* This article was initially given as an Inaugural Lecture for the Jewish Chronicle Chair of Jewish Studies delivered at University College, London, on 13 November, 1991.Google Scholar

1. Milan Kundera. “The Tragedy of Central Europe,” New York Review of Books, 26 April 1984.Google Scholar

2. For an eye-witness account of this historic process, Timothy Garton Ash, The Uses of Adversity. Essays on the Fate of Central Europe (London, 1991).Google Scholar

3. See Jacob Katz, From Prejudice to Destruction: Antisemitism. 1700–1933 (Cambridge, Mass. 1980) and Robert S. Wistrich, Antisemitism. The Longest Hatred (London, 1991).Google Scholar

4. For the demography of Habsburg Jewry, see in particular Wolfdieter Bihl, “Die Juden”, in Adam Wandruszka and Peter Urbanitsch (eds.) Die Habsburger Monarchie, 111/2 (Vienna, 1980), pp. 882–3.Google Scholar

5. Majer Balaban, Dzieje zydów w Galicji i w Rzeczypospolitej Krakowskie, 1772–1868 (Lwow, 1914) and especially Philip Friedmann, Die galizischen Juden im Kampf um ihre Gleichberechtigung, 1848–1868 (Frankfurt a.M., 1929) pp. 197 ff.Google Scholar

6. See Hillel J. Kieval, The Making of Czech Jewry: National Conflict and Jewish Society in Bohemia, 1870–1918 (New York, 1987).Google Scholar

7. On 1848 as a seed plot for future achievements and conflicts, see Salo W. Baron, “The Impact of the Revolution of 1848 on Jewish Emancipation,” Jewish Social Studies, XII (1949), pp. 195–248, and Reinhard Rürüp, “The European Revolutions of 1848 and Jewish Emancipation,” in Werner E. Mosse, Arnold Paucker and Reinhard Rürüp (eds.) Revolution and Evolution, 1848 in German-Jewish History (Tübingen, 1981), pp. 1–54.Google Scholar

8. William O. McCagg, Jr., A History of Habsburg Jews 1670–1918 (Bloomington, Indiana, 1989), pp. 125–129; Ivan Berend and György Ránki, Economic Development in East Central Europe in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (New York and London, 1974), pp. 164 ff. Also the older study by Robert Kann, “Hungarian Jewry during Austria-Hungary's Constitutional Period (1867–1918),” Jewish Social Studies, 7, No. 4 (October 1945), pp. 357–86.Google Scholar

9. On the “alliance” between the Habsburg State and the Jewish middle classes (of which the disproportionate ennoblement of leading Jewish families was a prominent feature), see William O. McCagg, “Austria's Jewish Nobles, 1740–1918,” Leo Baeck Yearbook (1989), pp. 163–183. Also William A. Jenks, “The Jews in the Habsburg Empire, 1879–1971,” Leo Baeck Yearbook (1971), pp. 155–162 for useful information on the role of the Jewish financial bourgeoisie in modernizing the Empire. A more general study which is still valuable in this is Bernhard Michel, Banques et Banquiers en Autriche (Paris, 1976).Google Scholar

10. On Lueger's movement, the best single study is still John Boyer, Political Radicalism in Late Imperial Vienna: Origins of the Christian Social Movement, 1848–1897 (Chicago and London, 1981). There is also a good biography by Richard S. Geehr, Karl Lueger: Mayor of Fin de Siécle Vienna (Detroit, 1990). For his attitude to Jews and the anti-capitalism of his class constituency, Robert S. Wistrich, “Karl Lueger and the Ambiguities of Viennese Antisemitism,” Jewish Social Studies (1983), 44, pp. 251–261.Google Scholar

11. R. Seton-Watson (Scotus Viator) Racial Problems in Hungary (London, 1908), Henry Wickham Steed, The Habsburg Monarchy (London, 1913), Oscar Jászi, The Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy (Chicago and London, 1971), pp. 174–5. All these early accounts are sympathetic to the oppressed Slavic peasant nationalities and rather critical of the role which Jews played in the nationality conflict.Google Scholar

12. On the German-Jewish-Liberal alliance in Austria, see P. G. J. Pulzer, “The Austrian Liberals and the Jewish Question, 1867–1914,” Journal of Central European Affairs (July, 1963), Vol. XXIII, No. 2, pp. 131–142. Fervent expression was given to it by Adolf Jellinek, “Zur Wahlkampagne,” Die Neuzeit (Vienna), 6 June 1879 just at the moment it was about to unravel. See Robert S. Wistrich, “The Modernization of Viennese Jewry: The Impact of German culture in a multiethnic State,” in Jacob Katz (ed.), Toward Modernity. The European Jewish Model (New Brunswick and Oxford, 1986).Google Scholar

13. See my article, “Liberalism, Deutschtum and Assimilation,” The Jerusalem Quarterly, No. 42 (Spring, 1987), pp. 100–118 and the broader discussion in Robert S. Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna in the Age of Franz Joseph (Oxford, 1989), pp. 131–163.Google Scholar

14. For example, in the articles of Adolf Jellinek entitled “Die Juden in Oesterreich,” Der Orient, 17 June 1848, pp. 193–4; 1 July 1948, pp. 209–210; 8 July 1848. pp. 217–218. For Hungary, compare Wolfgang Hausier, “Assimilation und Emanzipation des ungarischen Judentums um die Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts” in Studia Judaica Austriaca III (1976), pp. 33–79, and Michael Silber, “The Historical Experience of German Jewry and its Impact on the Haskalah and Reform in Hungary,” in Katz (ed.), Toward Modernity, op. cit., pp. 107–157.Google Scholar

15. Adolf Jellinek, “Die Juden in Oesterreich”. Der Orient, 22 April 1848, pp. 129 ff.Google Scholar

16. On Karl-Emil Franzos and the concept of Halb-Asien (half-Asia) used to describe the eastern hinterlands of the Monarchy, see Robert S. Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna, op. cit., pp. 53–4, and the article by Mark H. Gelber, “Ethnic Pluralism and Germanization in the Works of Karl-Emil Franzos (1848–1904),” in The German Quarterly, 56, No. 3 (May 1983), pp. 376–85.Google Scholar

17. On Kuranda's role in Austro-German liberalism, see Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna, op. cit., pp. 140 ff.Google Scholar

18. For a critique of Friedjung, see Dr Bloch's Oesterreichische Wochenschrift, 16 January 1885, 16 July 1885, 14 November 1885.Google Scholar

19. Deutsche Wochenschrift. 18 January 1885, Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna, op. cit., p. 162.Google Scholar

20. Fritz Stern, Gold and Iron: Bismarck, Bleichröder and the Building of the German Empire (London, 1977), pp. 494–531 has a good discussion of the new German antisemitism. Some contemporaries like the Austrian social philosopher and engineer, Josef Popper-Lynkeus, held Bismarck directly responsible for its outbreak. See his pamphlet, Fürst Bismarck und del Antisemitismus (Vienna and Leipzig, 1886).Google Scholar

21. Arthur Schnitzler, The Road to the Open (New York, 1923) p. 78. See my discussion of Schnitzler, The Jews of Vienna, op. cit., pp. 583–620.Google Scholar

22. See, for example, Adolf Jellinek, “Jüdisch-Österreichisch,” Die Neuzeit, 15 June 1883, which helped set the tone.Google Scholar

23. For a valuable discussion of how these linguistic. cultural and political tensions found articulation in the Jewish press of the period, see Jacob Toury, Die jüdische Presse im österreichischen Kaiserreich, 1802–1918 (Tübingen, 1983).Google Scholar

24. On Trieste, see now McCagg, A History of Habsburg Jewry. op. cit., pp. 164–171.Google Scholar

25. On Fischof, Werner Cahnman, “Adolf Fischof and his Jewish Followers,” Leo Baeck Yearbook, 4, (1959), pp. 111–139, is still useful. See also Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna. op. cit., pp. 149–160.Google Scholar

26. Cahnman, ibid., pp. 120–1.Google Scholar

27. Karl Renner, Der Kampf der österreichischen Nationen um den Staat (Leipzig, 1902); S. Duhnow, Nationalism and History: Essays on the Old and New Judaism, ed. and introd. K. S. Pinson (Philadelphia, 1958); Oscar Janowsky. Jews and Minority Rights (1989–1918), (New York, 1933) and Jacob S. Hertz, “The Bund's Nationality Program and Its Critics in the Russian, Polish and Austrian Socialist Movements,” Yivo Annual of Jewish Social Science, Vol. XIV (New York, 1969), pp. 53–67.Google Scholar

28. Cahnman. op. cit., p. 128; Wistrich, op. cit., p. 160.Google Scholar

29. Joseph S. Boch, Der Nationale Zwist und die Juden in Österreich (Vienna, I886), pp. 28, 40, 45–53.Google Scholar

30. Bloch argued that for Jews to put on German or Czech national airs would be a “political caricature”—the only conclusion must be “to take up a position outside all national parties,” Joseph Samuel Bloch, My Reminiscences (Vienna/Berlin, 1923), p. 159.Google Scholar

31. Cahnman, op. cit., p. 127. Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna, op. cit., p. 285. See also “The Emperor of Austria's Jubilee,” Jewish Chronicle (London), 2 December 1898 which pointed out that Count Taafe had sought to drive a wedge between the Jews and the German Liberals by creating a pro-government Jewish party. “This request was refused, and thus there arose the anti-Semitic movement which was provoked by and favoured by the Government, and from which the entire body of Jews in Austria are still suffering. The Germans rewarded the Jews for their loyalty by becoming the principal representatives of anti-Semitism in Austria.”Google Scholar

32. On the Austrian Israelite Union, see Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna, ibid., pp. 310–343.Google Scholar

33. Jacob Thon, Die Juden in Österreicch (Berlin 1908), pp. 8, 12, 17.Google Scholar

34. Thon, ibid. Also Robert S. Wistrich, Socialism and the Jews. The Dilemmas of Assimilation in German and Austria-Hungary (London/Toronto, 1982), pp. 309 ff.Google Scholar

35. K. Zamorski, Informator statystyczny do dziejów spolecznosc gospodarczych Galicji. Ludnosc Galicji w Latach 1857–1910 (Cracow/Warsaw, 1989), p. 92. The statistics based on religion (much more reliable than those by language/nationality) show that in 1910, Galicia as a whole was 46.5 percent Roman Catholic, 42.1 percent Greek-Catholic, and 10.9 percent Mosaic.Google Scholar

36. On the Jewish middleman role, see Max Rosenfeld, “Die jüdische Bevölkerung in den Städten Galiziens 1881–1913,” Zeitschrift für Demographie und Statistik der Juden, Bd. IX (February 1913), Heft 2, p. 101.Google Scholar

37. “Die Judenverfolgung in Galizien,” Arbeiterzeitung (Vienna) 18 June 1898, p. 1. Robert S. Wistrich, “Austrian Social Democracy and the Problem of Galician Jewry,” Leo Baeck Yearbook (1981), 26, pp. 89–124.Google Scholar

38. Abraham Korkis, “Zur Bewegung der jüdischen Bevölkerung in Galizien,” Jüdische Statistik (Berlin 1903), p. 313. Raphael Mahler, “The Economic Background of Jewish Emigration from Galicia to the United States,” Yivo Annual VII (1952), pp. 255–67. Marsha Rozenblit, The Jews of Vienna: Assimilation and Identity, 1867–1914 (Albany, 1983), pp. 21 ff, on Galician migration to Vienna.Google Scholar

39. Saul R. Landau, Der Polenklub und seine Hausjuden (Vienna 1907); Max Rosenfeld, Die Polnische Judenfrage (Vienna, 1918).Google Scholar

40. P. G. J. Pulzer, “The Austrian Liberals …,” Journal of Central European Affairs, op. cit., p. 132.Google Scholar

41. At the same time some acculturation was undoubtedly taking place. In Lvóv, in 1896, Jews comprised 18.3 percent of all gymnasium students and over 64 percent of the Jewish students attended Polish institutions. In 1901–2, as many as 22 percent of all the students at the University of Lvóv were Jews. See Ezra Mendelsohn, “Jewish Assimilation in Lvóv: the Case of Wilhelm Feldman,” in A. Markovits and F. Sysyn (eds.) Nation-Building and the Politics of Nationalism: Essays on Austrian Galicia (Cambridge, Mass. 1982), p. 99.Google Scholar

42. For Jewish languages, identities and economic profile in interwar Poland, see Ezra Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe Between the World Wars (Bloomington, Indiana 1987), pp. 11–83 (especially, pp. 26–31). On the non-recognition of Yiddish as a Jewish language in Habsburg Austria and its implications in Galicia, see Max Rosenfeld, Die Polnische Judenfrage. op. cit., pp.136 ff, 145.Google Scholar

43. On Bukovina, which became a stronghold of the Jewish national movement at the turn of the century despite the fact that its Jews represented an enthusiastic outpost of German culture in the East, see Salomon Kassner, Die Juden in der Bukowina (Vienna/Berlin 1917), pp. 48 ff; Hugo Gold, Geschichte der Juden in der Bukowina (Tel Aviv, 1958, 1962) 2 vols., and the important article by Gerald Stourzh, “Galten die Juden als Nationalität Altösterreichs?” Studia Judaica Austriaca, X, Prag-Czernowitz-Jerusalem (Eisenstadt, 1984), pp. 73–98.Google Scholar

44. A good example would be Alfred Nossig. See Ezra Mendelsohn, “From Assimilation to Zionism in Lvov: The Case of Alfred Nossig,” in Slavic and East European Review, XLIV (1971).Google Scholar

45. See Leila P. Everett, “The Rise of Jewish National Politics in Galicia, 1905–1907,” in Markovits/Sysyn (eds.), Nation-Building and the Politics of Nationalism, op. cit., pp. 149–177.Google Scholar

46. Ibid. See Österreichische Wochenschrift, 21 June 1907, pp. 405–6.Google Scholar

47. The Galician Social Democrats even created their own auxiliary Jewish organization. See H. Piasecki, Zydowska Organizacja PPS 1893–1907 (Wroclaw, 1978). For a more critical view of its activities, see Robert S. Wistrich, “Austrian Social Democracy and the Problem of Galician Jewry,” op. cit., pp. 102 ff.Google Scholar

48. I. Daszynski. “Parleitag der Polnischen Sozialdemokratischen Partei in Lemberg, 10 December 1911,” in Archiv für Geschichte des Sozialismus und der Arbeiterbewegung (Leipzig, 1913) III, p.397.Google Scholar

49. Quoted in Jacob S. Hertz, “The Bund's Nationality Program …,” op. cit., p. 63.Google Scholar

50. On the attitude of the Austrian Social Democrats to the Jewish national question, see Otto Bauer, Die Natianalitètenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie (Vienna 1907), and Robert S. Wistrich, Socialism and the Jews, op. cit., pp. 299–348.Google Scholar

51. For the origins and development of Polish nationalist antisemitism in the late 19th century, see R. Wapinski, Narodawa Demokracja 1893–1939 (Warsaw, 1980); R. M. Fountain II, Roman Dmowski: Party, Tactics, Ideology, 1895–1907 (Columbia, Mo., 1980); William W. Hagen, Germans. Poles and Jews. The Nationality Conflict in the Prussian East, 1772–1914 (Chicago/London, 1980); F. Golczewski, Polnisch-jüdische Beziehungen 1881–1922: Eine Studie zur Geschichte des Antisemitismus in Östeuropa (Wiesbaden, 1981) and Alina Cata, “Die Anfänge des Antisemitismus im Kknigreich Polen in der Zweiten Hälfte des Neunzehnten Jahrhunderts,” International Review of Social History (1985) Vol. XXX, Pt. 3, pp. 342–373.Google Scholar

52. Roman Dmowski, Mysli nowoczesnego Polaka (Warsaw, 1933), p. 202. For the post-1918 implications, see Pawel Korzec, Juifs en Pologne. La question juive pendant l'entre-deux-guerres (Paris, 1980), and Ezra Mendelsohn. “InterWar Poland, Good for the Jews or Bad for the Jews,” in C. Abramsky, et al., (eds.) The Jews in Poland (Oxford, 1986), pp. 131–9.Google Scholar

53. Ruth Kestenberg-Gladstein. “Jews between Czechs and Germans,” The Jews of Czechoslovakia, I (Philadelphia, 1968), pp. 21–71 and Hillel J. Kieval, “The Lands Between: The Jews of Bohemia, Moravia and Slovakia to 1918” in Natalia Berger (ed.), Where Cultures Meet. The Story of the Jews at Czechoslovakia (Tel Aviv, 1990), pp. 23–51.Google Scholar

54. On the changing demographic balance in Prague, which had a population of only 442,000 in 1910 (Vienna had passed the two million mark), see Gary B. Cohell, The Politics of Ethnic Survival: Germans in Prague, 1861–1914 (Princeton, 1981), pp. 92–3.Google Scholar

55. Oskar Donath, Siefried Kappers Leben und Wirken (Berlin, 1909), p. 434; Guido Kisch, In Search of Freedom (London, 1949), pp. 36–8; Hans Tramer, “Prague: City of Three Peoples,” Leo Baeck Yearbook. 9 (1964), pp. 305–339, and E. Goldstücker, “Jews between Czechs and Germans around 1848,” Leo Baeck Yearbook (1972), XVII, pp. 61–71.Google Scholar

56. Quoted in Kisch, ibid., pp. 36–7.Google Scholar

57. Gary B. Cohen, The Politics of Ethnic Survival, op. cit., pp. 224–5. Also his “Jews in German Society: Prague, 1860–1914,” Central European History, 10 (1977), p. 38. In 1910, Jews comprised 20 percent of the student body at the German University of Prague but only 2 percent of the Czech University (the University had been divided into separate branches in 1882), Jacob Thon, Die Juden in Österreich, op. cit., p. 102.Google Scholar

58. On the pressures exerted by the Union to de-Germanize the Czech Jews, see Hillel J. Kieval, “Education and National Conflict in Bohemia: Germans, Czechs and Jews,” Studies in Contemporary Jewry III (1987), pp. 49–71 (especially pp. 59–60).Google Scholar

59. Ibid., p.64. The number of students at German-Jewish primary schools in Bohemia which had been 4,470 in 1884–5 had declined by 154 in 1910. But, as we have seen, the situation was totally different in institutions of higher learning— a point which Kieval does not sufficiently emphasize.Google Scholar

60. On the linguistic realignment, see Cohen, Jews in German Society, op. cit., pp. 36–8.Google Scholar

61. On the 1890s as a decade of radicalization and political polarization in the Czech lands, see Hillel J. Kieval, “Jews, Czechs and Germans in Bohemia before 1914,” in Robert S. Wistrich (ed.), Austrians and Jews in the Twentieth Century. From Franz Joseph to Waldheim (London, 1992), forthcoming.Google Scholar

62. Michael Riff, “Czech Antisemitism and the Jewish Response before 1914,” in Robert S. Wistrich (ed.), “European Antisemitism, 1890–1945,” special issue of The Weiner Library Bulletin, 29, nos. 39/40 (1976), pp. 8–20. There are some graphic contemporary eye-witness accounts in Wilma Iggers (ed.), Die Juden in Böhmen und Mähren. Ein historisches Lesebuch (Munich, 1986) of the violence against Jews. See also Christoph Stölzl, Kafkas böses Böhmen: Zur Sozialsgeschichte eines Prager Juden (Munich, 1975), pp. 61–2.Google Scholar

63. Frantisek Cervinka, “The Hilsner Affair,” Leo Baeck Yearbook, XIII (1968), pp. 142–157. For its impact on Viennese and Austrian Jews outside Bohemia, see Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna, op. cit., pp. 339–440, 514–15.Google Scholar

64. T. G. Masaryk, Die Notwendigkeit der Revision des Polnaer Prozesses (Vienna, 1899), also published in Czech. See also E. Rychnovsky (ed.), Masaryk und das Judentum (Prague, 1931), pp. 240–271. The English translation, Thomas G. Masaryk and the Jews. A Collection of Essays (New York, 1941), pp. 148–234, covers the Hilsner Affair in detail. Masaryk's articles in Die Zeit, 4 November 1899, p. 69 and 24 March 1900, p. 7, are also worth consulting in conjunction with Steven Beller's article “The Hilsner Affair: Nationalism, Anti-Semitism and the Individual in the Habsburg Monarchy at the Turn of the Century,” in: Robert B. Pynsent (ed.), T. G. Masaryk (1850–1937), Vol. 2, Thinker and Critic (New York, 1989), pp. 52–75.Google Scholar

65. Ezra Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, op. cit., pp. 143 ff.Google Scholar

66. Masaryk many years later admitted that he had never really overcome the antisemitism of the common people in his feelings, but only in his reason, Karel Capek, President Masaryk Tells His Story (London, 1934), p. 29. Like Karel Havlccek he tended to regard the Jews as ethnically alien to the Czechs and in 1909 had even declared assimilationism a laughable notion—a slap in the face to the Czech-Jewish movement. See Michael A. Riff, “The Ambiguity of Masaryk's Attitudes on the ‘Jewish Question,'” in Robert B. Pysent (ed.) T. G. Masaryk, op. cit., pp. 77–87. On the early prejudice which he had imbibed from his mother and from school, see Paul Selver, Masaryk (London, 1940, reprinted 1975), pp. 40–1. (Masaryk, as a young Slovak growing up in Moravia, was thoroughly imbued with the blood libel superstition.) But he was nonetheless a vigorous enemy of antisemitism in later life, see J. Herben, “Masaryk and Antisemitism,” in E. Rychnovsky (ed.) Thomas C. Masaryk and the Jews, op. cit., pp. 3–24 and Steven Beller, op. cit., pp. 57 ff.Google Scholar

67. Before the advent of von Schoenerer, Jews had been regarded as valuable allies on the German-Slav frontier and Jewish schools in Bohemia, Moravia and Galicia as outposts of the German language. See Pulzer, The Austrian Liberals and the Jewish Question, op. cit., p. 133. In Moravia, where the Germans were particularly on the defensive, they remained anxious to keep the Jews as anti-Czech allies—a consideration which also influenced the German minority in Prague. On the inroads of Pan-German racism in Bohemia, see Andrew G. Whiteside, Georg Ritter von Schoenerer and Austrian Pan-Germanism (Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1975). On his attitude to Jews, see Oskar Karbach, “The Founder of Political Anti-Semitism: Georg von Schoenerer,” Jewish Social Studies, 7, (1945), pp. 3–31, and Robert S. Wistrich, “Georg von Schoenerer and the Genesis of Modern Austrian Anti-Semitism,” The Wiener Library Bulletin (1976), Vol. XXIX, New Series, nos. 39/40, pp. 21–29.Google Scholar

68. P. G. J. Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria (London, 1988 revised edition) and Robert S. Wistrich, Hitler's Apocalypse (London, 1985), pp. 12–26.Google Scholar

69. Theodor Herzl, Zionist Writings: Essays and Addresses (1895–1899), enlarged Hebrew edition (Jerusalem, 1976). On the development of the movement in Bohemia and the other Czech lands, see N. M. Gelber, “Kavim le-kidmat toldoteha shel hatsiyonut be-vohemiya ll-moraviya,” in Felix Weltsch (ed.), Prag v-yerushalayim (Jerusalem, 1954), pp. 48–9. Also Zigmund Katznelson, “Be-maavak ha-leumim,” ibid., pp. 57–63.Google Scholar

70. Karl Fischl, “Die Juden in Bkhmen,” Die Welt, 9 March 1900.Google Scholar

71. See Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna, op. cit., pp. 369–70, for the 1894 declaration of the Jewish student association Makkabea in Prague, which argued that the limits of humiliation had been reached when Germans and Slavs ejected Jews without compunction from student societies they had themselves founded. For a detailed discussion of Czech Zionism, see Hillel J. Kieval, The Making of Czech Jewry: National Conflict and Jewish Society in Bohemia 1870–1918 (New York, 1987).Google Scholar

72. For Kafka's complex attitudes and sympathy for Zionism, see Ritchie Robert on Kafka, Judaism, Politics and Literature (Oxford, 1987).Google Scholar

73. Bruno Blau, “Nationality Among Czechoslovak Jewry”, Historia Judaica, 10 (1948), pp. 147–154, shows the extent of Jewish national identification after 1918. In the Subcarpathian Rus (87 percent), Slovakia (54 percent) and Moravia-Silesia (18 percent), Jews declared themselves as Jews by nationality. Only in Bohemia did a majority call themselves Czechoslovak (49.49 percent) as against 35 percent who were German and 15 percent Jewish by nationality. This trend was actually encouraged by Masaryk's support both for Zionism and Jewish national rights in the multinational Czechoslovak State.Google Scholar

74. On Slovak Jews, Livia Rothkirchen, “Slovakia: 1, I848–1918,” in The Jews of Czechoslovakia, I. op. cit., pp. 72–84. For the background to Slovak nationalism, Peter Brock, The Slovak National Awakening: An Essay in the Intellectual History of East Central Europe (Toronto, 1976).Google Scholar

75. Robert Kann, “Hungarian Jewry During Austria-Hungary's Constitutional Period …,” op. cit., pp. 357–386. William O. McCagg, Jewish Nobles and Geniuses in Modern Hungary (New York, 1972).Google Scholar

76. On the wider problems of cultural identity raised by assimilation, see George Barany, “Magyar Jew or Jewish Magyar?” in Bela Vago and George L. Mosse (eds.), Jews and Non-Jews in Eastern Europe (Jerusalem, 1974), pp. 51–98, and George Schopflin Jewish Assimilation in Hungary: A Moot Point? ibid., pp. 75–87.Google Scholar

77. For the precise figures and a wide-ranging discussion of the issues involved, see Peter Hanak, “Problems of Jewish Assimilation in Austria-Hungary,” in P. Thane et al., (eds.) The Power of the Past (Cambridge, 1984) Chapter 10.Google Scholar

78. Victor Karady and István Kemeny, “Les Juifs dans la structure des classes en Hongrie: essai sur les antcdents historiques des crises d'antismitisme du XIXe siècle,” Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 22 (June 1978) pp. 25–59.Google Scholar

79. According to Alajos Kovacs, A zsidóság terfoglalása Magyarországon (Budapest, 1922), p. 74, no less than 45.2 percent of all lawyers, 48.9 percent of all doctors and 42.4 percent of all journalists in Hungary in 1910 were Jewish.Google Scholar

80. See the statistics in Karady and Kemeny, op. cit., pp. 25 ff.Google Scholar

81. Lueger skilfully fused Viennese resentments against Hungarians and Jews into a composite picture. See Richard S. Geehr, Karl Lueger: Mayor of Fin-de-Siècle Vienna (Detroit, 1990).Google Scholar

82. Nathaniel Katzburg, Ha-Antishemiut be-Hungaria, 1867–1914 (Tel Aviv, 1969), pp. 86–90.Google Scholar

83. The Viennese Jewish press of the 1880s pointed up this contrast between the vigor of the Hungarian State in repressing antisemitism and the tepid inaction of the Austrian government; see Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna, op. cit., pp. 253–258 for documentation.Google Scholar

84. Jacob Katz, From Prejudice to Destruction, op. cit. pp. 230–44.Google Scholar

85. See Paul Ignotus, Hungary (New York, 1972); McCagg. Jewish Nobles and Geniuses, op. cit.Google Scholar

86. The attempt by Andrew Handler in his book, Dori: The Life and Times of Theodor Herzl in Budapest (1860–1878) University of Alabama, 1983, to show strong Hungarian influences on Herzl's Zionism seems to me ultimately unconvincing. What is more plausible is to see Zionism as the last link in a chain of national movements in nineteenth-century Austria—German, Magyar, Polish, Ukrainian, Czech, Yugoslav and Italian which aspired to some form of national independence.Google Scholar

87. L. Chasanovitsch (ed.), Les pogroms anti-juifs en Galicie et en Pologne en Novembre et Décembre 1918 (Stockholm, 1919).Google Scholar

88. Ezra Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, op. cit., pp. 41, 51.Google Scholar

89. Nathaniel Katzburg, “Hungarian Antisemitism: Ideology and Reality (1920–1943),” in Shmuel Almog (ed.), Antisemitism Through the Ages (Oxford, 1988), pp. 339–348.Google Scholar

90. O. McCagg, “Jews in Revolutions: The Hungarian Experience,” Journal of Social History, 6 (1972), pp. 78–105; Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, op. cit., pp. 94–97, and Katzburg, Hungary and the Jews, 1920–1943 (Ramat-Gan, 1981), pp. 32–59.Google Scholar