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The history of the Dengjue Temple: a social microcosm of Yunnan in the Ming Dynasty
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 November 2025
Abstract
The Dengjue Si 等覺寺 (Dengjue Temple) may be regarded as the most significant Buddhist temple in the Menghua region of Yunnan Province during the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644). The building dates back to the Nanzhao Kingdom (738–902), underwent significant expansion during the Ming Dynasty, and housed the Menghua prefectural Buddhist registry in both the Ming and Qing (1644–1912) periods. The article analyses an important inscription—Chongxiu Dengjue si beiji 重修等覺寺碑記 (Stele of the restoration of the Dengjue Temple)—which meticulously records the historical context of the temple’s construction and restoration, the individuals involved, its architectural layout, and its rise and fall during the early to mid Ming Dynasty. What distinguishes this case is Menghua’s unique status as the reputed birthplace of the Nanzhao royal lineage. The Ming Dynasty conquered Yunnan in 1382, after which it introduced new Confucian ideologies and Buddhist practices, and gradually initiated a programme of social reconstruction. The Zuo family, who claimed descent from the Nanzhao royal family to legitimise and consolidate their authority as native officials (tusi 土司) in Menghua, became the temple’s principal benefactors. Within this context, the restoration of the Dengjue Temple was the result of collaborative efforts among the Ming government, local officials, regional elites, and monastic leaders. By tracing the temple’s history with reference to the roles of these actors, this study presents the Dengjue Temple as a microcosm of Ming frontier governance, religious adaptation, and cultural negotiation.
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References
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27 During the Ming Dynasty, the administrative divisions below the provincial government were, in order of rank: fu 府 (prefecture), zhou 州 (sub-prefecture), and xian 县 (county). For a detailed discussion of the Ming administrative hierarchy, see C. O. Hucker, ‘Governmental organization of the Ming Dynasty’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 21 (1958), p. 45.
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29 See Tuguan dibo, p. 56.
30 A dan 石 is an ancient Chinese unit of weight. In the Ming Dynasty, 1 dan equated to approximately 60 kilograms. See J. Ma, ‘Local communities, village temples and the reconstruction of ethnic groups in western Yunnan, fourteenth to seventeenth centuries’, in Transformation of Yunnan, (eds.) Daniels and Ma, p. 48.
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35 Deng, ‘State and local society’, p. 5.
36 Hucker, ‘Governmental organization’, p. 11.
37 R. Von Glahn, The Sinister Way: The Divine and the Demonic in Chinese Religious Culture (Berkeley, CA, 2004), p. 12.
38 Ma, ‘Local communities’, pp. 43–45.
39 K. Debreczeny, ‘Ethnicity and Esoteric Power: Negotiating Sino-Tibetan Synthesis in Ming Buddhist Painting’, (unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 2007), https://openpublishing.psu.edu/ahd/content/ethnicity-and-esoteric-power-negotiating-sino-tibetan-synthesis-ming-painting.
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43 Yunnan Sheng bianji zu, Dali Zhou Yizu shehui, p. 168.
44 D. Liu, Liu Dunzhen wenji san 劉敦楨文集三 (Beijing, 1987), p. 324.
45 D. Guo, Zhongguo gudai jianzhu shi, di 3 juan: Song, Liao, Jin, Xi Xia jianzhu 中國古代建築史, 第三卷: 宋, 遼, 金, 西夏建築 (Beijing, 2003), p. 259. For a discussion on the origins and development of the seven halls of the sangha concept, see ibid, pp. 257–259.
46 A. Campbell, ‘The influence of the cult of the Bodhisattva Guanyin on tenth-century Chinese monasteries’, Sino-Platonic Papers 182 (2008), p. 86.
47 For further information on Chan Buddhist architectural design during the Ming Dynasty, see Pan, Zhongguo gudai jianzhu shi, p. 319; Charleux and Goossaert, ‘Physical Buddhist monastery’, p. 323; C. Ding, Zhongguo jianzhu yishu quanji, 13: Fojiao jianzhu (2) (Nanfang) 中國建築藝術全集, 13: 佛敎建築 (二) (南方) (Beijing, 1999), p. 44; and C. Itō, Zhongguo gu jianzhu zhuang shi/shang 中國古建築裝飾/上 (Beijing, 2006), p. 86.
48 Charleux and Goossaert, ‘Physical Buddhist Monastery’, p. 313.
49 Pan, Zhongguo gudai jianzhu shi, pp. 316–319.
50 In the Ming, temple layouts shifted to emphasise the central axis, leading to smaller Mountain Gates and the addition of the Heavenly Kings Hall behind them. See H. Wang, Zhejiang Chanzong siyuan huanjing yanjiu 浙江禪宗寺院環境研究 (Hangzhou, 2017), p. 104. This evolution in temple design is reflected in the Jinling fanchazhi 金陵梵刹志 [Gazetteer of the Buddhist temples of Jinling], which provides detailed information on Nanjing’s numerous Ming temples. See Pan, Zhongguo gudai jianzhu shi, p. 318.
51 Q. Ning, Art, Religion, and Politics in Medieval China: The Dunhuang Cave of the Zhai Family (Honolulu, 2004), p. 16.
52 Y. Nikaidō, ‘Daxiong Baodian kao’, Journal of East Asian Cultural Interaction Studies 9 (2016), p. 206.
53 Charleux and Goossaert, ‘Physical Buddhist Monastery’, pp. 325–326.
54 For a discussion on the function of the Dharma Hall, see Y. Zi, Zhongguo mingsi 中國名寺 (Hefei, 2012), p. 35.
55 For a discussion on the influence of the Pure Land school on Buddhist architecture, see Pan, Zhongguo gudai jianzhu shi, p. 319.
56 Y. Duan, Xinan simiao wenhua 西南寺廟文化 (Kunming, 1992), p. 117.
57 For the layout of Yunyin Temple, see X. Jiang (ed.), Kangxi Menghua fu zhi 康熙蒙化府誌 (Dali, 1983), p. 237. Like the Dengjue Temple, the Yunyin Temple was established during the Nanzhao Kingdom and received significant financial support from the Zuo family during the Ming Dynasty.
58 For further information on heavenly beings, see W. Ma, Yindu shenling tanmi 印度神靈探秘 (Beijing, 2011), p. 359; H. Luo, Fomen puxi 佛門譜系 (Shanghai, 2003), pp. 47–48. For a discussion on the number of heavenly beings, see H. Bai, Hanhua fojiao yu fosi 漢化佛教與佛寺 (Beijing, 2003), p. 181.
59 J. Ma, ‘Zhaozhou Bazi Society’, p. 140.
60 Von Glahn, Sinister Way, p. 9.
61 Mount Jizu lies about 100 kilometres from Menghua.
62 S. J. Tambiah, The Buddhist Saints of the Forest and the Cult of Amulets: A Study in Charisma, Hagiography, Sectarianism, and Millennial Buddhism (Cambridge, 1984), p. 22.
63 For references to Mahākāśyapa in the Buddhist scriptures, see Y. Yuan, Zhongguo zongjiao mingsheng shidian 中國宗教名勝事典 (Shanghai, 1996), p. 250.
64 According to tradition, there are four sacred mountains in Chinese Buddhism: Mount Wutai, Mount Emei, Mount Putuo, and Mount Jiuhua.
65 Q. Zhang, Jizushan shang de xinhuo: Yunnan jizushan de fojiao shengdi xue yanjiu 雞足山上的薪火: 雲南雞足山的佛教聖地學研究 (Beijing, 2017), p. 15.
66 The monks’ hall common in the Song and Yuan was replaced in the Ming by three separate halls for dining, meditation, and sleeping. See Pan, Zhongguo gudai jianzhu shi, p. 319.
67 For further information on the development of the meditation room, see Charleux and Goossaert, ‘Physical Buddhist Monastery’, pp. 318–328.
68 For a discussion on the association of cleanliness with decency and respect in Chinese Buddhism, see A. Heirman and M. Torck, A Pure Mind in a Clean Body: Bodily Care in the Buddhist Monasteries of Ancient India and China (Ghent, 2012).
69 The Ming Yingzong shi lu was completed in 1464.
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71 Jiang, Kangxi Menghua fu zhi, p. 128. The Kangxi Menghua Fuzhi was compiled more than two centuries after these events took place, during the Kangxi period (1661–1722).
72 The Ming Xianzong shi lu was completed in 1491.
73 Ming Xianzong shi lu, 1962, p. 4392.
74 H. Wang, Zhejiang Chanzong, p. 95. Esoteric Buddhists venerated Pilu. See D. C. Twitchett, H. Franke, and J. K. Fairbank, The Cambridge History of China, vol. 6: Alien Regimes and Border States, 907–1368 (Cambridge, 1978), p. 315.
75 C Ku, ‘Zhang Shengwen Fanhua Juan’ Yanjiu: Yunnan Houli Guo Duan Zhixing Shidai de Fojiao Huaxiang 《張勝溫梵畫卷》研究: 雲南后里國段智興時代的佛教畫像 (Beijing, 2018), pp. 76–90. Zhang Shengwen, a twelfth-century painter from the Dali Kingdom, is renowned for the Zhang Shengwen Fanhua Juan (1172–1175), making it crucial reading for understanding Dali’s history, religion, culture, and art. For insights into the role of Buddhism in pre-1382 Dali, see Daniels and Ma, ‘Introduction’, pp. 6–8.
76 Skanda is venerated under various names in India, with numerous temples, legends, texts, and rituals dedicated to him. See M. Strickmann, Chinese Magical Medicine (Stanford, CA, 2002), p. 218.
77 For a discussion on the evolution of Skanda into Weituo, see H. H. Sorensen, ‘Central divinities in the esoteric Buddhist pantheon in China’, in Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, (eds.) C. D. Orzech and R. K. Payne (Leiden, 2011), p. 124.
78 The Yi ethnic group is one of China’s officially recognised minorities, primarily residing in the south-western part of the country. Many other ancient ethnic groups in Menghua (now Weishan) have been subsumed under the Yi ethnic classification.
79 See Dalizhou Minzu Shiwu Weiyuan Hui (ed.), Weishan Yizu Huizu Zizhixian Minsuzhi 巍山彜族回族自治縣民俗誌 (Kunming, 2012), p. 214.
80 Yunnan Sheng bianji zu, Yunnan Weishan Yizu shehui lishi diaocha 雲南巍山彝族社會歷史調查 (Beijing, 2009), p. 219.
81 C. Yü and C. Yao, ‘Guanyin and Dizang: the creation of a Chinese Buddhist pantheon’, Asiatische Studien/Études Asiatiques 70.3 (2016), pp. 757–796.
82 The Miaofa lianhua jing 妙法蓮華經 [Lotus sūtra] is one of the most influential and venerated Buddhist Mahāyāna texts. For discussions on Guanyin’s attributes and depictions of her in the Buddhist scriptures, see M. Poceski (ed.), The Wiley Blackwell Companion to East and Inner Asian Buddhism (Malden, MA, 2014), p. 231.
83 A unique form of Guanyin imagery known as acuoye 阿嵯耶 that fused Chinese, Southeast Asian, and local artistic styles developed during the Nanzhao and Dali kingdoms. For discussions on its impact, see Daniels and Ma, ‘Introduction’, pp. 7–8.
84 P. Williams, Mahāyāna Buddhism: The Doctrinal Foundations (London, 2009), p. 229. Dizang is closely associated with the confession of sins, funerary rites, celestial realms, and Buddha Amitābha’s Pure Land. For discussions on perceptions of him in the Ming Dynasty, see Z. Ng, The Making of a Savior Bodhisattva: Dizang in Medieval China (Honolulu, 2007), pp. 218–219.
85 For further information on this pairing, see C. Yü, Chinese Buddhism: a thematic history (Honolulu, 2020), pp. 88–90; F. Wang-Toutain, Le Bodhisattva Ksịtigarbha en Chine du Ve au XIIIe siècle (Paris, 1998), pp. 153–157.
86 See J. Ma, ‘Zhaozhou Bazi Society’, p. 139.
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88 Goodrich, ‘Revolving book-case’, p. 152.
89 Pan, Zhongguo gudai jianzhu shi, p. 317.
90 Gaoming furen was an honorary title that was conferred upon the mothers or wives of high-ranking officials during the Tang, Song, Ming, and Qing dynasties. It was directly linked to the official rank (from first to fifth grade) of the husband or son.
91 Y. Luo and L. Wang (eds.), Zhongguo minjian gushi congshu: Yunnan Dali, Weishan juan 中国民间故事丛书: 云南大理, 巍山卷 (Beijing, 2016), p. 189.
92 L. K. Shin, The Making of the Chinese State: Ethnicity and Expansion on the Ming Borderlands (Cambridge, 2006), p. 69.
93 B. Yang, ‘Rule based on native customs’, in Between Winds and Clouds: The Making of Yunnan (Second Century BCE to Twentieth Century CE) (New York, 2008), p. 20.
94 R. Lian, ‘Tu guan yu tamen de nüer: diguo zhoubian de zhengzhi yu shehui lianmeng’ 土官與他們的女兒: 帝國周邊的政治與社會聯盟, Tai da lishi xuebao 65 (2020), pp. 33–74.
95 Lian, ‘Buddhist temples’, p. 138.
96 For further details of this architectural style, see H. Wang, Yunnan fo jiao shi 雲南佛敎史 (Kunming, 2001), p. 167; Y. Zhang, Zhongguo ta 中國塔 (Xi’an, 2000), pp. 89–90.
97 Liu, Liu Dunzhen wenji san, p. 379.
98 S. Naquin, Gods of Mount Tai: Familiarity and the Material Culture of North China, 1000–2000 (Leiden, 2022), p. 128.
99 For a comprehensive discussion on the six mid Ming emperors’ Buddhist policies, see G. Wang, Zhongguo hanchuan fojiao jianzhu shi: Fosi de jianzao, fenbu yu siyuan geju, jianzhu leixing jiqi bianqian, Xia juan: shuailuo yu fuxing 中國漢傳佛教建築史: 佛寺的建造, 分布與寺院格局, 建築類型及其變遷下卷: 衰落與復興 (Beijing, 2016), pp. 1788–1791.
100 For further details of Shizong’s rejection of Buddhism, see X. He, Mingchao fojiao shi lun gao 明朝佛教史論稿 (Beijing, 2016), pp. 30–31. For information on the restrictions imposed on Buddhism in the early to mid Ming, see J. Wu, Enlightenment in Dispute: The Reinvention of Chan Buddhism in Seventeenth-Century China (Oxford, 2008), pp. 22–24.
101 This unofficial history of the Ming Dynasty was written between 1606 and 1607.
102 D. Shen, Wanli yehuo bian 萬曆野獲編 (Beijing, 1998), p. 746.
103 For further details of the senggang si system, see T. Brook, The Chinese State in Ming Society (London, 2005), pp. 135–136; C. Yü, The Renewal of Buddhism in China: Zhuhong and the Late Ming Synthesis (New York, 2020), p. 166; G. Kuan, ‘Monastic officials on Wutai Shan under the Ming Dynasty’, in The Transnational Cult of Mount Wutai: Historical and Comparative Perspectives, (eds.) S. Andrews, J. Chen, and G. Kuan (Leiden, 2021), vol. 2, p. 76.
104 Yunnan Sheng bianji zu, Dali Zhou Yizu shehui, p. 164.
105 B. Nan and G. Tang, Ming shi 明史 (Shanghai, 2003), pp. 585–586.
106 R. G. Wang, ‘The Ming princely patronage of Daoist temples’, Ming Studies 65 (2012), p. 67.
107 R. B. Joo, ‘The ritual of arhat invitation during the Song Dynasty: why did Mahāyānists venerate the arhat?’ Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 30 (2007), p. 81.
108 For details of the links between arhat worship and donations to monastic communities, see M. S. Weidner (ed.), Cultural Intersections in Later Chinese Buddhism (Honolulu, 2001), pp. 28–29.
109 Kuan, ‘Monastic officials’, p. 76.
110 S. Heine, Zen Skin, Zen Marrow: Will the Real Zen Buddhism Please Stand Up? (Oxford, 2008), p. 44.
111 Heine, Zen Skin, Zen Marrow, pp. 44–45.
112 S. Gong, ‘A discussion of the anti-Buddhism struggle in China before the mid-Tang Dynasty and the path of Buddhism’s development in China’, Chinese Studies in Philosophy 14.4 (1983), p. 35.
113 Naquin, Gods of Mount Tai, p. 118.