slavery, scholars continue to hold onto historical constructs such as ‘slave society’ for heuristic purposes. The Islamicate polities seem to fall under the category of ‘societies with slaves’. E. R. Toledano, ‘Ottoman and Islamic societies: were they “slave societies”?’, in Lenski and Cameron, What Is a Slave Society?, p. 366. For Marathi and Konkani traditions and sources on slavery, see Chakravarty, ‘Slavery, mobility, and identity’; and R. O’Hanlon and C. Minkowski, ‘What makes people who they are? Pandit networks and the problem of livelihoods in early modern western India’, Indian Economic and Social History 45.3 (2008), pp. 381–416. R. O’Hanlon, ‘Caste and its histories in colonial India: a reappraisal’, Modern Asian Studies 51.2 (2017), pp. 432–461.

¹³ A. J. R. Russell-Wood, ‘Iberian expansion and the issue of black slavery: changing Portuguese attitudes, 1440-1770ʹ, The American Historical Review 83.1 (1978), pp. 16–42.

¹⁴ If Spanish black legend was about cruelty and blood, Portuguese was focused on mixing with colonised populations who corrupted customs and institutions of the coloniser. See G. Davidson Winius, The Black Legend of Portuguese India (New Delhi, 1985); C. Nocentelli, ‘Discipline and love: Linschoten and the Estado da India’, in Rereading the Black Legend: The Discourses of Religious and Racial Difference in the Renaissance Empire, (eds.) M. R. Greer, W. Mignolo, and M. Quilligan (The University of Chicago Press, 2007), pp. 205–224; N. Chaturvedula, ‘Imperial Excess: Corruption and Decadence in Portuguese India (1660-1706)’ (unpublished PhD thesis. Columbia University, 2010).

¹⁵ Salazarian authoritarian regime, overthrown in the famous Carnation Revolution of 1974, invented the slogan: ‘Portugal is a country of gentle manners (brandos costumes).’ On Freire’s visit to Goa in 1951, see C. Castelo, ‘O Modo Português de Estar no Mondo’: O Luso-Tropicalismo e a Ideologia Colonial Portuguesa (1933-1961) (Porto, 1998). See also C. Bastos, ‘Um luso-tropicalismo às avessas: colonialismo científico, aclimação e pureza racial em Germano Correia’, in Fantasmas e Fantasias Imperiais no Imaginário Português Contemporâneo, (eds.) M. C. Ribeiro and A. P. Ferreira (Porto, 2003), pp. 227–253; Â. B. Xavier, ‘Reducing difference in the Portuguese empire? A case study from early-modern Goa’, ACIISC 13.2 (2016), pp. 89–119. António Vieira had a mulatto ancestor on his father’s side but appeared blind to racism. C. R. Boxer, A Great Luso-Brazilian Figure: Padre Antonio Vieira, S. J., 1608–1697 (London, 1957), pp. 22–23.

¹⁶ Xavier, ‘Reducing difference’, p. 246; see also Â. B. Xavier and I. G. Županov, Catholic Orientalism: Portuguese Empire, Indian Knowledge (16th-18th centuries) (New Delhi, 2015). On institutionalisation and the legal construction of brahmin caste status over two millennia, see T. Lubin, ‘Religious endowments in ancient India and the institutionalization of brahmin caste status’, American Journal of Legal History 63 (2023), pp. 97–114.

¹⁷ Â. B. Xavier, ‘Purity of blood and caste: identity narratives among early modern Goan elites’, in Race and Blood in Spain and Colonial Hispano-America, (eds.) M. S. H. Torres, M. E. Martínez, and D. Nirenberg (Berlin and London, 2012), pp. 125–150. Ângela Barreto Xavier argued that initial campaigns of Christianization in Goa led by the Jesuits focused on the subaltern population that willingly converted and were rewarded by privileges and lands owned by the upper castes. Eventually, the local elites—Brahmans and Charodos—converted to reclaim and repossess control over land in addition to the spiritual control they acquired by joining Catholic priesthood. See Â. B. Xavier, ‘Disquiet on the island: conversion, conflict, and conformity in sixteenth-century Goa’, Indian Economic Social & History Review 44.3 (2007), pp. 269–295.

¹⁸ G. F. G. Careri, Giro del Mondo (Naples, 1700), Part 3, p. 76.

¹⁹ M. N. Pearson, The Portuguese India, The New Cambridge History of India (Cambridge, 1987), p. 65.

²⁰ D. do Couto, O Soldado Prático, (ed.) M. R. Lapa (Lisbon, 1937).

²¹ Among various reasons proposed for the decline of the Portuguese empire in Asia were: neglecting the army, squandering riches from the spice and slave trades, the excessive support given to religious orders, and the role of the Inquisition had been invoked.

²² A Mesa da Consciência e Ordens was created by D. João III of Portugal in 1532 to resolve moral problems that may have directly affected the king’s own salvation. It was one of the strategies used for the centralisation of the power by the monarch. See S. Schwartz, Sovereignty and Society in Colonial Brazil (Berkeley, 2018).

²³ See F. G. Davenport and O. C. Oscar, European Treaties Bearing on the History of the United States and Its Dependencies to 1684 (Washington, 1917), vol. 1, p. 17, doc. 1, footnote 37.

²⁴ See G. Marcocci, A consciência de um imperio, Portugal e o seu mundo (secs. XV-VII) (Coimbra, 2012), p. 50. The fifteenth-century papal privileges and exemptions bestowed on the Order of Christ and subsequently to the Portuguese Crown (1551) constituted the Padroado Real, or royal patronage of all missions and ecclesiastical appointments in Africa, Asia, and America. A just form of enslavement (justo título da escravidão) had been debated by the theologians of the Salamanca school and at the Universities of Coimbra and Évora. On the definition of ‘natural slavery’, dominium, right to conquest, infidelity, etc., see A. Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology (Cambridge, 1987); C. A. de M. R. Zeron, Linha de fé: a Companhia de Jesus e a escravidão no processo de formação da sociedade colonial (Brasil, séculos XVI e XVII) (São Paulo, 2011); P. Calafate (ed.), A Escola Ibérica da Paz nas Universidades de Coimbra e Évora - Séculos XVI e XVII (Coimbra, 2015), vol. 2.

²⁵ Pearson, Portuguese in India, pp. 14–15, 92–93.

²⁶ M. Bloch, ‘Comment et pourquoi finit l’esclavage antique’, Annales, 1947. On the debate on Bloch’s argument, see S. S. Sutherland, ‘The study of slavery in the early and central middle ages: old problems and new approaches’, History Compass (2020), https://doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12633; Marcocci, A consciencia de um imperio, p. 52.

²⁷ On ‘natural slaves’, see Pagden, Fall of Natural Man. A definition of a barbarian: sem lei, sem rei, sem fe (without law, king, faith). For the long durée history of slavery in the Iberian Peninsula, see W. D. Phillips, Slavery in Medieval and Early Modern Iberia (Philadelphia, 2014).

²⁸ The king of Portugal, João III, clearly stated in his letter of 1533 that baptised slaves were to be freed, but orders of this kind went against the local circumstances, took a very long time, if ever, to be implemented, and always produced counter letters asking for clarifications or additional certifications. J. H. Da Cunha Rivara, Archivo Portugues Oriental, Fasc. 5, part 2 (first edn 1857, New Delhi and Madras, 1992), pp. 153–154 (henceforth APO); see also S. J. Jose Wicki, O Livro do pai dos Cristaos (Lisbon, 1969), pp. 86–89.

²⁹ G. Correa, Lendas da India, (ed.) R. José de Lima Felner (Lisbon, 1890), vol. 4, pp. 669–670.

³⁰ Marcocci, A consciencia de um imperio, p. 411.

³¹ R. Curto, ‘O sistema do escravo-inteprete’, in Cultura imperial e o projetos coloniais, (ed.) R. Curto, (Campinas, 2009), pp. 27–55; Marcocci, A consciencia de um imperio, p. 412. In his De justitia et jure, Molina condemned the slave trade as practised by the Portuguese. For its application in the Jesuit context in Asia, see McManus, ‘Understanding slavery’, pp. 65–78.

³² A. Chakravarti, ‘Mapping “Gabriel”: space, identity and slavery in the late sixteenth-century Indian Ocean’, Past & Present 243.1 (2019), pp. 5–34; M. Salvadore, ‘Between the Red Sea slave trade and the Goa Inquisition: the odyssey of Gabriel, a sixteenth-century Ethiopian Jew’, Journal of World History 31.2 (2020), pp. 327–360, https://doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2020.0021; J. D. Figueira, Reportorio, Códice 203, Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, fl. 367 (526). For slaves on trial by the Inquisition, see S. Hassell, ‘Inquisition records from Goa as sources for the study of slavery in the eastern domains of the Portuguese empire’, History in Africa 42 (2015), pp. 397–418.

³³ See the case of a Goan cook, Isabele, and other domestic slaves in S. N. Hassell, ‘Slavery, Conversion, and Religious Geography in Portuguese India in the 16^th century’ (unpublished PhD, Stanford University, 2014); Souza de Faria, ‘Os concílios’, p. 225.

³⁴ Â. B. Xavier, ‘Gaspar de Leão Pereira’, pp. 134, 148.

³⁵ APO, Fasc. 4, pp. 53–54; see McManus, ‘Understanding slavery’, p. 66.

³⁶ APO, Fasc. 4, p. 30 (decree 40).

³⁷ K. S. Mathews, ‘The institution of Pai dos Cristaos (Father of Christian) and social changes in India with special reference to the Malabar Coast during the sixteenth century’, in India, the Portuguese and Maritime Interactions, (eds.) P. Malekandathil, L. Varadarajan, and A. Farooqui, vol. II, Religion, Language and Cultural Expressions (New Delhi, 2019), pp. 36, 44; APO, Fasc. 5, part I, pp. 153–154; Wicki, O Livro do pai dos Cristaos, pp. 86–89. The office of pai dos christãos—an institution that can be found only in India—was a crown office, though always filled by a priest. Its purpose was to help catechumens and neophytes during their instruction in the Christian faith.

³⁸ The Treaty of 1571 with Adil Shah regularised this situation. J. Wicki (ed.), Documenta Indica (Rome, 1988), vol. 18, p. 665 (hereafter DI); APO, Fasc. 5, part 2, p. 827; D. de Mendonça, Conversions and Citizenry; Goa under Portugal 1510-1610 (New Delhi, 2002), p. 169; Wicki, O Livro do pai dos Cristaos, p. 173.

³⁹ A. D’Costa, The Christianisation of the Goan Islands, 1510–1567 (Bombay, 1965), p. 144.

⁴⁰ APO, Fasc. 4, pp. 51, 152, 196 (4th Provincial Church Council).

⁴¹ Ibid, p. 51.

⁴² Ibid, p. 46.

⁴³ Ibid, p. 177. Some slave owners created their own small armies of slaves who were ready to attack whoever was designated by their owner. The ruling that slaves had no right to carry any arms was disregarded. Xavier, ‘Disquiet on the island’, p. 100. However, according to the French traveller Jean-Baptiste Tavernier (1605–1689), some slaves, fully armed, were known to kill anywhere at any moment, even in the church and on the altar. J.-B. Tavernier, Travels in India (first pub. 1676 in French) (New Delhi, 1995), vol. 1, pp. 152–153, 7.

⁴⁴ Marriage between slaves was impossible in the Roman empire and Late Antiquity; see D. d’Avray, ‘Slavery, marriage and the holy see: from the ancient world to the new world’, Legal History 20 (2012), pp. 347–351; APO, Fasc. 4, p. 196.

⁴⁵ R. da Silva Ehalt, ‘Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan’ (unpublished PhD, Tokyo, 2017), pp. 173–174; A. da Silva Rego (ed.), Documentação para a historia das missões do Padroado Português do Oriente, vol. 10 (Lisbon, 1953), p. 563.

⁴⁶ Ehalt, ‘Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery’, p. 172; K. Mills, W. B. Taylor, and S. L. Graham, Colonial Latin America: A Documentary History (Lanham (USA), 2002), p. 372.

⁴⁷ I. G. Županov, ‘“The wheel of torments”: mobility and redemption in Portuguese colonial India (16th century)’, Cultural Mobility, (co-ed.) S. Greenblatt et al. (Cambridge, 2009), pp. 24–74. The title is difficult to translate. I suggested Disillusioning the Lost, while João Teles e Cunha suggested Enlightenment of the Damned, in Jews of Goa, (ed.) S. Weil (New Delhi, 2020), p. 101.

⁴⁸ Xavier, ‘Gaspar de Leão Pereira’.

⁴⁹ I. G. Županov, ‘Translating the Doctrina christiana: Jesuit linguistic mission before and after the Council of Trent (sixteenth-seventeenth century India)’, in Trent and Beyond: The Council, Other Powers, Other Cultures, (eds.) M. Catto and A. Prosperi (Turnhout, 2018), pp. 559–581.

⁵⁰ APO, Fasc. 4, p. 51.

⁵¹ A. B. Xavier, ‘In and beyond the Portuguese empire: coping with marriage ritual diversity in early modern Goa’, in Diversity and Empires Negotiating Plurality in European Imperial Projects from Early Modernity, (eds.) E. Heijmans and S. Rose (London and New York, 2023), p. 40. In the ‘census’ of 1718, however, the number of ‘gentiles’ decreased to only approximately 10 per cent of the Goan population. P. S. S. Pissurlencar, Agentes da Diplomacia Portuguesa na Índia (Hindus, Muçulmanos, Judeus e Parses) (Bastora, 1952); M. N. Pearson, ‘Indigenous dominance in a colonial economy: the Goa Rendas, 1600–1670ʹ, Mare Luso-Indicum 2 (1973), pp. 61–73.

⁵² Interestingly, one of the arguments against the establishment of the female monastery in Goa was that Portuguese girls in India grew up in slave households and thus imbibed early all the bad influences of climate and licentiousness. Boxer, Mary and Misogyny, p. 102.

⁵³ She probably meant ‘mestiço’ or ‘black casado’.

⁵⁴ A. de Santa Maria, Historia do Real Convento de Santa Monica (Lisbon, 1699), pp. 263, 358–359.

⁵⁵ M. G. Agostinho, Historia (Lisboa, 1699), p. 263.

⁵⁶ Agostinho, Historia, pp. 358–359; A. M. Pescatello, ‘The African presence in Portuguese India’, Journal of Asian History 11.1 (1977), pp. 26–48.

⁵⁷ APO, Fasc. 4, p. 50; Xavier, ‘Reducing difference’, p. 252. Portuguese were accordingly forbidden from being domestic servants and working for non-Portuguese. See Wicki, O Livro do pai dos Cristaos, p. 9.

⁵⁸ DI, vol. 1, p. 74.

⁵⁹ Mendonça, Conversions, p. 168; DI, vol. 1, pp. 74–75. Christians were not allowed to sell their Hindu slaves to Muslims.

⁶⁰ F. de Sousa, S. J., Oriente Conquistado a Jesu Christo pelos Padres da Companhia de Jesus da Provincia de Goa (Lisboa, 1710), vol. 1, pp. 739–740 (new edn, p. 650). Drogas, at this point, meant spices and medicinal plants, the traffic of which was still considered the most lucrative business.

⁶¹ The Third and the Fifth Provincial Church Councils legislated, lukewarmly, that the ships were not to carry slave girls on board under the threat of excommunication. If they did, they were to be locked by night.

⁶² Ibid, p. 740.

⁶³ Â. B. Xavier, ‘“O lustre do seu sangue”, Bramanismo e tópicas de distinção no contexto protuguês’, Tempo 30 (2010), p. 73; D. R. Curto, ‘Representacões de Goa’, in Histórias de Goa, (ed.) R. M. Perez (Lisboa, 1997), pp. 45–86.

⁶⁴ Russell-Wood, ‘Iberian expansion’, pp. 16–42.

⁶⁵ Â. B. Xavier, ‘“Parecem indianos na cor e na feição”: a “lenda negra” e a indianização dos portugueses’, Etnográfica 18.1 (2014), p. 126; V. Barletta, Death in Babylon: Alexander the Great and Iberian Empire in the Muslim Orient (Chicago, 2010), p. 138.

⁶⁶ Xavier, ‘Parecem indianos’, 125.

⁶⁷ E. van den Boogaart, ‘Slavery in the De Bry collection: the formation of a worldwide comparative perspective’, in Migration, Trade, and Slavery in an Expanding World, (ed.) W. Klooster (Leiden, 2009), p. 166.

⁶⁸ E. van den Boogaart, Civil and Corrupt Asia Image and Text in the Itinerario and the Icones of Jan Huygen Van Linschoten (Chicago, 2003); J. H. van Linschoten, The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies, first transl. and English edn of the original Itinerario 1598 (New Delhi and Madras: AES reprint of 1885 edn, 1988), pp. 174–177.

⁶⁹ Linschoten, The Voyage, vol. 1, p. 205.

⁷⁰ Ibid, pp. 208–209.

⁷¹ Ibid, pp. 209–211.

⁷² On corruption, see Chaturvedula, ‘Imperial Excess’; see also A. Weerasinghe, ‘Stuck Knowledge: Medicine and Immobility in Portuguese Goa, 1510–1759ʹ (unpublished PhD, Baltimore, MD, 2022), p. 84.

⁷³ T. N. de Carvalho, Os desafios de Garcia de Orta: Colóquios dos simples e drogas da India, (Lisbon, 2015).

⁷⁴ Linschoten, The Voyage, vol. 1, p. 212.

⁷⁵ Ibid, pp. 215–216.

⁷⁶ Ibid, p. 216.

⁷⁷ Ibid.

⁷⁸ Early modern Portuguese ‘raça’ does not have the same meaning as ‘race’ in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when the emphasis was on visible, physical traits such as skin colour to distinguish one race from another. The conceptual framework for race comes from religious difference following the suppression of Judaism and Islam in early modern Iberia. The discourse of purity of blood in Spain represents a critical transition in European thought between what had been ‘peoples’ or ‘nations’ (based on geography, culture, common history, beliefs, etc.) to a system based essentially on biology.

⁷⁹ Linschoten, The Voyage, vol. 1, p. 184.

⁸⁰ See chapter 5 in J. Flores, Unwanted Neighbours: The Mughals, the Portuguese and their Frontier Zone (New Delhi, 2018).

⁸¹ J. Mocquet, Voyage à Mozambique & Goa, La relation de Jean Mocquet (1607-1610), (ed.) X. de Castro (Paris, 1996), p. 112; see also Inquisition accounts in Hassell, ‘Slavery, Conversion, and Religious Geography’, pp. 204–205; APO, vol. 4, pp. 51, 269–270.

⁸² Mocquet, Voyage, pp. 121, 127–129.

⁸³ F. P. de Laval, Voyage de Pyrard de Laval aux Indes Orientales (1601-1611), (ed.) X. de Castro (Paris, 1998), vol. 2, p. 619.

⁸⁴ Voyage de François Pyrard, de Laval: Contenant sa navigation aux Indes Orientales, Maldives, Moluques, Bresil ... (Paris, 1619), p. 622.

⁸⁵ Ibid; ‘Demi pied de roi’ is 16.3 cm; see https://collections.louvre.fr/en/ark:/53355/cl010112684.

⁸⁶ F. Carletti, Voyage autour du Monde de Francesco Carletti (1594-1606) (Paris, 1999), pp. 256–257.

⁸⁷ Ibid, p. 256; see I. G. Županov, ‘Boccaccio in the tropics: Carletti’s ethnographic fragments’, in Trading at the Edge of Empires: Francesco’s Carletti’s World, c. 1600, (eds.) B. Brege, P. Findlen, L. Molà, and G. Riello (Cambridge, MA and Florence, 2025), p. 289–310.

⁸⁸ P. della Valle, The Travels of Pietro Della Valle in India (from old English transl. of 1664 and Hakluyt, 1892) (New Delhi and Madras, 1991), vol. 1, p. 157.

⁸⁹ J. N. da Fonseca, An Historical and Archæological Sketch of the City of Goa (first edn 1878, New Delhi and Madras, 1994), p. 156. Goa was a counterpart of Lisbon, as the proverb claimed: ‘que vio Goa excusa de vêr Lisboa.’

⁹⁰ Hindus numbered 20,000, or one-third of the population. The rest were Christians and slaves. See footnote 27.

⁹¹ A. Bocarro, O livro das plantas de todas a fortalezas, cidades e povoações do Estado da India Oriental (Lisbon, 1992), vol. 2, p. 135. Teotonio R. de Souza estimates 15 persons per household; T. R. de Souza, Medieval Goa (New Delhi, 1979), p. 115.

⁹² In addition, the number of ecclesiastics in Asia was about 1,700. S. Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia 1500-1700: A Political and Economic History (London and New York, 1993), pp. 222–228. The convent of Santa Monica had about 120 slaves, Santa Casa da Misericórdia had about 200 slaves, and Jesuit St. Paul college had about 200; every judge in Goa had 80 slaves. P. D. Xavier, Goa, a Social History, 1510–1640 (Panaji, Goa, 1993), p. 92; J. Pinto, Slavery in Portuguese India, 1510–1842 (Bombay, 1992).

⁹³ Souza, Medieval Goa, p. 125.

⁹⁴ Ibid, p. 126.

⁹⁵ The question of slavery became a footnote in a larger debate about humoralism and the theory of civility/barbarism that provided a model for understanding human difference until the end of the eighteenth century. G. van Meeresbergen, Ethnography and Encounter: The Dutch and English in Seventeenth-Century South Asia (Leiden, 2022), p. 63.

⁹⁶ APO, Fasc. 4, p. 9.

⁹⁷ Ibid, p. 8.

⁹⁸ From this view of the caste as being sanctioned by the religious sect, the explanation would change and evolve all the way to treating caste as a purely ‘social’ fact. This ‘fact’ was established in the Jesuit accommodationist missions and one of the major debating moments to define it was during the Malabar and Chinese rites controversy. I. G. Županov and P. A. Fabre (eds.), The Rites Controversies in the Early Modern World (Leiden, 2018).

⁹⁹ Portuguese in India born in Portugal were in a separate reinóis category. Being of ‘mixed blood’ was damning in the Portuguese political vocabulary because it referred to the category of ‘New Christians’ of Jewish and Moor blood. Xavier, ‘Purity of blood and caste’, p. 131.

¹⁰⁰ Xavier and Županov, Catholic Orientalism, p. 260.

¹⁰¹ Ibid, p. 261.

¹⁰² Â. B. Xavier, ‘Languages of difference in the Portuguese empire: the spread of “caste” in the Indian world’, ACHS 43.2 (2016), p. 104; Â. B. Xavier and I. G. Županov, ‘Ser bramane na Goa da época moderna’, Revista de História (São Paulo) 172 (Jan.-June, 2015), p. 27. Moreover, he complained to the Pope that the Portuguese maltreated the Brahmans, the old Indian nobility.

¹⁰³ Xavier and Županov, Catholic Orientalism, p. 262. It is possible that calling Brahmans ‘goats’ has something to do with his literary learning, as playwright Gil Vicente (1465–1536), in his allegorical Boat of Loves (Nau d’amores, 1527), makes a Portuguese young woman reject a marriage proposal from a son of the king of Benin by calling him ‘cur’ and ‘billy goat (cabrão)’. Russell-Wood, ‘Iberian expansion’, p. 39.

¹⁰⁴ According to Timothy Lubin, the close alliance between the king and the Brahman in ancient South India was the result not of Brahmanical expertise in sacred texts and rituals, as the usual argument goes, but of the particular legal institution of land endowment in which kings conferred immunities and privileges to the Brahman groups. Goan Catholic Brahmans tried to play the same political game with the Portuguese king and the Estado da Índia. Lubin, ‘Religious endowments in ancient India’, pp. 97–114, https://academic.oup.com/ajlh/issue/63/2. On the scholarly debates about caste in the precolonial Deccan, see E. M. Gurevitch, ‘The epistemology of difference: caste and the question of natural kinds in the courts of medieval India’, Journal of South Asian Intellectual History 5 (2022), pp. 217–251.

¹⁰⁵ A. J. de Frias, Aureola dos Indios & Nobiliarchia Bracmana […], Lisbon: 1702 (Bombaim, 1892).

¹⁰⁶ Ibid, p. 49.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid, p. 43.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid, pp. 53, 33. The reference, slightly modified, is from Rgveda, Mandala 10, Hymn 90, https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Rig_Veda/Mandala_10/Hymn_90. The primeval man was Purusha, not Brahma.

¹⁰⁹ L. Paes, Promptuario das diffiniçoes indicas deduzidas de varios chronistas da India, graves authores, das Historias Gentilicas (Lisboa, 1713), pp. 7, 165.

¹¹⁰ Ibid, p. 172.

¹¹¹ J. da Cunha Jaques, Espada de David, contra o Golias do Bramanismo, Biblioteca de Ajuda, 49-II-9, 28v–29r. See R. N. de Jesus Ventura, ‘Conversão e conversabilidade Discursos da missão e do gentio na documentação do Padroado Português do Oriente (séculos XVI e XVII) (PhD thesis, Universidade de Lisboa, 2011), p. 305; and Â. B. Xavier, ‘David contra Golias na Goa seiscentista e setecentista. Escrita identitária e colonização interna’, in Ler História 49 (2005), p. 130.

¹¹² See S. Bayly, Caste, Society and Politics Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age (Cambridge, 2008).

¹¹³ While Christian elites in Goa struggled for the highest status and economic benefits attached to them, Portuguese casado descendants created a pressure group, including Franciscans. Xavier, ‘Purity of blood and caste’, p. 131; S. Guha, ‘Lower strata, older races, and aboriginal peoples: racial anthropology and mythical history past and present’, The Journal of Asian Studies 57.2 (1998), pp. 423–441; S. Guha, ‘Transitions and translations: regional power and vernacular identity in the Dakhan, 1500-1800ʹ, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 24.2 (2004), pp. 21–34.

¹¹⁴ Castelo, ‘O Modo Português de Estar no Mondo’, p. 36; Freire, Um brazileiro em terras portuguesas, 1st edn collection Documentos Brasileiros 77 (Rio de Janeiro, 1953), p. 101.

¹¹⁵ T. R. de Souza, ‘From Christianization of karma to Luso-Tropicalism and Lusosphere’, Seminar 630 (Feb. 2012), pp. 1–6.