The Antarctic continent and its off-lying islands are probably the part of the world least disturbed by man. If all human activity beyond latitude 60°S ceased, all that would remain would be the remnants of scientific stations and a few dilapidated structures associated with Antarctic whaling when it was a land-based industry. Many hold the view that efforts should be made to retain this near-pristine condition and there is therefore widespread opposition to all forms of commercial enterprise in the Antarctic, including tourism. While there may be grounds for opposing the harvesting of living resources because of the possibility of over-exploitation, and for opposing the extraction of Antarctic minerals because of the danger of irreversible environmental damage, opposition to tourism, especially as there are no facilities in the Antarctic specifically designed for their benefit, seems more difficult to justify.

Only recently has the importance of politics in northern resource development been apparent. Governments, resource companies, and the public thought that lack of technology would be the major obstacle in the way of exploiting non-renewable resources in northern areas. The political difficulties encountered by British Petroleum and its Alaska North Slope partners, when trying to obtain government approval for the trans-Alaska (Alyeska) oil pipeline in the late 1960s, were the first clear sign that there exist widely varying political attitudes towards non-renewable resource development in northern lands (Arnold and others, 1976). Native groups in Canada's Northwest Territories were later successfully to argue their case against a Mackenzie valley gas pipeline before the public and a special inquiry (Morton, 1978). The attitude of the Canadian public towards the native position was sympathetic and open to compromise. Recent political emphasis in northern North America has been on the impact of non-renewable resource development upon native peoples and the environment. This has been true of Greenland but less so of North Norway (Nord Norge). Political attitudes over Svalbard have focused almost exclusively upon the international implications of non-renewable resource development (Sollie and others, 1974).

The origins of the contemporary Newfoundland Harp and Hooded Seal fisheries can be traced back to the 16th and 17th centuries when ‘Biscainers’ (Spanish Basques) hunted whales, walrus and seals in the Gulf of St Lawrence and along the southern coast of Labrador (Prowse, 1895, p 43; Barkham, 1978). Throughout the next 400 years, as the seal fishery developed—both the landsmen and vessel operations—it became a major influence on the spread and character of settlement over a large area of Newfoundland and Labrador. By the middle of the 19th century, the large off-shore vessel operation had assumed the dominant role, and its contribution to the overall economic growth was second only to the cod fishery.

A necessary ingredient in the improvement of air services in remote Arctic areas is the development of a systematic programme of upgrading airport facilities and services. The provision of such facilities extends outwards from the central points, at which growth is usually concentrated, to the smaller communities with less developed traffic patterns. Programme justification then becomes related more to the achievement of social mobility, rather than only to the need for central points on established routes.

During April–May 1980 the Scott Polar Research Institute (SPRI) and Norsk Polarinstitutt (NPI) conducted a joint programme of radio echo sounding (RES) in Svalbard. The principal aims were to evaluate the performance of SPRI 60 MHz echo sounding equipment of Svalbard glaciers, to measure ice thickness over a wide range of conditions, and to investigate specific glaciers which are the focus of current glaciological studies.

Five main British Antarctic Survey stations were occupied throughout the year: Faraday and Halley (the two geophysical observatories), Signy (the main biological station), Grytviken (a multidisciplinary sub-Antarctic station and centre for the Offshore Biological Programme) and Rothera (the centre for earth sciences programmes). During the 1979 winter, routine programmes were maintained by 72 men who also made preparations for the forthcoming summer season. The two BAS ships, RRS John Biscoe and RRS Bransfield, with assistance from two Twin Otter aircraft relieved the stations, as usual, and assisted summer field workers. Valuable assistance was also given by the ice-patrol ship, HMS Endurance. John Biscoearrived in the Antarctic late in the season, having been delayed while her refit was completed. (The ship, which has been in continuous service since 1965, had undergone major repairs and modifications to ensure her continued suitability for Antarctic service and to increase her usefulness as a floating laboratory.) All stations were relieved without difficulty, but, because of this season's tight shipping schedules, Rothera was not reached by sea until the end of March 1980, although it had been relieved by air at the beginning of January. At Halley, the season was overshadowed by the death of the base commander, Miles Mosley, in an accident involving one of the aircraft. A second man was injured but made a complete recovery. At Faraday, good progress was made with the programme of modernization. Part of the main building was demolished and replaced by a new extension, and a desalination plant and new inflatable fuel tank were brought into use.