Body capital

The acceleration of highly visual culture, facilitated by digital technologies in recent years, has exacerbated the extent to which the body’s appearance is a central source of capital for individuals worldwide (Bourdieu, Reference Bourdieu2018). Body capital consists of two distinct dimensions: (1) the amount of body capital held by an individual and (2) the extent to which individuals are encouraged to invest in their body as a source of capital. Both of these dimensions are related to the matrices of power and privilege that underpin the majority of contemporary societies in which certain bodies hold more social power than others. Thus, a body that is read as holding certain identities and that is closer to social beauty standards will hold more body capital. Conversely, individuals whose identities afford them lower power and privilege, such as Black and Indigenous People of Color, and those who live in larger bodies, are more strongly encouraged to invest in their appearance as a source of capital. This perspective is relevant when considering who within a certain group is thus more likely to experience their body as related to their experiences of oppression, while concurrently experiencing it as a modifiable source of potential capital (Edmonds, Reference Edmonds2007; Hunter, Reference Hunter2011).

Sociocultural theories

Sociocultural theories highlight how messages from broad social discourses, relayed by proximal sociocultural agents (such as the media or the interpersonal environment), influence individuals’ beliefs regarding appearance and thereby their body image. Thus, for example, social discourses regarding the moral value of pursuing an appearance that conforms to external standards, including in terms of weight, and that encourages individuals to discipline and self-monitor their bodies have been useful (Thompson et al., Reference Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe and Tantleff-Dunn1999; Fitzsimmons-Craft, Reference Fitzsimmons-Craft2011). In addition, these theories have made important contributions in highlighting the increasing demands placed on individuals in terms of appearance standards, the unrealistic nature of beauty ideals, as well as their progressive globalization (Widdows, Reference Widdows2018). While it is true that appearance ideals vary across cultures, as well as social identities including gender and sexual orientation, it is also the case that a globalized ideal that is slender, toned yet curvy for women and muscular and lean for men, and golden in skin tone is emerging (Widdows, Reference Widdows2018). These theories also highlight how these socially constructed appearance standards serve political and economic goals as their inherent unattainability generates large financial profits as individuals strive to pursue them, while their perpetuation of oppressive social hierarchies contributes to maintaining the existing systems of power and privilege (Hesse-Biber et al., Reference Hesse-Biber, Leavy, Quinn and Zoino2006; Rodgers, 2022 as cited in Aimé, Reference Aimé, Dion and Maïano2022). Empirical work grounded in these theories has been useful in identifying mechanisms through which sociocultural discourses and appearance ideals are internalized by individuals, and the role of appearance comparison in the development and maintenance of body image concerns (Shroff and Thompson, Reference Shroff and Thompson2006; Rodgers et al., Reference Rodgers, Chabrol and Paxton2011; Schaefer et al., Reference Schaefer, Burke, Anderson, Thompson, Heinberg, Bardone-Cone, MKH, Frederick, Anderson, Schaumberg, Nerini, Stefanile, Dittmar, Klump, Vercellone and Paxton2019).

Related to the idea of body capital, Westernization, urbanization, and rapid economic growth have been posited to be linked to increased body image concerns through intensifying media and advertising pressures, as well as competition for resources and social mobility (Becker, Reference Becker2004; McLaren and Kuh, Reference McLaren and Kuh2004; Gorrell et al., Reference Gorrell, Trainor and Le Grange2019). From this perspective, countries that are most affluent, as well as those that are undergoing the most rapid cultural and economic transitions, are likely to be those where the highest rates of body image concerns are found.

Critical feminist theories

Critical feminist theories have been useful in identifying how gendered processes that serve economic and political goals of gender majorities, including the objectification of women and gender minorities, are related to body image (Peterson et al., Reference Peterson, Grippo and Tantleff-Dunn2008; Roberts et al., Reference Roberts, Calogero, Gervais, Travis, White, Rutherford, Williams, Cook and Wyche2018). These theories emphasize how the gendered nature of body ideals and the social value attributed to appearance serve to further protect existing gender hierarchies. Thus, for example, socializing women to be invested in achieving an unrealistically slender and highly groomed appearance diverts energies and resources away from other (political and social) activities and continues to perpetuate systems in which women’s social worth is indexed to their appearance (Widdows, Reference Widdows2018; Piran, Reference Piran2019). In addition, these theories have highlighted how the objectification of women in society, in particular through media images, leads to women internalizing the need to self-monitor one’s body, in the form of self-surveillance and self-objectification, and how these factors are also associated with poor body image (Fitzsimmons-Craft, Reference Fitzsimmons-Craft2011).

Minority stress theories

A third important group of theories has highlighted how individuals who hold minoritized identities may experience and fear appearance-based discrimination (Brewster et al., Reference Brewster, Sandil, DeBlaere, Breslow and Eklund2017; Veldhuis et al., Reference Veldhuis, Te Poel, Pepping, Konijn and Spekman2017; Brewster et al., Reference Brewster, Velez, Breslow and Geiger2019). These experiences and the associated anxiety lead to negative affect, a recognized risk factor for body image concerns, as well as heightened preoccupation with appearance. In addition, individuals may engage in efforts to avoid discrimination and the associated anxiety by attempting to modify their appearance through behaviors that may be harmful in the long term, as well as avoiding situations in ways that may be impairing over time.

A comprehensive integrative model of minority stress and sociocultural theory was useful to better understand how minority stressors (heterosexist discrimination, sexual orientation concealment, and internalized homophobia) were related to sociocultural influences (sociocultural pressures, thin ideal, and muscular-ideal internalization) and body image concerns and related body change behaviors (Convertino et al., Reference Convertino, Helm, Pennesi, Gonzales and Blashill2021).

High-income English-speaking countries

The large majority of the available research has stemmed from high-income English-speaking countries such as the USA, Canada, the UK, and Australia (Holmqvist and Frisén, Reference Holmqvist and Frisén2010). In such cultural contexts, strong adherence to unrealistically slender and muscular ideals is overall found, with little variation across high socioeconomic status sites (Swami et al., Reference Swami, Frederick, Aavik, Alcalay, Allik, Anderson, Andrianto, Arora, Brännström and Cunningham2010). In such contexts, body image concerns are highly prevalent and tend to be greatest among individuals with minoritized identities including women, sexual and gender minorities, individuals living in larger bodies, and those from minoritized racial and ethnic backgrounds (Frederick et al., Reference Frederick, Crerand, Brown, Perez, Best, Cook-Cottone, Compte, Convertino, Gordon, Malcarne, Nagata, Parent, Pennesi, Pila, Rodgers, Schaefer, Thompson, Tylka and Murray2022). Appearance ideals that are gendered, heteronormative, ableist, ageist, and Eurocentric contribute to centering concerns around weight, muscularity, youth, fairness, and related characteristics across groups.

Research has suggested that levels of body image concerns in high-income English-speaking countries, particularly in the USA, are among the highest globally, with the exception of pockets of very affluent and Westernized areas, such as within Asia (Holmqvist and Frisén, Reference Holmqvist and Frisén2010). It is also within such contexts that research focusing on positive body image has received the greatest attention (Halliwell, Reference Halliwell2015), as well as research aiming to refine explanatory models of body image concerns that account for interindividual variations (Pachankis et al., Reference Pachankis, Clark, Burton, Hughto, Bränström and Keene2020).

In the USA and in other English-speaking high-income countries, negative body image has been associated with eating disorders (Drummond, Reference Drummond2002; McLean and Paxton, Reference McLean and Paxton2019), as well as depression and postpartum depression (Brausch and Gutierrez, Reference Brausch and Gutierrez2009; Silveira et al., Reference Silveira, Ertel, Dole and Chasan-Taber2015), and poor psychosocial functioning (Davison and McCabe, Reference Davison and McCabe2006). Effective interventions to decrease body image concerns have been developed, in particular those that increase understandings of the socially constructed nature of appearance ideals and decrease adherence to them (Marchand et al., Reference Marchand, Stice, Rohde and Becker2011; Lewis-Smith et al., Reference Lewis-Smith, Diedrichs and Halliwell2019). Notably, sometimes these interventions address eating disorders as the main outcome and body image as a risk factor (Marchand et al., Reference Marchand, Stice, Rohde and Becker2011). However, these interventions need to be embedded more systematically into existing networks and systems, and efforts to decrease universal risk need to be increased (Bell et al., Reference Bell, Rodgers and Paxton2016).

European countries

Studies in European non-English-speaking countries have overall evidenced findings that are similar to those in high-income English-speaking countries, although overall rates of body image concerns tend to be lower than in the USA (Frederick et al., Reference Frederick, Buchanan, Sadehgi-Azar, Peplau, Haselton, Berezovskaya and Lipinski2007; Holmqvist and Frisén, Reference Holmqvist and Frisén2010). Within Europe, variations exist in terms of body image, for example, individuals from Belgium and Portugal have reported lower rates of body size satisfaction as compared to Norway and Denmark (Kvalem et al., Reference Kvalem, Graham, Hald, Carvalheira, Janssen and Štulhofer2020).

Latin countries such as Portugal and Spain tend to place more emphasis on appearance, which is accompanied by higher rates of cosmetic surgery and body image concerns (Stefanile et al., Reference Stefanile, Matera, Nerini and Pasciucco2015). Consistent with the theories described previously, high rates of appearance investment and anxiety in Cyprus, as compared to other European countries, were interpreted as being related to the lower economic power of the area and recent rapid urbanization and change (Koutsantoni et al., Reference Koutsantoni, Kkeli and Argyrides2020).

Among European samples, body image has been found to be associated with mental health concerns including internalizing symptoms (Ramos et al., Reference Ramos, Moreno-Maldonado, Moreno and Rivera2019), eating disorder symptoms (Rodgers et al., Reference Rodgers, Chabrol and Paxton2011), and poor psychological functioning (Corry et al., Reference Corry, Pruzinsky and Rumsey2009; Træen et al., Reference Træen, Markovic and Kvalem2016). Given the preliminary evidence for the burden of body image concerns in Europe, continuing to develop efforts toward prevention is critical (Barbosa, Reference Barbosa2021).

Latin America

Body image disturbances and physical appearance concerns are prevalent in most Latin American countries (McArthur et al., Reference McArthur, Holbert and Pena2005; Silva et al., Reference Silva, Nahas, de Sousa, Del Duca and Peres2011; Forbes et al., Reference Forbes, Jung, Vaamonde, Omar, Paris and Formiga2012; Amaral and Ferreira, Reference Amaral and Ferreira2017; Swami et al., Reference Swami, Tran, Barron, Afhami, Aimé, Almenara, Dal and Amaral2020: Bolívar-Suárez et al., Reference Bolívar-Suárez, Gómez, Yanez-Peñúñuri, Anacona and Gómez2021; León-Paucar et al., Reference León-Paucar, Calderón-Olivos, Calizaya-Milla and Saintila2021). Research points to several sociocultural factors related to body image concerns in Latin American samples, such as pressure to achieve socially prescribed body ideals and the internalization of appearance ideals (Austin and Smith, Reference Austin and Smith2008; Mellor et al., Reference Mellor, McCabe, Ricciardelli and Merino2008; Forbes et al., Reference Forbes, Jung, Vaamonde, Omar, Paris and Formiga2012; de Carvalho et al., Reference de Carvalho, Alvarenga and Ferreira2017; de Carvalho and Ferreira, Reference de Carvalho and Ferreira2020), unique pressures to meet unrealistic standards of beauty (Forbes et al., Reference Forbes, Jung, Vaamonde, Omar, Paris and Formiga2012; Gruber et al., Reference Gruber, Kalkbrenner and Hitter2022), thin-ideal awareness (Moreno-Domínguez et al., Reference Moreno-Domínguez, Rutsztein, Geist, Pomichter and Cepeda-Benito2019), negative appearance-related messages from family members (Rivero et al., Reference Rivero, Killoren, Kline and Campione-Barr2022), acculturative stress (Quiñones et al., Reference Quiñones, Herbozo and Haedt-Matt2022), and acculturation (Marquez and Benitez, Reference Marquez and Benitez2021).

It is noteworthy that poor mental health has been associated with body image concerns in Latin American countries, including low self-esteem (Amaral and Ferreira, Reference Amaral and Ferreira2017; Bolívar-Suárez et al., Reference Bolívar-Suárez, Gómez, Yanez-Peñúñuri, Anacona and Gómez2021), depressive symptoms (Amaral and Ferreira, Reference Amaral and Ferreira2017; Delgado-Floody et al., Reference Delgado-Floody, Guzmán-Guzmán, Caamaño-Navarrete, Jerez-Mayorga, Zulic-Agramunt and Cofré-Lizama2021; León-Paucar et al., Reference León-Paucar, Calderón-Olivos, Calizaya-Milla and Saintila2021), poor psychological well-being (Amaral and Ferreira, Reference Amaral and Ferreira2017; Lemes et al., Reference Lemes, Câmara, Alves and Aerts2018; Matias et al., Reference Matias, Silva, Duca, Bertuol, Lopes and Nahas2020), mental health concerns (Pinheiro et al., Reference Pinheiro, Horta, Pinheiro, Horta, Terres and Silva2007; Silva et al., Reference Silva, Nahas, de Sousa, Del Duca and Peres2011), and eating disorder symptoms (Compte et al., Reference Compte, Sepulveda and Torrente2015; Amaral and Ferreira, Reference Amaral and Ferreira2017; de Carvalho et al., Reference de Carvalho, Alvarenga and Ferreira2017; de Carvalho and Ferreira, Reference de Carvalho and Ferreira2020). Although effective interventions to decrease body image concerns have been developed for Latin Americans (Castillo et al., Reference Castillo, Solano and Sepúlveda2019; Almeida et al., Reference Almeida, Brown, Campos, Amaral and de Carvalho2021; Rutsztein et al., Reference Rutsztein, Murawski, Leonardelli, Scappatura, Elizathe, Custodio and Keegan2021; Resende et al., Reference Resende, Almeida, dos Santos Alvarenga, Brown and de Carvalho2022), there is still a critical need to position body image as a priority in public mental health policies, and again several of these programs address body image as a risk factor within eating disorder prevention. This may be particularly challenging in Latin America countries, given difficulties faced in their operationalization, financing, and adaptation to sociocultural realities (Leiva-Peña et al., Reference Leiva-Peña, Rubí-González and Vicente-Parada2021).

Asia and South-East Asia

Beauty ideals in Asia and South-East Asia have been described as centering around being small-bodied as well as a particular emphasis on facial features (Mellor et al., Reference Mellor, Waterhouse, Bt Mamat, Xu, Cochrane, Mccabe and Ricciardelli2013) and skin tone (Prusaczyk and Choma, Reference Prusaczyk and Choma2018). Asia is a very diverse area in terms of affluence and cultural groups, and unsurprisingly, these differences have been found to be associated with variations in body image concerns. Thus, for example, in highly Westernized and affluent parts of Asia, levels of body image concerns are among the highest in the world (e.g. Shih and Kubo, Reference Shih and Kubo2005; Jung et al., Reference Jung, Forbes and Lee2009).

As in other cultures, support has been found for the role of media influence in body image across Asian countries including in Singapore (Chang et al., Reference Chang, Li, Loh and Chua2019), Taiwan (Chang et al., Reference Chang, Lee, Chen, Chiu, Pan and Huang2013), Korea (You and Shin, Reference You and Shin2020), Hong Kong and China (Rochelle and Hu, Reference Rochelle and Hu2017), and Japan (Ando et al., Reference Ando, Giorgianni, Danthinne and Rodgers2021), as well as the role of the internalization of appearance ideals (Omori et al., Reference Omori, Yamazaki, Aizawa and de Zoysa2017; Hsu et al., Reference Hsu, Hung and Antoine2021). In addition, work has been accumulating from a positive body image perspective, suggesting that these constructs are relevant to these groups (Swami and Jaafar, Reference Swami and Jaafar2012; Todd and Swami, Reference Todd and Swami2020).

As documented in other cultural contexts, in Asian countries body image concerns have been associated with eating disorder symptoms (Yamamiya et al., Reference Yamamiya, Shroff and Thompson2008; Chisuwa and O’Dea, Reference Chisuwa and O’Dea2010; Kaewpradub et al., Reference Kaewpradub, Kiatrungrit, Hongsanguansri and Pavasuthipaisit2017), depression (Prusaczyk and Choma, Reference Prusaczyk and Choma2018), and poorer quality of life (Santhira Shagar et al., Reference Santhira Shagar, Donovan, Boddy, Tapp and Harris2021). In very recent years, prevention efforts have been extended to affluent and developing areas of Asia (Craddock et al., Reference Craddock, Garbett, Haywood, Nasution, White, Saraswati, Rizkiah, Medise and Diedrichs2021; Danthinne et al., Reference Danthinne, Giorgianni, Ando and Rodgers2022; Garbett et al., Reference Garbett, Craddock, Haywood, Nasution, White, Saraswati, Medise, Diedrichs and Williamson2022); however, more work is needed.

The Middle East

Body image concerns are present in the Middle East; however, much of the existing work has focused on women, with rare exceptions (Melki et al., Reference Melki, Hitti, Oghia and Mufarrij2015; Saghir and Hyland, Reference Saghir and Hyland2017). A study among women from Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Oman, and Syria revealed that in each country 32–39% of women reported being dissatisfied with their body weight, and 17–22% reported a preference for the body shape of Western models (Musaiger, Reference Musaiger2015). In another study among women from southwestern Saudi Arabia, 77% indicated a discrepancy between their actual, perceived, and ideal weights (Khalaf et al., Reference Khalaf, Westergren, Berggren, Ekblom and Al-Hazzaa2015).

Similar to findings in other settings, urbanization has been associated with a preference for thinness (Jackson et al., Reference Jackson, Rashed and Saad-Eldin2003), and research has pointed to the role of sociocultural factors in body image concerns, including the role of media (Tayyem et al., Reference Tayyem, Bawadi, AbuMweis, Allehdan, Agraib, Ghazzawi, Al-Mannai and Musaiger2016; Saghir and Hyland, Reference Saghir and Hyland2017) and the internalization of appearance ideals (Melki et al., Reference Melki, Hitti, Oghia and Mufarrij2015; Zainal et al., Reference Zainal, Stevens, Harriger and Herbozo2020). Perhaps in this geographic area more than others, the role of cultural and religious values and behaviors has been explored, with findings suggesting that the relationships are complex and require further disentangling (Al-Mutawa et al., Reference Al-Mutawa, Schuilenberg, Justine and Taher2019; Sidi et al., Reference Sidi, Geller, Abu Sinni, Levy and Handelzalts2020).

Again, as in other contexts, body image concerns have been associated with eating disorder symptoms in students from Iran (Naeimi et al., Reference Naeimi, Haghighian, Gargari, Alizadeh and Rouzitalab2016) and with depression among students in Turkey (Tayfur and Evrensel, Reference Tayfur and Evrensel2020). These findings suggest that here too, body image may be accompanied by significant mental health burden, and that tailoring and extending prevention efforts to these settings would be important.

Africa

While specific appearance ideals and body image concerns vary across contexts throughout Sub-Saharan Africa, traditional standards of beauty for women often reflect a preference for a larger body size and a fuller, curvier shape (Furnham and Baguma, Reference Furnham and Baguma1994; Tovée et al., Reference Tovée, Swami, Furnham and Mangalparsad2006; Naigaga et al., Reference Naigaga, Jahanlu, Claudius, Gjerlaug, Barikmo and Henjum2018). These traditional standards of attractiveness and beauty continue to exert influence on body image ideals today, with women and men at higher weights endorsing greater appearance satisfaction than those at lower weights (Otakpor and Ehimigbai, Reference Otakpor and Ehimigbai2016; Tuoyire et al., Reference Tuoyire, Kumi-Kyereme, Doku and Amo-Adjei2018).

Consistent with this, cross-cultural work has supported that body image satisfaction, including as related to weight and muscularity, is higher among groups from African countries as compared to similarly aged groups from countries such as China, Indonesia, and Ecuador (Blum et al., Reference Blum, Li, Choiriyyah, Barnette, Michielson and Mmari2021), and the UK (Thornborrow et al., Reference Thornborrow, Onwuegbusi, Mohamed, Boothroyd and Tovée2020).

However, globalization has brought increasing pressures to achieve Eurocentric beauty ideals and a greater desire for smaller hips, larger buttocks, straight hair, lighter skin tones, and slimmer noses among African women (Balogun-Mwangi et al., Reference Balogun-Mwangi, Robinson-Wood, DeTore, Edwards George, Rodgers and Sanchezunder review; Eddy et al., Reference Eddy, Hennessey and Thompson-Brenner2007; Kaziga et al., Reference Kaziga, Muchunguzi, Achen and Kools2021). Consistent with theories regarding the role of accelerating modernity, among women in South Africa, Cameroon, and Uganda, higher levels of desire for thinness and preference for smaller bodies have developed (Dapi et al., Reference Dapi, Omoloko, Janlert, Dahlgren and Håglin2007; Prioreschi et al., Reference Prioreschi, Wrottesley, Cohen, Reddy, Said-Mohamed, Twine, Tollman, Kahn, Dunger and Norris2017; Kaziga et al., Reference Kaziga, Muchunguzi, Achen and Kools2021), as well as a preference for Eurocentric beauty ideals among women from Nigeria versus Kenya (Balogun-Mwangi et al., Reference Balogun-Mwangi, Robinson-Wood, DeTore, Edwards George, Rodgers and Sanchezunder review). Thus, appearance ideals may be changing in African countries and pressures to pursue mainstream globalized appearances may be increasing.

As predicted by sociocultural theories, these pressures, including pressures from social media, which represents a principal source of globalized appearance pressures, have been found to be associated with body size dissatisfaction (Michels and Amenyah, Reference Michels and Amenyah2017), desire for a thinner body (Terhoeven et al., Reference Terhoeven, Nikendei, Bärnighausen, Bountogo, Friederich, Ouermi, Sié and Harling2020), and poorer overall body image (Kaziga et al., Reference Kaziga, Muchunguzi, Achen and Kools2021) in Ghana, Burkina Faso, and Uganda, respectively. Although multiple factors may be at play, increased exposure to Western (but not Zimbabwean) media was found to account for poorer body image among Zimbabwean women (Swami et al., Reference Swami, Mada and Tovée2012). The literature pertaining to body image among men in Africa is more scarce. Nevertheless, emerging research has suggested that while dissatisfaction with muscularity may be present in men, rates are lower than in other cultural contexts such as the USA (Frederick et al., Reference Frederick, Buchanan, Sadehgi-Azar, Peplau, Haselton, Berezovskaya and Lipinski2007).

Consistent with findings from around the globe, in Africa greater body image concerns have been associated with poorer mental health outcomes, including eating disorders (Prioreschi et al., Reference Prioreschi, Wrottesley, Cohen, Reddy, Said-Mohamed, Twine, Tollman, Kahn, Dunger and Norris2017; Terhoeven et al., Reference Terhoeven, Nikendei, Bärnighausen, Bountogo, Friederich, Ouermi, Sié and Harling2020), depression and anxiety (Corona et al., Reference Corona, Hood and Haffejee2019), lower quality of life (Ejike, Reference Ejike2015), and general psychiatric morbidity (Otakpor and Ehimigbai, Reference Otakpor and Ehimigbai2016). Again, efforts to prevent this burden would be important.

Global commonalities

Although differences exist, the literature has also highlighted commonalities across countries at the global level in terms of appearance ideals (Lipinski and Pope, Reference Lipinski and Pope2002; Swami et al., Reference Swami, Frederick, Aavik, Alcalay, Allik, Anderson, Andrianto, Arora, Brännström and Cunningham2010), the nature of body image concerns, and potential risk factors in the development of these concerns. Support has been found for media exposure, and particularly Westernized media exposure, as a correlate of poorer body image among adults across 26 countries in 10 world regions (Swami et al., Reference Swami, Frederick, Aavik, Alcalay, Allik, Anderson, Andrianto, Arora, Brännström and Cunningham2010; Schaefer et al., Reference Schaefer, Burke, Anderson, Thompson, Heinberg, Bardone-Cone, MKH, Frederick, Anderson, Schaumberg, Nerini, Stefanile, Dittmar, Klump, Vercellone and Paxton2019). Similarly, among adolescents from 24 countries across Europe, Canada, and the USA, the role of parental influence in body image has been supported (Al Sabbah et al., Reference Al Sabbah, Vereecken, Elgar, Nansel, Aasvee, Abdeen, Ojala, Ahluwalia and Maes2009). These findings provide strong support for continuing to ground work in sociocultural models that account for these pathways.

In addition, the literature has supported the fact that immigration from a lower income and less Westernized area to a higher income, urban, and Westernized area is frequently accompanied by increased body image concerns (Toselli et al., Reference Toselli, Rinaldo and Gualdi-Russo2016). This increase may be related to greater exposure to Western media, as well as increased minority stress, and a loss of capital that may lead to body capital becoming more salient.

Importantly, the consistent findings regarding the association between body image and multiple indicators of poor mental health including eating disorders, mood disorders, and general impaired functioning highlight the critical nature of body image concerns. Coordinated efforts should be made to address this global issue.

Theoretical implications

Predominant theories that have been useful for conceptualizing body image concerns include those that highlight the importance of sociocultural identities, particularly from an intersectional and minority stress standpoint. The majority of the work that has been conducted outside of high-income Western countries has focused on sociocultural elements including pressures toward thinness and internalization of media ideals (e.g. Moreno-Domínguez et al., Reference Moreno-Domínguez, Rutsztein, Geist, Pomichter and Cepeda-Benito2019; Zainal et al., Reference Zainal, Stevens, Harriger and Herbozo2020; Hsu et al., Reference Hsu, Hung and Antoine2021). This represents an important gap, as theories that can account for the ways in which appearance is tied to power and privilege are likely particularly useful ones in such contexts. Future work at the global level should seek to explore these facets to a greater extent. It is notable, however, that the work grounded in sociocultural theories suggested that these frameworks and their related constructs are still applicable outside of affluent Western contexts. Together, these findings suggest that additional attention should be focused on extending theories to be culturally informed and sensitive to cultural variations as well as integrating important elements of minority and intersectionality theory.

Practice implications

From a practice perspective, findings highlight three important elements. First, the prevalence of body image concerns worldwide is high. Second, these concerns are robustly linked to mental health concerns. Third, prevention efforts are limited by their failure to be embedded in existing structures (e.g. school curriculum, etc.) and by the fact that some of the programs that have received the greatest research attention target body image in the context of eating disorder prevention. Together, these three elements point to an urgent need to elevate the seriousness of appearance concerns at a global level and to continue efforts to develop universal and targeted interventions with a broad reach that can be easily disseminated, for example through embedding them in existing services for youth or by leveraging the reach of digital technologies. These efforts should build on additional work extending theoretical frameworks that can identify cross-cultural core intervention targets (such as internalization of appearance ideals) as well as culturally specific ones.

Extending to more diverse groups

Replicating the ways in which the body image literature developed within the field, the majority of the extant literature from areas such as Africa or the Middle East has to date largely focused on women and thinness-related concerns. Moving forward, it will be important to extend this work to more diverse groups in terms of gender, sexual orientation, age, and ability. Moreover, while important work has been conducted on the role of urbanization, it will be important to better understand how low socioeconomic status may place individuals at greatest risk for body image concerns and unhealthy behaviors in urban settings. Finally, using an intersectional lens will enrich the literature and provide a more fine-grained understanding of the way vulnerability to these concerns is distributed through the population (Burke et al., Reference Burke, Schaefer, Hazzard and Rodgers2020).

Expanding to more culturally relevant understandings of body image

As described above, a large amount of the existing literature has centered on body weight and shape, with a predominant focus on thinness and to some extent on muscularity. Evidence for the importance of other aspects of appearance in body image exists, however (Lowy et al., Reference Lowy, Rodgers, Franko, Pluhar and Webb2021). Future research should seek to better characterize the aspects of appearance that may be particularly central to body image in different groups so as to conduct culturally sensitive research.

In addition, greater focus on positive elements of body image will help to shift conceptualizations toward a strengths-based model and to increase understanding of the unique strengths certain cultural groups may have in terms of positive body image. In particular, exploring settings in which appearance is less salient may be helpful for understanding how to decenter appearance in affluent and highly Westernized contexts.

Preventing and decreasing body image concerns

Finally, given the global rates and commonalities of body image concerns, greater efforts should be made to prevent and decrease these concerns. Although scalable interventions have started to emerge across the globe (Marchand et al., Reference Marchand, Stice, Rohde and Becker2011; Craddock et al., Reference Craddock, Garbett, Haywood, Nasution, White, Saraswati, Rizkiah, Medise and Diedrichs2021; Garbett et al., Reference Garbett, Craddock, Haywood, Nasution, White, Saraswati, Medise, Diedrichs and Williamson2022), this work is still in its infancy. In addition to developing such programs, working with stakeholders and policymakers is crucial to decreasing universal risk for body image concerns effectively at a global level, with Western media emerging as a particularly important target (Bell et al., Reference Bell, Rodgers and Paxton2016).