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Turning Our Gaze Downward: Groundwater in the Environmental History of the Central Valley

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 April 2026

Sarah R. Hamilton*
Affiliation:
Department of Archaeology, History, Cultural Studies and Religion, University of Bergen, Bergen, Norway
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Histories of American water have tended to flow in two dimensions, tracing surface waters across horizontal space and only rarely descending into the earth below. Rivers, wetlands, dams, and canals have defined how we understand our relationship with this vital resource, and with the diverse human and more-than-human actors who share it. Foundational works by Donald Worster and Norris Hundley traced the rise of hydraulic societies in the American West, showing how rivers, dams, and aqueducts enabled both state formation and capitalist expansion, while Joel Tarr and Martin Melosi foregrounded water infrastructure in the field of urban environmental history.1 More recent scholarship has explored cultural and social histories of water, including more-than-human perspectives, environmental justice, Indigenous water rights, and the political ecologies of urban and rural water systems, expanding the field well beyond its earlier focus on engineering and state-building.2

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Forum: Water and the Modern United States
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This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution and reproduction, provided the original article is properly cited.
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Histories of American water have tended to flow in two dimensions, tracing surface waters across horizontal space and only rarely descending into the earth below. Rivers, wetlands, dams, and canals have defined how we understand our relationship with this vital resource, and with the diverse human and more-than-human actors who share it. Foundational works by Donald Worster and Norris Hundley traced the rise of hydraulic societies in the American West, showing how rivers, dams, and aqueducts enabled both state formation and capitalist expansion, while Joel Tarr and Martin Melosi foregrounded water infrastructure in the field of urban environmental history.Footnote 1 More recent scholarship has explored cultural and social histories of water, including more-than-human perspectives, environmental justice, Indigenous water rights, and the political ecologies of urban and rural water systems, expanding the field well beyond its earlier focus on engineering and state-building.Footnote 2

But other stories lie just below the surface.Footnote 3 This essay calls for a three-dimensional approach to American water history. Water flows, land is permeable, and surface waters are physically and politically inextricable from the subterranean waterscapes beneath them. For over a century, large-scale groundwater use has supported settlement and population growth across the arid regions of the world, sustaining the cities, farms, and industries that make modern life possible. It has allowed settler states to tighten their hold on dispossessed land by extending imperial authority into subsurface space, deepening inequalities of access and use, and helping secure territorial and economic control. Today, groundwater provides nearly half of all drinking water worldwide and supports approximately 40 percent of global irrigation. In the United States, this reliance translates into water for about half the population and 27 percent of irrigated land. Dependence on groundwater is expected to increase in the coming years due to climate change, as surface water becomes scarcer and its availability more erratic.Footnote 4

While deep aquifers are somewhat buffered from short-term climatic changes, they are far from immune to broader changes in the global system. Patterns of unsustainable use established over the last century have led to widespread overdraft, raising pumping costs and threatening the long-term viability of vital agricultural and urban regions around the world. Falling water tables and declining hydrostatic pressure have reversed rivers, desiccated ancient springs and marshes, and caused the catastrophic subsidence of the land itself. Climate-induced reductions in surface water availability will only intensify these dynamics by increasing demands on groundwater while reducing recharge, the natural refilling of groundwater stores through rainfall or stream seepage. This feedback loop accelerates depletion and hastens the point at which pumping from the depths becomes economically unviable. The consequences threaten food production across some of the world’s most vital agricultural regions, from northern China and the Indo-Gangetic Plain to the Ogallala Aquifer and California’s Central Valley.

For all this, the planetary impact of groundwater use remains strikingly underrecognized in historical accounts of the Anthropocene. The very few historical works focusing directly on groundwater depletion have dealt exclusively with the Ogallala Aquifer, where scholars have explored themes of agricultural intensification, rural decline, and more recently environmental justice.Footnote 5 In other geographical contexts, a few historians have addressed aquifer contamination as an issue of public health, while others have acknowledged groundwater as one component of a broader hydraulic system.Footnote 6 Most accounts of historical groundwater development appear in works of geology or public policy, where it is treated primarily as a technical or regulatory concern rather than as part of historical processes of social and environmental change.Footnote 7 This is a significant omission, as the Ogallala is far from the only aquifer to shape and be shaped by social, economic, political, and ecological systems.

California’s Central Valley, far better known for the courtroom battles, local feuds, and reclamation projects that have characterized residents’ long use of surface water, likewise rests on and has been transformed by its hidden groundwater. This is perhaps the best-studied waterscape in the world, attracting scholarship across the humanities and natural sciences for its economic, legal, and environmental significance, yet to date no historical study has fully acknowledged the central role of subsurface water.Footnote 8 Prior to large-scale development in the mid-nineteenth century, the surface of the valley sat atop a network of interconnected shallow aquifers with a relatively high water table, which stored water even when surface flows evaporated. Seepage from these aquifers contributed over half of the total volume of water in the watercourses and wetlands above and sustained them during dry seasons when precipitation and runoff were scarce. Deeper down, hundreds of feet below the surface, lay far larger aquifers, confined by a thick, low-permeability clay layer called an aquitard, which recharged more slowly from water filtering through alluvial sediments from intake zones along the Sierra Nevada foothills.Footnote 9

For millennia, Indigenous communities in the valley engaged with springs, seeps, and groundwater-fed wetlands as part of seasonal cycles and land-based knowledge systems. Grounded in subsistence, ceremony, and ecological knowledge, these relationships to water were disrupted and largely displaced by changes wrought by ranchers, prospectors, and farmers in the nineteenth century. The new arrivals first dug wells that reached only the shallow aquifers, using windmills and buckets to draw water for kitchen gardens and personal use. But by the 1880s, steam-powered drilling rigs opened access to the deeper aquifers, and hydrostatic pressure brought millions of gallons of water bubbling to the surface. Railroad companies and land speculators used these artesian flows to promote the sale of non-riparian lands, luring settlers with the promise of abundant, freely flowing water. As the pressure inevitably fell and the flows failed, these recent arrivals were among the hardest hit. The resulting land abandonments and forced sales accelerated the consolidation of resources and power among the Valley’s wealthiest landowners.Footnote 10

That agrarian elite turned to turbine pumps to raise the water the remaining distance to the surface and divert it into private canals, effectively transforming subsurface flows into surface water they could control and sell.Footnote 11 While not commented upon in the literature, this practice collapsed the distinction between groundwater and surface supplies, implicating both in the ongoing contests over irrigation rights and costs. Because pumping almost immediately exceeded natural recharge, the water table dropped, forcing pumps to work harder and making the water they produced increasingly expensive. For smallholders and immigrant farmers, the rising costs proved ruinous, accelerating their displacement and further concentrating land and power.Footnote 12

By the 1940s, groundwater pumping in the valley had reversed natural pressure gradients, severing the groundwater–surface water connections and drawing water downward from the shallow aquifers. The baseflow that had sustained dry-season streamflow across much of the valley diminished, then disappeared, significantly reducing the availability of surface water. To compensate, irrigation districts and large landowners leaned more heavily on deep-well pumping, intensifying overdraft and accelerating the collapse of the hydrological system as a whole.Footnote 13

To alleviate pressure on the collapsing aquifers, the state and federal government sought to provide additional surface water via the contentious and costly Central Valley Project (CVP). As with so many reclamation projects of the time, the CVP did not have its intended effect: groundwater pumping continued to increase, and the new dams compounded the problem by capturing many of the eastern streams that had once recharged the shallow aquifers. The subsequent reductions of baseflow pushed irrigators toward still greater reliance on deep pumping, and later imports from the State Water Project likewise failed to alleviate the problem. By the 1960s, groundwater had surpassed surface water as the dominant source of irrigation in many parts of the valley, and land subsidence in the areas of the most intense pumping (caused by the loss of hydrostatic pressure) damaged infrastructure and created heightened flood risks.Footnote 14

Water users in the Valley, politicians in Sacramento, and hydrogeologists across the country clearly understood the relationships between surface and groundwater, but California’s legal frameworks continued to treat them as separate and independent resources. While litigation, legislation, regulation, and construction dealing with surface water abounded, efforts to regulate groundwater use were few and far between. The only substantive effort at reform, a bill introduced in 1978 that would have required major water users to develop management plans for overexploited groundwater basins, faced such vehement opposition from the Central Valley’s irrigation lobby that its sponsor was forced to amend it down to a call for additional research on the state’s hydrogeology. Centralized, enforceable management authority for California’s groundwater would be enacted only in 2014, when the aquifers were already critically and, in some cases, irreparably overdrawn.Footnote 15

Compared to the well-documented conflicts over surface water, the long history of groundwater extraction in the Central Valley has remained largely unexamined. This reflects more than simple physical invisibility, as the Valley’s powerful landowners and irrigation districts had every incentive to keep groundwater off the political agenda and their own practices out of public view. Debates over groundwater regulation took place behind closed doors, not in the newspapers, and the few substantive efforts to implement legislative reforms were killed in committee or lost in protracted lawsuits. They have accordingly left only faint traces in the archive, buried in the papers of a bill’s sponsor or referred to obliquely in references to the possibility of “underground storage” of water from the CVP.Footnote 16

Attending to these faint traces and rereading the Central Valley and other landscapes with attention to depth can reveal new dimensions of water’s entanglement with power. Inequalities developed vertically as well as horizontally, between those with the capital for deep wells and powerful pumps and those whose access to water was confined to the surface. This dynamic continues today: agribusinesses overdraw the aquifers to irrigate the almond orchards and vineyards of a multi-billion-dollar industry, while the wells of unincorporated rural towns—overwhelmingly Latino farmworker settlements—and Native American communities run dry.Footnote 17 The politics of groundwater expose how unequal power over depth continues to shape water justice in California.

This case demonstrates why environmental history must take subterranean as well as surface waters seriously, advancing the call for three-dimensional histories posed at the outset. Groundwater’s physical, legal, and archival obscurity in California and beyond has allowed its depletion to proceed largely out of sight; bringing it into historical focus can reveal the central role it has played in the development of modern states and economies. Attending to these hidden resources reshapes our understanding not only of the Central Valley, but of the Anthropocene more broadly. Key agricultural regions worldwide, from California and the Arizona basin to the Argentine Pampas and Australia’s Murray-Darling Basin, depend on the conjunctive use of surface and subsurface water. Each is shaped by its own complex history of human and nonhuman entanglements. Turning our gaze downward is essential to grasp the full complexity of these arid and semiarid worlds.

References

1 Donald Worster, Rivers of Empire: Water, Aridity, and the Growth of the American West (New York, 1985); Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, OH, 1996); Martin Melosi, The Sanitary City: Urban Infrastructure in America from Colonial Times to the Present (Baltimore, 2000); Norris Hundley, The Great Thirst: Californians and Water (Berkeley, 2001).

2 To cite only a few: Matthew D. Evenden, Fish versus Power: An Environmental History of the Fraser River (Cambridge, UK, 2004); Sara B. Pritchard, Confluence: The Nature of Technology and the Remaking of the Rhône (Cambridge, MA, 2011); Emily O’Gorman, Wetlands in a Dry Land: More-Than-Human Histories of Australia’s Murray-Darling Basin (Seattle, 2021).

3 For a recent historiographical review exploring the omission of groundwater from most research on water history, see Theresa Frommen and Timothy Moss, “Pasts and Presents of Urban Socio-Hydrogeology: Groundwater Levels in Berlin, 1870–2020,” Water 13, no. 16 (2021): 2261.

4 UN Water, ed., Groundwater: Making the Invisible Visible, The United Nations World Water Development Report (Paris, 2022).

5 Donald E. Green, Land of the Underground Rain: Irrigation on the Texas High Plains, 1910–1970 (Austin, 1973); John Opie, Ogallala: Water for a Dry Land (Lincoln, NB, 1993); Lucas Bessire, Running Out: In Search of Water on the High Plains (Princeton, 2021); Sam Hege, “‘The Winds of Money:’ Race, Work, and Water in the Texas Panhandle, 1910–1985” (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 2023).

6 Historians addressing aquifer contamination in U.S. contexts include Adam Rome, The Bulldozer in the Countryside: Suburban Sprawl and the Rise of American Environmentalism (Cambridge, MA, 2001); Laura A. Wimberley, “Establishing ‘Sole Source’ Protection: The Edwards Aquifer and the Safe Drinking Water Act,” in On the Border: An Environmental History of San Antonio, ed. Char Miller (Pittsburgh, 2001); Linda Nash, Inescapable Ecologies: A History of Environment, Disease, and Knowledge (Berkeley, 2006); Elizabeth D. Blum, Love Canal Revisited: Race, Class, and Gender in Environmental Activism (Lawrence, KS, 2008). Those engaging with groundwater as one component of more complicated waterscapes in a U.S. context include Donald J. Pisani, To Reclaim a Divided West: Water, Law, and Public Policy, 1848–1902 (Albuquerque, 1992); Douglas E. Kupel, Fuel for Growth: Water and Arizona’s Urban Environment (Tucson, 2006); Jack E. Davis, An Everglades Providence: Marjory Stoneman Douglas and the American Environmental Century (Athens, GA, 2009); and Philip Garone, The Fall and Rise of the Wetlands of California’s Great Central Valley (Berkeley, 2020).

7 The vast majority of scholarly work addressing groundwater use consists of technical studies published by governmental policy organizations and geological institutes such as the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) and the California Department of Water Resources. In addition to these, significant treatments of American groundwater include those by legal scholar Robert Glennon, journalist Cynthia Barnett, and anthropologist Lucas Bessire, though both Glennon and Bessire focus on the Ogallala. Robert Jerome Glennon, Water Follies: Groundwater Pumping and the Fate of America’s Fresh Waters (Washington, DC, 2004); Cynthia Barnett, Mirage: Florida and the Vanishing Water of the Eastern U.S. (Ann Arbor, MI, 2007); Bessire, Running Out. Groundwater has also been the subject of modest attention by scholars of science and technology studies, largely in non-U.S. contexts. See, for example, Rita Brara, “Not So Boring: Assembling and Reassembling Groundwater Tales and Technologies from Malerkotla, Punjab,” in The Social Life of Water, ed. John R. Wagner (New York, 2013); multiple chapters in Kirsten Hastrup and Frida Hastrup, eds., Waterworlds: Anthropology in Fluid Environments (New York, 2015); and Andrea Ballestero, “Casual Planetarities: Choreographies, Resonance, and the Geologic Presence of People and Aquifers,” Environmental Humanities 15, no. 3 (2023). While not directly related to groundwater, insights into the significance of hidden waterways have also been contributed by scholars of urban environments through their work on buried infrastructures such as sewers, aqueducts, and water supply systems. See e.g., Melosi, The Sanitary City; and Matthew Gandy, The Fabric of Space: Water, Modernity, and the Urban Imagination (Cambridge, 2014).

8 The extensive historiography on water in the Central Valley includes William L. Preston, Vanishing Landscapes: Land and Life in the Tulare Lake Basin (Berkeley, 1981); Worster, Rivers of Empire; William Blomquist, Dividing the Waters: Governing Groundwater in Southern California (San Francisco, 1992); Pisani, To Reclaim a Divided West; Marc Reisner, Cadillac Desert: The American West and Its Disappearing Water, Revised Edition (New York, 1993); Hundley, The Great Thirst; David Igler, Industrial Cowboys: Miller & Lux and the Transformation of the Far West, 1850–1920, (Berkeley, 2005); Robert M. Wilson, Seeking Refuge: Birds and Landscapes of the Pacific Flyway (Seattle, 2010); Sarah D. Wald, The Nature of California: Race, Citizenship, and Farming since the Dust Bowl (Seattle, 2016); Mark Arax, The Dreamt Land: Chasing Water and Dust Across California (New York, 2019); Garone, The Fall and Rise of the Wetlands of California’s Great Central Valley; and Douglas R. Littlefield, Ruling the Waters: California’s Kern River, the Environment, and the Making of Western Water Law (Norman, OK, 2020).

9 Devin Galloway and Francis S. Riley, “San Joaquin Valley, California: Largest Human Alteration of the Earth’s Surface,” in Land Subsidence in the United States, eds. Devin L. Galloway, David R. Jones & Scott E. Ingebritsen, USGS Circular 1182 (Menlo Park, CA, 1999), 25; McBain & Trush, Inc., eds., San Joaquin River Restoration Study Background Report (prepared for Friant Water Users Authority and Natural Resources Defense Council, Arcata, CA, December 2002), 4.9; M. P. Miller et al., “Continuous Estimation of Baseflow in Snowmelt-Dominated Streams and Rivers in the Upper Colorado River Basin: A Chemical Hydrograph Separation Approach,” Water Resources Research 50, no. 8 (2014): 6989–99; Nathan Queener and Andrew P. Stubblefield, “Spatial and Temporal Variability in Baseflow in the Mattole River Headwaters, California, USA,” Hydrology and Earth System Sciences (preprint, July 2016).

10 “Artesian Wells in California,” Scientific American 43, no. 6 (August 7, 1880): 81; Albert E. Chandler, Water Storage on Cache Creek, California, USGS Water-Supply Paper 45 (Washington, D.C., 1901); Walter Curran Mendenhall, Preliminary Report on the Ground Waters of San Joaquin Valley, California, USGS Water Supply Paper 222 (Washington, DC, 1908); Mendenhall et al., Ground Water in San Joaquin Valley, California, USGS Water Supply Paper 398 (Washington, DC, 1916), 331; Donald J. Pisani, From the Family Farm to Agribusiness: The Irrigation Crusade in California and the West, 1850–1931, (Berkeley, 1984); G. L. Bertoldi, R. H. Johnston, and K. D. Evenson, Ground Water in the Central Valley, California: A Summary Report, USGS Professional Paper 1401-A (Washington, D.C., 1991).

11 Donald J. Pisani, Water and American Government: The Reclamation Bureau, National Water Policy, and the West, 1902–1935 (Berkeley, 2002).

12 Hundley, The Great Thirst.

13 David J. Conant and S. M. Dunn, “Turbine Well Pumps—Their History and Development,” Journal of the American Water Works Association 24, no. 10 (1932): 1499; G.H. Davis et al., Ground-Water Conditions and Storage Capacity in the San Joaquin Valley California, USGS Water Supply Paper 1469 (Government Printing Office, 1959); J. F. Poland et al., Land Subsidence in the San Joaquin Valley, California, as of 1972, USGS Professional Paper 437-H (Washington, D.C., 1975); Kenneth R. Belitz and Frederick J. Heimes, Character and Evolution of the Ground-Water Flow System in the Central Part of the Western San Joaquin Valley, California, USGS Water Supply Paper 2348 (Washington, DC, 1990); Michael Planert and John Williams, Ground Water Atlas of the United States, Segment 1, California, Nevada (Reston, VA, 1995), B2–28; Devin L. Galloway et al., “Land Subsidence in the United States,” USGS Circular 1182 (Washington, D.C., 1999); McBain & Trush, San Joaquin River Restoration Study Background Report; Claudia C. Faunt et al., “Water Availability and Land Subsidence in the Central Valley, California, USA,” Hydrogeology Journal 24, no. 3 (2016): 675; Galloway and Riley, “Largest Human Alteration of the Earth’s Surface,” 25.

14 Davis et al., Ground-Water Conditions and Storage Capacity, 409, 412, 440; Poland et al., “Land Subsidence in the San Joaquin Valley,” H45; McBain & Trush, San Joaquin River Restoration Study Background Report; Claudia C. Faunt et al., Groundwater Availability in California’s Central Valley, USGS Professional Paper 1766 (Washington, DC, 2009); California Department of Water Resources, Water Available for Replenishment: Appendix B—State Water Project and Central Valley Project: Reliability and Availability (Sacramento, 2018), 4; Littlefield, Ruling the Waters, 172; Charles V. Stern et al., Central Valley Project: Issues and Legislation, Congressional Research Service Report R45342 (Washington, DC, 2025).

15 Senate Bill 1505, California State Senate, 123 (1978); “Statement of Senator John A. Nejedly, Presented to the Association of California Water Agencies, May 12, 1978,” Groundwater 16, no. 6 (1978): 448–51; John A. Nejedly interview by Carole Hicke, Feb. 10, 1988, transcript, California State Archive; Sustainable Groundwater Management Act, California Water Code §10720 (2014).

16 Senate Bill 1505; Nejedly, “Statement;” Nejedly interview.

17 Food & Water Watch, “Fighting for the Human Right to Water in Tombstone Territory, California,” March 3, 2023, https://www.foodandwaterwatch.org/2023/03/03/fighting-for-water-tombstone-california/ (accessed on Jan. 23, 2026); Lela Nargi, “‘It Smells Bad’: The US Farmworkers Grappling with Unsafe Water at Home,” The Guardian, Jan. 23, 2024; Alastair Bland, “Even in Wet Years, Wells Are Still Dry. Why Replenishing California’s Groundwater Is Painfully Slow,” Water, CalMatters, Feb. 25, 2025.