Introduction
In 2019, the United States indicted Halkbank, a bank owned by the Republic of Türkiye, for conspiring to evade U.S. sanctions on Iran. Halkbank claimed that, as an instrumentality of a foreign state, it was immune from criminal prosecution under the U.S. Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA) and under federal common law. In Türkiye Halk Bankasi A.S. v. United States,Footnote 1 the U.S. Supreme Court held that the FSIA does not apply to criminal proceedings and remanded Halkbank’s claim of common-law immunity to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. The Second Circuit subsequently held, in United States v. Bankasi,Footnote 2 that Halkbank is not immune from criminal prosecution under common law.
The Supreme Court: Turkiye Halk Bankasi A.S. v. United States
Preliminarily, the Supreme Court rejected Halkbank’s argument that Congress’s grant of subject matter jurisdiction over offenses against the laws of the United StatesFootnote 3 implicitly excludes foreign states and their instrumentalities. The fact that other provisions of the U.S. Code expressly refer to foreign states and their instrumentalities was not sufficient, Justice Brett Kavanaugh reasoned, “to graft an atextual limitation onto § 3231’s broad jurisdictional grant.”Footnote 4
The Court then held that the FSIA does not cover criminal cases. Justice Kavanaugh identified several provisions indicating “that the statute exclusively addresses civil suits against foreign states and their instrumentalities.”Footnote 5 He noted that the FSIA’s grant of subject matter jurisdiction to the federal courts refers to “any nonjury civil action against a foreign state” and its provisions on venue, service, default judgments, and liability all speak the language of civil actions.Footnote 6 Halkbank argued that the FSIA’s grant of immunity in § 1604 refers generally to “the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States and of the States,” and is not limited to civil actions.Footnote 7 But Justice Kavanaugh reasoned that this section’s text must be read “alongside its neighboring FSIA provisions.”Footnote 8 He also noted that “Halkbank’s interpretation of § 1604 is difficult to square with its interpretation of § 1605” (creating exceptions to immunity), which Halkbank maintained was limited to civil cases only.Footnote 9
Justice Neil Gorsuch, joined by Justice Samuel Alito, filed a separate opinion concurring in part and dissenting in part. In his view, the plain text of § 1604 grants immunity to foreign states and their instrumentalities from both civil and criminal jurisdiction. But, contrary to Halkbank’s argument, § 1605’s exceptions to immunity also apply in both civil and criminal cases, and its commercial activity exception would deny Halkbank immunity in this case.
The Supreme Court did not address Halkbank’s claim of common-law immunity, sending that question back to the Second Circuit.
The Second Circuit: United States v. Bankasi
On remand, the Court of Appeals held that Halkbank was not immune from prosecution under common law. Following circuit precedent with respect to the common-law immunity of foreign officials,Footnote 10 and invoking Supreme Court decisions from the 1940s,Footnote 11 the court concluded that it should defer to the Executive Branch’s determination of whether an instrumentality of a foreign state is immune from prosecution. This principle applies, the court said, in both civil and criminal cases and regardless of whether the Executive would grant or deny immunity. The court concluded: “[T]he decision to bring federal criminal charges against Halkbank reflects the Executive Branch’s determination that Halkbank is not entitled to sovereign immunity for the conduct at issue.”Footnote 12
Despite its statements about deference to the Executive, the Second Circuit went on to make its own assessment of Halkbank’s common-law immunity. The court concluded that “prior cases have extended immunity to sovereigns and their instrumentalities based on their governmental conduct” but “that the common law places no independent bar on the prosecution of state-owned corporations for their commercial activity.”Footnote 13 Halkbank argued that under the common law, as opposed to the FSIA,Footnote 14 the purpose of an activity must be considered in determining whether it is commercial. The court, however, “conclude[d] that the indictment concerns Halkbank’s commercial activity, even if we consider the purpose of the alleged conduct.”Footnote 15 Because the Executive’s determination in this case was consistent with the common law, the court reserved the question of what to do in the case of a conflict. “We need not decide,” the court wrote, “whether such deference extends to the Executive Branch’s determination to deny immunity if that determination is in derogation of the common law because that is not the situation here.”Footnote 16
In examining Halkbank’s immunity, the Second Circuit referred only once to international law.Footnote 17 Despite the fact that international law supported the U.S. position,Footnote 18 the briefs for the United States barely mentioned it. The Court instead looked almost entirely to U.S. cases decided before enactment of the FSIA in 1976. There are, of course, almost no common-law cases involving the instrumentalities of foreign states after 1976 because the FSIA has now preempted the common law in civil cases. The inevitable result of this sort of analysis, however, is a common law of immunity that is trapped in the 1950s and 1960s.
Halkbank asked the Supreme Court to review the Second Circuit’s decision on common-law immunity, but the Court denied the petition for certiorari on October 6, 2025, bringing the immunity phase of this case to a close.Footnote 19
Concluding Remarks
Although the Second Circuit reserved the question of whether it would defer to the Executive’s determination to deny immunity in violation of the common law, its emphasis on deference is troubling. The Executive Branch claims that U.S. courts are absolutely bound to follow its determinations of common-law immunity. In a federal criminal case, where the prosecution is brought by the Department of Justice, that has the same practical effect as saying that no common-law immunity exists.
The Ninth Circuit took a somewhat different approach in a case against Chinese state-owned companies for economic espionage decided after Bankasi. In United States v. Pangang Group Co.,Footnote 20 the Ninth Circuit spent most of the opinion making its own determination that the defendants were not immune from prosecution under the common law. The court invoked deference to the Executive only at the end of its opinion to reinforce a decision that the court had independently made. This seems like a better approach.
The Executive Branch’s views about the content of common-law immunity should be entitled to significant weight, particularly to the extent that those views are based on customary international law, about which the State Department has considerable expertise.Footnote 21 But common-law immunity is made by courts, and separation-of-powers principles require that courts apply that law independently of the prosecution in criminal cases.
NOTICE: This opinion is subject to formal revision before publication in the United States Reports. Readers are requested to notify the Reporter of Decisions, Supreme Court of the United States, Washington, D. C. 20543, pio@supremecourt.gov, of any typographical or other formal errors.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
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No. 21–1450
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TURKIYE HALK BANKASI A. S., AKA HALKBANK, PETITIONER v. UNITED STATES
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT
[April 19, 2023]
Justice Kavanaugh delivered the opinion of the Court.
The United States indicted Halkbank, a bank owned by the Republic of Turkey, for conspiring to evade U. S. economic sanctions against Iran. The United States brought the prosecution in the U. S. District Court for the Southern District of New York. Halkbank contends that the indictment should be dismissed because the general federal criminal jurisdiction statute, 18 U. S. C. §3231, does not extend to prosecutions of instrumentalities of foreign states such as Halkbank. Halkbank alternatively argues that the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act of 1976 provides instrumentalities of foreign states with absolute immunity from criminal prosecution in U. S. courts.
We disagree with Halkbank on both points. We hold that the District Court has jurisdiction under 18 U. S. C. §3231 over the prosecution of Halkbank. We further hold that the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act does not provide immunity from criminal prosecution. With respect to an additional common-law immunity argument raised by Halkbank, we vacate the judgment of the Court of Appeals and remand.
I
Halkbank is a bank whose shares are majority-owned by the Turkish Wealth Fund, which in turn is part of and owned by the Republic of Turkey. In 2019, the United States indicted Halkbank for a multi-year conspiracy to evade economic sanctions imposed by the United States on Iran. The indictment alleged that Halkbank, with the assistance of high-ranking Turkish government officials, laundered billions of dollars of Iranian oil and gas proceeds through the global financial system, including the U. S. financial system, in violation of U. S. sanctions and numerous federal statutes. The indictment further claimed that Halkbank made false statements to the U. S. Treasury Department in an effort to conceal the scheme. Two individual defendants, including a former Halkbank executive, have already been convicted in federal court for their roles in the alleged conspiracy. According to the U. S. Government, several other indicted defendants, including Halkbank’s former general manager and its former head of foreign operations, remain at large.
Halkbank moved to dismiss the indictment on the ground that an instrumentality of a foreign state such as Halkbank is immune from criminal prosecution under the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act of 1976, 28 U. S. C. §§1330, 1602 et seq. The U. S. District Court for the Southern District of New York denied the motion, reasoning in relevant part that the FSIA “does not appear to grant immunity in criminal proceedings.” App. to Pet. for Cert. 25a, 34a.
Halkbank filed an interlocutory appeal, and the U. S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit affirmed. 16 F. 4th 336 (2021). The Court of Appeals first determined that the District Court has subject matter jurisdiction over this criminal prosecution under 18 U. S. C. §3231. As to the FSIA, the Court of Appeals assumed without deciding that the FSIA confers immunity in criminal proceedings to foreign states and their instrumentalities, but held that in any event Halkbank’s charged conduct fell within the FSIA’s exception for commercial activities.
We granted certiorari. 598 U. S. (2022).
II
Halkbank first contends that the District Court lacks jurisdiction over this criminal prosecution.
Section 3231 of Title 18 provides: “The district courts of the United States shall have original jurisdiction, exclusive of the courts of the States, of all offenses against the laws of the United States.” Via its sweeping language, §3231 opens federal district courts to the full range of federal prosecutions for violations of federal criminal law. By its terms, §3231 plainly encompasses Halkbank’s alleged criminal offenses, which were “against the laws of the United States.”
Halkbank cannot and does not dispute that §3231’s text as written encompasses the offenses charged in the indictment. Halkbank nonetheless argues that the statute implicitly excludes foreign states and their instrumentalities. In support of that argument, Halkbank identifies certain civil and bankruptcy statutes that expressly refer to actions against foreign states and their instrumentalities. See 28 U. S. C. §§1330(a), 1603(a)–(b); 11 U. S. C. §§101(27), 106(a); Act of Mar. 3, 1875, ch. 137, §1, 18 Stat. 470, as amended, §3, 90 Stat. 2891. Because §3231 refers generically to “all” federal criminal offenses without specifically mentioning foreign states or their instrumentalities, Halkbank reasons that foreign states and their instrumentalities do not fall within §3231’s scope. We decline to graft an atextual limitation onto §3231’s broad jurisdictional grant over “all offenses” simply because several unrelated provisions in the U. S. Code happen to expressly reference foreign states and instrumentalities. Those scattered references in distinct contexts do not shrink the textual scope of §3231, which operates “without regard to the identity or status of the defendant.” C. Keitner, Prosecuting Foreign States, 61 Va. J. Int’l L. 221, 242 (2021). Nor will we create a new clear-statement rule requiring Congress to “clearly indicat[e] its intent” to include foreign states and their instrumentalities within §3231’s jurisdictional grant. Brief for Petitioner 11.
Halkbank also points to §3231’s predecessor: a provision of the Judiciary Act of 1789 granting district courts “cognizance of all crimes and offences that shall be cognizable under the authority of the United States.” §9, 1 Stat. 76. In Halkbank’s view, other statutory provisions from that same era—including several that referred to suits against foreign actors—suggest that Congress would have expressly referenced foreign states and their instrumentalities if Congress had intended the 1789 provision to reach those entities. And Halkbank says that we should read §3231 like its predecessor provision. The premise is unsupported. The 1789 provision, like §3231 itself, contains no exception for prosecutions of foreign states or their instrumentalities. And this Court has never suggested that the 1789 provision contains an implicit exception. So the 1789 provision does not help Halkbank’s argument that we should find an implicit exception in §3231.
Finally, Halkbank invokes a separate provision of the 1789 Judiciary Act granting district courts jurisdiction over “all civil causes of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction.” §9, id., at 77. Halkbank asserts that this Court has construed that provision not to confer jurisdiction over foreign state entities. Brief for Petitioner 22, 25 (citing Schooner Exchange v. McFaddon, 7 Cranch 116 (1812)). It follows, Halkbank says, that the 1789 Act’s similar general reference to “all crimes and offences” and its successor §3231’s reference to “all offenses” likewise must be interpreted not to reach foreign states and their instrumentalities.
We disagree with Halkbank’s reading of our precedents. The case on which Halkbank primarily relies, Schooner Exchange, indeed held that a district court lacked “jurisdiction” over a suit claiming ownership of a French warship docked in a Philadelphia port. 7 Cranch, at 146–147. But Schooner Exchange did not address statutory subject matter jurisdiction. Instead, as this Court has since explained, Schooner Exchange concerned principles of foreign sovereign immunity that “developed as a matter of common law.” Samantar v. Yousuf, 560 U. S. 305, 311 (2010). Contrary to Halkbank’s contention, the common-law sovereign immunity recognized in Schooner Exchange is a “rule of substantive law governing the exercise of the jurisdiction of the courts,” not an exception to a general statutory grant of subject matter jurisdiction. Republic of Mexico v. Hoffman, 324 U. S. 30, 36 (1945); see also Ex parte Peru, 318 U. S. 578, 587–588 (1943).
In sum, the District Court has jurisdiction under 18 U. S. C. §3231 over this criminal prosecution.
III
Relying on the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act, Halkbank contends that it enjoys immunity from criminal prosecution. We disagree because the Act does not provide foreign states and their instrumentalities with immunity from criminal proceedings.
A
The doctrine of foreign sovereign immunity originally developed in U. S. courts “as a matter of common law” rather than by statute. Samantar v. Yousuf, 560 U. S. 305, 311 (2010). In determining whether to allow suits against foreign sovereigns, however, courts traditionally “deferred to the decisions of the political branches—in particular, those of the Executive Branch.” Verlinden B. V. v. Central Bank of Nigeria, 461 U. S. 480, 486 (1983); see also Rubin v. Islamic Republic of Iran, 583 U. S., (2018) (slip op., at 4); Republic of Austria v. Altmann, 541 U. S. 677, 689 (2004).
In 1952, the State Department announced the “restrictive” theory of foreign sovereign immunity, under which immunity was typically afforded in cases involving a foreign state’s public acts, but not its strictly commercial acts. Rubin, 583 U. S., at – (slip op., at 4–5). In the ensuing years, the process by which the Executive Branch submitted statements regarding a foreign state’s immunity sometimes led to inconsistency, particularly in light of the case-by-case diplomatic pressure that the Executive Branch received from foreign nations. Verlinden, 461 U. S., at 487. And when foreign states did not ask the State Department to weigh in, courts were left to render immunity rulings on their own, generally by reference to prior State Department decisions. Opati v. Republic of Sudan, 590 U. S., (2020) (slip op., at 2); Verlinden, 461 U. S., at 487.
In 1976, Congress entered the fray and sought to standardize the judicial process with respect to immunity for foreign sovereign entities in civil cases. Congress passed and President Ford signed the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act. The FSIA prescribed a “comprehensive set of legal standards governing claims of immunity in every civil action against a foreign state.” Id., at 488.
To that end, the FSIA codifies a baseline principle of immunity for foreign states and their instrumentalities. 28 U. S. C. §1604. The FSIA then sets out exceptions to that principle—including, for example, the exception for commercial activities. §§1605–1607.
The FSIA defines a “foreign state” to encompass instrumentalities of a foreign state—including entities that are directly and majority-owned by a foreign state. §§1603(a)–(b); Dole Food Co. v. Patrickson, 538 U. S. 468, 473–474 (2003). (In this case, the United States does not contest Halkbank’s status as an instrumentality of a foreign state for purposes of the FSIA. Brief for United States 28; see also 16 F. 4th, at 342, n. 8.)
Since the FSIA’s enactment, this Court has repeatedly stated that the statute applies in “civil” actions. See, e.g., Cassirer v. Thyssen-Bornemisza Collection Foundation, 596 U. S._, _ (2022) (slip op., at 5); Republic of Argentina v. NML Capital, Ltd., 573 U. S. 134, 141 (2014); Altmann, 541 U. S., at 691; Verlinden, 461 U. S., at 488. Although the Court has not expressly held that the FSIA covers only civil matters, the Court has never applied the Act’s immunity provisions in a criminal case.
We now hold that the FSIA does not grant immunity to foreign states or their instrumentalities in criminal proceedings. Through the FSIA, Congress enacted a comprehensive scheme governing claims of immunity in civil actions against foreign states and their instrumentalities. That scheme does not cover criminal cases.
1
To begin with, the text of the FSIA indicates that the statute exclusively addresses civil suits against foreign states and their instrumentalities. The first provision of the FSIA grants district courts original jurisdiction over “any nonjury civil action against a foreign state” as to “any claim for relief in personam with respect to which the foreign state is not entitled to immunity.” 28 U. S. C. §1330(a) (emphasis added); 90 Stat. 2891.
The FSIA then sets forth a carefully calibrated scheme that relates only to civil cases. For instance, the sole FSIA venue provision exclusively addresses venue in a “civil action” against a foreign state. §1391(f). The Act similarly provides for removal to federal court of a “civil action” brought in state court. §1441(d). The Act prescribes detailed rules—including those governing service of “the summons and complaint,” §1608(a)(1), along with “an answer or other responsive pleading to the complaint,” §1608(d), as well as for any judgment of default, §1608(e)—that relate to civil cases alone. So, too, the Act’s provision regarding counterclaims concerns only civil proceedings. §1607. Finally, the Act renders a non-immune foreign state “liable in the same manner and to the same extent as a private individual,” except that a foreign state (but not an agency or instrumentality thereof) “shall not be liable for punitive damages.” §1606. Each of those terms characterizes civil, not criminal, litigation.
Other parts of the statute underscore the FSIA’s exclusively civil focus. Congress codified its finding that authorizing federal courts to determine claims of foreign sovereign immunity “would protect the rights of both foreign states and litigants in United States courts.” §1602 (emphasis added). The statutory term “litigants” does not ordinarily sweep in governments acting in a prosecutorial capacity. See Black’s Law Dictionary 1119 (11th ed. 2019) (defining “litigant” as “A party to a lawsuit; the plaintiff or defendant in a court action”). What is more, Congress described the FSIA as defining “the circumstances in which foreign states are immune from suit,” not from criminal investigation or prosecution. 90 Stat. 2891 (emphasis added).
In stark contrast to those many provisions concerning civil actions, the FSIA is silent as to criminal matters. The Act says not a word about criminal proceedings against foreign states or their instrumentalities. If Halkbank were correct that the FSIA immunizes foreign states and their instrumentalities from criminal prosecution, the subject undoubtedly would have surfaced somewhere in the Act’s text. Congress typically does not “hide elephants in mouseholes.” Whitman v. American Trucking Assns., Inc., 531 U. S. 457, 468 (2001).
Context reinforces text. Although the vast majority of litigation involving foreign states and their instrumentalities at the time of the FSIA’s enactment in 1976 was civil, the Executive Branch occasionally attempted to subject foreign-government-owned entities to federal criminal investigation. See In re Grand Jury Investigation of Shipping Industry, 186 F. Supp. 298, 318–320 (DC 1960); In re Investigation of World Arrangements, 13 F. R. D. 280, 288–291 (DC 1952). Given that history, it becomes even more unlikely that Congress sought to codify foreign sovereign immunity from criminal proceedings without saying a word about such proceedings.
Congress’s determination about the FSIA’s precise location within the U. S. Code bolsters that inference. Congress expressly decided to house each provision of the FSIA within Title 28, which mostly concerns civil procedure. See 90 Stat. 2891. But the FSIA did not alter Title 18, which addresses crimes and criminal procedure.
Finally, this Court’s decision in Samantar supports the conclusion that the FSIA does not apply to criminal proceedings. In Samantar, we considered whether the FSIA’s immunity provisions applied to a suit against an individual foreign official based on actions taken in his official capacity. 560 U. S., at 308. Analyzing the Act’s “text, purpose, and history,” the Court determined that the FSIA’s “comprehensive solution for suits against states” does not “exten[d] to suits against individual officials.” Id., at 323, 325.
As in Samantar, we conclude here that the FSIA’s provisions concerning suits against foreign states and their instrumentalities do not extend to a discrete context—in this case, criminal proceedings. The Act’s “careful calibration” of jurisdiction, procedures, and remedies for civil litigation confirms that Congress did not “cover” criminal proceedings. Id., at 319. Put simply, immunity in criminal proceedings “was not the particular problem to which Congress was responding.” Id., at 323.
2
In response to all of that evidence of the FSIA’s exclusively civil scope, Halkbank emphasizes a sentence of the FSIA codified at 28 U. S. C. §1604: “Subject to existing international agreements,” a “foreign state shall be immune from the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States and of the States except as provided in sections 1605 to 1607 of this chapter.” Halkbank contends that §1604 renders it immune not only from civil suits but also from criminal prosecutions.
In complete isolation, §1604 might be amenable to that reading. But this Court has a “duty to construe statutes, not isolated provisions.” Graham County Soil and Water Conservation Dist. v. United States ex rel. Wilson, 559 U. S. 280, 290 (2010) (internal quotation marks omitted). And the Court must read the words Congress enacted “in their context and with a view to their place in the overall statutory scheme.” Davis v. Michigan Dept. of Treasury, 489 U. S. 803, 809 (1989). When we consider §1604 alongside its neighboring FSIA provisions, it becomes overwhelmingly evident that §1604 does not grant immunity to foreign states and their instrumentalities in criminal matters.
Section 1330(a) is the place to start. This Court has explained that “Sections 1604 and 1330(a) work in tandem.” Argentine Republic v. Amerada Hess Shipping Corp., 488 U. S. 428, 434 (1989). Indeed, the public law containing the FSIA begins with §1330 and then later follows with §1604. See 90 Stat. 2891–2892. Recall that §1330(a) confers district-court jurisdiction over “any nonjury civil action against a foreign state” as to “any claim for relief in personam with respect to which the foreign state is not entitled to immunity.” Section 1604 then confers immunity on foreign states unless an enumerated statutory exception applies. See §§1605–1607.
Reading the two provisions together (as we must) and sequentially (per Congress’s design), the natural inference is that §1604 operates exclusively in civil cases. Section 1330(a) spells out a universe of civil (and only civil) cases against foreign states over which district courts have jurisdiction, and §1604 then clarifies how principles of immunity operate within that limited civil universe.
We thus decline to read §1604’s grant of immunity to apply in criminal proceedings—a category of cases beyond the civil actions contemplated in §1330(a), the jurisdictional grant to which §1604 is substantively and sequentially linked. Before making that leap, we would expect to find some express textual indication regarding §1604’s purportedly broader-than-civil scope. But none exists.
Moreover, Halkbank’s interpretation of §1604 is difficult to square with its interpretation of §1605, an FSIA provision delineating exceptions to the immunity granted in §1604. Halkbank reads §1604 to confer immunity in both civil and criminal cases. But Halkbank then turns around and insists that the exceptions to that immunity specified in §1605—exceptions which, per the statute, apply “in any case”—attach exclusively in civil matters. Brief for Petitioner 43.
In other words, Halkbank sees §1330 as operating only in civil cases, §1604 in both civil and criminal cases, and §1605 only in civil cases. In Halkbank’s view, the FSIA’s scope awkwardly flip-flops from civil to civil-and-criminal back to civil again in sequential provisions. Congress did not write such a mangled statute. The better and more natural reading is that §§1330, 1604, and 1605 operate in tandem within a single universe of civil matters.
The FSIA’s remaining provisions described above—namely, those detailing elaborate procedures and remedies applicable exclusively in civil cases—strongly buttress the conclusion that §1604 “lays down a baseline principle of foreign sovereign immunity from civil actions,” and from civil actions alone. Cassirer, 596 U. S., at– (slip op., at 5) (emphasis added). Considering the FSIA “as a whole,” there is “nothing to suggest we should read” §1604 to apply to criminal proceedings. Samantar, 560 U. S., at 319.
In sum, Halkbank’s narrow focus on §1604 misses the forest for the trees (and a single tree at that). Halkbank’s §1604 argument reduces to the implausible contention that Congress enacted a statute focused entirely on civil actions and then in one provision that does not mention criminal proceedings somehow stripped the Executive Branch of all power to bring domestic criminal prosecutions against instrumentalities of foreign states. On Halkbank’s view, a purely commercial business that is directly and majority-owned by a foreign state could engage in criminal conduct affecting U. S. citizens and threatening U. S. national security while facing no criminal accountability at all in U. S. courts. Nothing in the FSIA supports that result.
B
Halkbank advances three additional reasons why this Court should read the FSIA to immunize foreign states and their instrumentalities from criminal proceedings. None is persuasive.
First, Halkbank emphasizes this Court’s statement in a 1989 case that the FSIA is the “sole basis for obtaining jurisdiction over a foreign state in federal court.” Amerada Hess, 488 U. S., at 439. But Amerada Hess was not a criminal case. Rather, it was a civil case brought under the Alien Tort Statute and under the federal courts’ general admiralty and maritime jurisdiction. Id., at 432 (citing 28 U. S. C. §§1333, 1350). This Court has often admonished that “general language in judicial opinions” should be read “as referring in context to circumstances similar to the circumstances then before the Court and not referring to quite different circumstances that the Court was not then considering.” Illinois v. Lidster, 540 U. S. 419, 424 (2004). Amerada Hess made clear that the FSIA displaces general “grants of subject-matter jurisdiction in Title 28”—that is, in civil cases against foreign states. 488 U. S., at 437 (citing 28 U. S. C. §§1331, 1333, 1335, 1337, 1338). The Court had no occasion to consider the FSIA’s implications for Title 18’s grant of criminal jurisdiction over “all” federal criminal offenses. 18 U. S. C. §3231.
At any rate, Amerada Hess’s rationale does not translate to the criminal context. The Court’s holding as to the nonapplicability of general civil jurisdictional grants was based on the FSIA’s own civil jurisdictional grant and the “comprehensiveness” of the statutory scheme as to civil matters. 488 U. S., at 434–435, and n. 3, 437 (citing 28 U. S. C. §1330(a)). But the FSIA contains no grant of criminal jurisdiction and says nothing about criminal matters—a distinct legal regime housed in an entirely separate title of the U. S. Code. The FSIA did not implicitly repeal or modify 18 U. S. C. §3231’s core grant of criminal jurisdiction.
Second, Halkbank warns that courts and the Executive will lack “congressional guidance” as to procedure in criminal cases if we conclude that the FSIA does not apply in the criminal context. Brief for Petitioner 37. But that concern carried no weight in Samantar, which likewise deemed the FSIA’s various procedures inapplicable to a specific category of cases—there, suits against foreign officials. In any event, the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure would govern any federal criminal proceedings. And although Halkbank argues that Congress would not have been “indifferent” to criminal jury trials involving instrumentalities of foreign states, id., at 38, juries already resolve similarly sensitive cases against foreign officials after Samantar.
Third, Halkbank briefly raises a consequentialist argument. According to Halkbank, if the FSIA does not apply to criminal proceedings, then state prosecutors would also be free to commence criminal proceedings against foreign states and their instrumentalities. Halkbank argues that those state prosecutions would raise foreign policy concerns. But we must interpret the FSIA as written. And the statute simply does not grant immunity to foreign states and their instrumentalities in criminal matters.
In addition, it is not evident that the premise of Halkbank’s consequentialist argument is correct. To begin with, Halkbank offers no history of state prosecutors subjecting foreign states or their instrumentalities to criminal jurisdiction. And if such a state prosecution were brought, the United States could file a suggestion of immunity. A decision by a state court to deny foreign sovereign immunity might be reviewable by this Court (a question we do not here address). Moreover, state criminal proceedings involving foreign states or their instrumentalities might be preempted under principles of foreign affairs preemption (another question we do not here address). Cf. American Ins. Assn. v. Garamendi, 539 U. S. 396 (2003). And if those principles do not apply or do not suffice to protect U. S. national security and foreign policy interests, Congress and the President may always respond by enacting additional legislation.
In short, Halkbank’s various FSIA arguments are infused with the notion that U. S. criminal proceedings against instrumentalities of foreign states would negatively affect U. S. national security and foreign policy. But it is not our role to rewrite the FSIA based on purported policy concerns that Congress and the President have not seen fit to recognize. The FSIA does not provide foreign states and their instrumentalities with immunity from criminal proceedings.
IV
Although the FSIA does not immunize Halkbank from criminal prosecution, Halkbank advances one other plea for immunity. In the context of a civil proceeding, this Court has recognized that a suit not governed by the FSIA “may still be barred by foreign sovereign immunity under the common law.” Samantar v. Yousuf, 560 U. S. 305, 324 (2010). Halkbank maintains that principles of common-law immunity preclude this criminal prosecution even if the FSIA does not. To that end, Halkbank contends that common-law-immunity principles operate differently in criminal cases than in civil cases. See Brief for Petitioner 34–35, 44. And Halkbank argues that the Executive Branch cannot unilaterally abrogate common-law immunity by initiating prosecution. Id., at 44.
The Government disagrees. Reasoning from pre-FSIA history and precedent, the Government asserts that the common law does not provide for foreign sovereign immunity when, as here, the Executive Branch has commenced a federal criminal prosecution of a commercial entity like Halkbank. See Brief for United States 21. In the alternative, the Government contends that any common-law immunity in criminal cases would not extend to commercial activities such as those undertaken by Halkbank. Id., at 16–21.
The Court of Appeals did not fully consider the various arguments regarding common-law immunity that the parties press in this Court. See 16 F. 4th, at 350–351. Nor did the Court of Appeals address whether and to what extent foreign states and their instrumentalities are differently situated for purposes of common-law immunity in the criminal context. We express no view on those issues and leave them for the Court of Appeals to consider on remand. Cf. Samantar, 560 U. S., at 325–326.
* * *
With respect to the holding of the Court of Appeals that the District Court has jurisdiction under 18 U. S. C. §3231, we affirm. With respect to the holding of the Court of Appeals that the FSIA does not provide immunity to Halkbank, we affirm on different grounds—namely, that the FSIA does not apply to criminal proceedings. With respect to common-law immunity, we vacate the judgment of the Court of Appeals and remand for the Court of Appeals to consider the parties’ common-law arguments in a manner consistent with this opinion.
It is so ordered.
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No. 21–1450
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TURKIYE HALK BANKASI A. S., aka HALKBANK, PETITIONER v. UNITED STATES
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT
[April 19, 2023]
Justice Gorsuch, with whom Justice Alito joins, concurring in part and dissenting in part.
For almost a half century, judges have known where to turn for guidance when deciding whether a foreign sover-eign is susceptible to suit in an American court: Congress’s directions in the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act of 1976 (FSIA), 28 U. S. C. §1602 et seq. Sometimes the FSIA authorizes American courts to hear cases against foreign sovereigns; sometimes the statute immunizes foreign sovereigns from suit. Today, however, the Court holds that the FSIA’s rules apply only in civil cases. To decide whether a foreign sovereign is susceptible to criminal prosecution, the Court says, federal judges must consult the common law. Respectfully, I disagree. The same statute we routinely use to analyze sovereign immunity in civil cases applies equally in criminal ones.
I
I begin from common ground. Congress has vested fed-eral courts with subject-matter jurisdiction over cases in-volving “offenses against the laws of the United States.” 18 U. S. C. §3231. The Court holds that this statute permits federal courts to hear cases alleging offenses committed by foreign sovereigns. I agree. As the Court explains, §3231’s language grants subject-matter jurisdiction in broad terms without regard to the nature of the defendant; nor are we free to “graft an atextual limitation onto” the law that would exempt foreign sovereigns from its reach. Ante, at 3. Of course, Türkiye Halk Bankasi (Halkbank) asserts that it is a sovereign entity and, as such, enjoys immunity from prosecution. But that does not change a thing. Generally, questions about sovereign immunity do not go to a court’s subject-matter jurisdiction (something a court must consider in every case even if the parties do not). Instead, questions of sovereign immunity usually go to a court’s personal jurisdiction over a particular defendant. And as with other personal-jurisdiction defenses, a sovereign may waive its immunity and consent to judicial proceedings if it wishes. See PennEast Pipeline Co. v. New Jersey, 594 U. S._, (2021) (Gorsuch, J., dissenting) (slip op., at 2).
From that common ground, however, I part ways with the Court. Like the Second Circuit, I would analyze Halkbank’s assertion of sovereign immunity under the terms of the FSIA. Start with 28 U. S. C. §1604, which sets forth the FSIA’s general immunity rule. It provides in relevant part that “a foreign state shall be immune from the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States and of the States except as provided in sections 1605 to 1607 of this chapter.” Elsewhere, the statute defines a “foreign state” to include an “agency or instrumentality of a foreign state.” §1603(a). And the statute defines an “agency or instrumentality” to include any “separate legal person,” such as a corporation, that is an “organ” or “subdivision” of a foreign state and majority owned by a foreign state. §1603(b)(1)–(2).
Applying those rules here yields a ready answer. Halkbank is a corporation that is majority-owned by the govern-ment of Turkey. 16 F. 4th 336, 349 (CA2 2021). Accordingly, it qualifies as a foreign state entitled to immunity from suit under §1604 unless one of the exceptions provided in §§1605–1607 applies. And, it turns out, one such excep-tion does apply. Section 1605(a)(2) instructs that a foreign sovereign is not entitled to immunity when “the action is based upon” certain “commercial activity” in or affecting the United States. In this case, the indictment sufficiently alleges that Halkbank has engaged in just those kinds of commercial activities. See No. 15 Cr. 867 (SDNY, Oct. 1, 2020), App. to Pet. for Cert. 36a–38a. Of course, this case comes to us on a motion to dismiss the indictment, and the question of immunity may be revisited as the case proceeds. But for now, nothing in the law precludes this suit, just as the Second Circuit held.
That the FSIA tells us all we need to know to resolve the sovereign immunity question in this case can come as no surprise. This Court has long acknowledged that “the [FSIA] must be applied by the district courts in every action against a foreign sovereign.” Verlinden B. V. v. Central Bank of Nigeria, 461 U. S. 480, 493 (1983). As we have put it, “any sort of immunity defense made by a foreign sover-eign in an American court must stand on the Act’s text. Or it must fall.” Republic of Argentina v. NML Capital, Ltd., 573 U. S. 134, 141–142 (2014). It’s a rule that follows di-rectly from the statutory text because “Congress established [in the FSIA] a comprehensive framework for resolv-ing any claim of sovereign immunity.” Republic of Austria v. Altmann, 541 U. S. 677, 699 (2004).
II
Despite all this, the Court declines to apply the FSIA’s directions governing foreign sovereign immunity. It holds that the statute’s general immunity rule in §1604 speaks only to civil disputes. Any question about a foreign sover-eign’s immunity from criminal prosecution, the Court insists, must therefore be resolved under common-law princi-ples. Ante, at 7, 15. In aid of its conclusion, the Court offers three principal arguments. But to my mind, none packs the punch necessary to displace the plain statutory text.
First, the Court points to 28 U. S. C. §1330. That provision grants federal courts subject-matter jurisdiction over civil cases against foreign sovereigns when one of the exceptions provided in §§1605–1607 applies. From this grant of civil jurisdiction, the Court reasons, it is a “natural interference” that §1604’s immunity rule must apply only in civil cases. Ante, at 11. More naturally, however, it seems to me that any inference from §1330 runs the other way. Section 1330 shows that when Congress wanted to limit its attention to civil suits, it knew how to do so. Section 1604 contains no similar language restricting its scope to civil disputes. Instead, it speaks far more broadly, holding that a foreign state “shall be immune” unless a statutorily specified exception applies. Normally, when Congress includes limiting language in one section of a law but excludes it from another, we understand the difference in language to convey a difference in meaning (expressio unius est exclusio alterius). See, e.g., Bittner v. United States, 598 U. S. 85, 94 (2023); Department of Homeland Security v. MacLean, 574 U. S. 383, 391 (2015). The Court’s interpretation of the FSIA defies this traditional rule of statutory construction. Today, the Court does to §1604 exactly what it recognizes we may not do to §3231—grafting an atextual limitation onto the law’s unambiguous terms (in this instance, adding a “civil”-only restriction).
Second, the Court suggests we should read §1604 as affording immunity only in civil cases because §1605’s exceptions apply only in civil cases. Ante, at 11. But here both the premise and the conclusion seem to me mistaken. If some of §1605’s exceptions apply only in civil cases, others speak more expansively. Take the exception relevant here. The commercial-activities exception found in §1605(a)(2) denies sovereign immunity “in any case … in which the action is based upon a commercial activity carried on in the United States by the foreign state.” (Emphasis added). Nowhere does this exception distinguish between civil and criminal actions. Besides, even if the Court’s premise were correct and §1605’s exceptions (somehow) applied only in civil actions, what would that prove? It might simply mean that Congress wanted a more generous immunity from criminal proceedings than civil suits.
Finally, the Court points to the FSIA’s provisions regulating the venue and removal of civil actions against foreign sovereigns. Ante, at 7–8 (discussing §§1391(f) and 1441(d)). But once more, it seems to me this shows only that Congress knew how to speak specifically to civil suits when it wished to do so. Congress may have had reason to be especially concerned about the venue for civil suits too, given that almost all efforts to hale foreign sovereigns into U. S. courts have involved civil claims. Indeed, the parties and their amici struggled to find examples of criminal charges brought against foreign sovereigns either before or after the FSIA’s adoption—not only in the United States, but in any country. Compare Brief for United States 25–26 with Reply Brief 7–9. I might be willing to spot the Court that the venue and removal provisions could help illuminate §1604’s scope if that statute were ambiguous. But no one suggests that we have anything like that here. Section 1604 is as clear as a bell and we must abide by its direction that foreign sovereigns “shall be immune” absent some express statutory exception.
III
After declaring that the FSIA applies only to civil suits, the Court holds that “the common law” controls the dispo-sition of any claim of foreign sovereign immunity in criminal cases. Ante, at 15. Yet rather than decide whether the common law shields Halkbank from this suit, the Court shunts the case back to the Second Circuit to figure that out. All of which leaves litigants and our lower court colleagues with an unenviable task, both in this case and others sure to emerge. Many thorny questions lie down the “common law” path and the Court fails to supply guidance on how to resolve any of them.
Right out of the gate, lower courts will have to decide between two very different approaches. One option is to defer to the Executive Branch’s judgment on whether to grant immunity to a foreign sovereign—an approach sometimes employed by federal courts in the years immediately preceding the FSIA’s adoption. The other option is for a court to make the immunity decision looking to customary international law and other sources. Compare Brief for United States 21–26 with Brief for Professor Ingrid (Wuerth) Brunk et al. as Amici Curiae 6–25.
Whichever path a court chooses, more questions will follow. The first option—deferring to the Executive—would seem to sound in separation-of-powers concerns. But does this mean that courts should not be involved in making immunity determinations at all? And what about the fact that the strong deference cases didn’t appear until the 20th century; were courts acting unconstitutionally before then? If not, should we be concerned that deference to the Executive’s immunity decisions risks relegating courts to the status of potted plants, inconsistent with their duty to say what the law is in the cases that come before them? See, e.g., Brief for Professor Ingrid (Wuerth) Brunk et al. as Amici Curiae 17–21.
The second option—applying customary international law—comes with its own puzzles. If the briefing before us proves anything, it is that customary international law supplies no easy answer to the question whether a foreign sovereign enjoys immunity from criminal prosecution. Compare Brief for Professor Roger O’Keefe as Amicus Curiae 11–16 with Brief for Mark B. Feldman et al. as Amici Curiae 12–13. Nor is it even altogether clear on what authority federal courts might develop and apply customary international law. Article VI of the Constitution does not list customary international law as federal law when it enumerates sources of “the supreme Law of the Land.” And Article I vests Congress rather than the Judiciary with the power to “define and punish … Offences against the Law of Nations.” §8, cl. 10. See Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, 542 U. S. 692, 739–742 (2004) (Scalia, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment); Jesner v. Arab Bank, PLC, 584 U. S., _ (2018) (Gorsuch, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment) (slip op., at 4–5); Nestlé USA, Inc. v. Doe, 593 U. S., _ (2021) (Gorsuch J., concurring) (slip op., at 3).
Perhaps Article III incorporated customary international law into federal common law. But since Erie R. Co. v. Tompkins, 304 U. S. 64 (1938), federal courts have largely disclaimed the power to develop federal common law out-side of a few reserved areas. See Sosa, 542 U. S., at 740–742 (opinion of Scalia, J.). And whether customary inter-national law survives as a form of federal common law after Erie is a matter of considerable debate among scholars. Compare C. Bradley & J. Goldsmith, Customary International Law as Federal Common Law: A Critique of the Modern Position, 110 Harv. L. Rev. 815 (1997), with H. Koh, Is International Law Really State Law?, 111 Harv. L. Rev. 1824 (1998). Must lower courts confront this long-running debate to resolve a claim of foreign sovereign immunity in criminal cases? And if there is no federal law at work here that might apply under the Supremacy Clause, only general common-law principles, what constraints remain on state prosecutions of foreign sovereigns?
*
Today’s decision overcomplicates the law for no good reason. In the FSIA, Congress supplied us with simple rules for resolving this case and others like it. Respectfully, I would follow those straightforward directions to the same straightforward conclusion the Second Circuit reached: This case against Halkbank may proceed.
United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit
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August Term 2023
(Argued: February 28, 2024 Decided: October 22, 2024)
No. 20-3499
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United States of America,
Appellee,
— v. —
Turkiye Halk Bankasi A.S., a/k/a Halkbank,
Defendant-Appellant,
Reza Zarrab, a/k/a Riza Sarraf, Camelia Jamshidy, a/k/a Kamelia Jamshidy, Hossein Najafzadeh, Mohammad Zarrab, a/k/a Can Sarraf, a/k/a Kartalmsd, Mehmet Hakan Atilla, Mehmet Zafer Caglayan, Abi, Suleyman Aslan, Levent Balkan, Abdullah Happani,
Defendants.**
————————
Before: Kearse, Cabranes, and Bianco, Circuit Judges.
Defendant-Appellant Turkiye Halk Bankasi A.S. (“Halkbank”) appeals from the decision and order of the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York (Richard M. Berman, Judge), entered on October 1, 2020, denying Halkbank’s motion to dismiss the indictment against it on foreign sovereign immunity grounds. This appeal returns to us on remand from the United States Supreme Court.
In 2019, the United States indicted Halkbank, a commercial bank owned by the Republic of Turkey, for conspiring to evade U.S. economic sanctions against Iran. The district court denied Halkbank’s motion to dismiss on foreign sovereign immunity grounds under the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (“FSIA”), 28 U.S.C. §§ 1330, 1602 et seq., and the common law, and this Court affirmed. See United States v. Turkiye Halk Bankasi A.S., 16 F.4th 336 (2d Cir. 2021) (“Halkbank I”). The Supreme Court affirmed in part, vacated in part, and remanded the case for further proceedings. See Turkiye Halk Bankasi A.S. v. United States, 598 U.S. 264 (2023) (“Halkbank II”). In particular, the Supreme Court held that the district court had subject matter jurisdiction over Halkbank’s criminal prosecution under 18 U.S.C. § 3231 and that the FSIA does not provide foreign sovereign immunity in criminal cases, but vacated and remanded for full consideration of the common-law immunity arguments raised by the parties.
After careful consideration of the arguments, we hold that common-law foreign sovereign immunity does not protect Halkbank from criminal prosecution based on the charges in this indictment. Under the common law, as interpreted by the Supreme Court and this Court, we defer to the Executive Branch’s determination as to whether a party should be afforded common-law foreign sovereign immunity, and that deference applies regardless of whether the Executive seeks to grant or, as in this case, deny immunity, and also applies equally to criminal and civil cases. We need not decide whether such deference extends to the Executive Branch’s determination to deny immunity if that determination is in derogation of the common law because that is not the situation here. More specifically, we find no basis in the common law to conclude that a foreign state-owned corporation is absolutely immune from prosecution by a separate sovereign for alleged criminal conduct related to its commercial activities, and not to governmental functions. Thus, because Halkbank is being prosecuted in the United States for its alleged criminal activity related to its commercial activities as charged in the indictment, we defer to the Executive Branch’s determination, through the U.S. Department of Justice, that Halkbank should not be afforded immunity in this case.
Accordingly, we AFFIRM the order of the district court and REMAND for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
For Appellee: Michael D. Lockard, Assistant United States Attorney (David W. Denton Jr., Jonathan Rebold, George D. Turner, and Hagan Scotten, Assistant United States Attorneys, on the brief), for Damian Williams, United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York, New York, New York.
For Appellant: John S. Williams (Robert M. Cary, Simon A. Latcovich, and Eden Schiffmann, on the brief), Williams & Connolly LLP, Washington, District of Columbia.
Joseph F. Bianco, Circuit Judge:
Defendant-Appellant Turkiye Halk Bankasi A.S. (“Halkbank”) appeals from the decision and order of the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York (Richard M. Berman, Judge), entered on October 1, 2020, denying Halkbank’s motion to dismiss the indictment against it on foreign sovereign immunity grounds. This appeal returns to us on remand from the United States Supreme Court.
In 2019, the United States indicted Halkbank, a commercial bank owned by the Republic of Turkey, for conspiring to evade U.S. economic sanctions against Iran. The district court denied Halkbank’s motion to dismiss on foreign sovereign immunity grounds under the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (“FSIA”), 28 U.S.C. §§ 1330, 1602 et seq., and the common law, and this Court affirmed. See United States v. Turkiye Halk Bankasi A.S., 16 F.4th 336 (2d Cir. 2021) (“Halkbank I”). The Supreme Court affirmed in part, vacated in part, and remanded the case for further proceedings. See Turkiye Halk Bankasi A.S. v. United States, 598 U.S. 264 (2023) (“Halkbank II”). In particular, the Supreme Court held that the district court had subject matter jurisdiction over Halkbank’s criminal prosecution under 18 U.S.C. § 3231 and that the FSIA does not provide foreign sovereign immunity in criminal cases, but vacated and remanded for full consideration of the common-law immunity arguments raised by the parties.
After careful consideration of the arguments, we hold that common-law foreign sovereign immunity does not protect Halkbank from criminal prosecution based on the charges in this indictment. Under the common law, as interpreted by the Supreme Court and this Court, we defer to the Executive Branch’s determination as to whether a party should be afforded common-law foreign sovereign immunity, and that deference applies regardless of whether the Executive seeks to grant or, as in this case, deny immunity, and also applies equally to criminal and civil cases. We need not decide whether such deference extends to the Executive Branch’s determination to deny immunity if that determination is in derogation of the common law because that is not the situation here. More specifically, we find no basis in the common law to conclude that a foreign state-owned corporation is absolutely immune from prosecution by a separate sovereign for alleged criminal conduct related to its commercial activities, and not to governmental functions. Thus, because Halkbank is being prosecuted in the United States for its alleged criminal activity related to its commercial activities as charged in the indictment, we defer to the Executive Branch’s determination, through the U.S. Department of Justice, that Halkbank should not be afforded immunity in this case.
Accordingly, we AFFIRM the order of the district court and REMAND for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
I. BACKGROUND
Between 2011 and 2013, the United States increased economic sanctions on Iran, targeting proceeds from the sale of Iranian oil and gas and the supply of gold to Iran. See, e.g., National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012, Pub. L. No. 112-81, § 1245, 125 Stat. 1298, 1647–50 (2011) (codified as amended at 22 U.S.C. § 8513a); Iran Threat Reduction and Syria Human Rights Act of 2012, 22 U.S.C. §§ 8711 et seq.; Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act of 2012, 22 U.S.C. §§ 8801 et seq. The sanctions regime subjects foreign financial institutions like Halkbank to penalties for conducting or facilitating significant financial transactions with designated Iranian financial institutions,Footnote 1 unless those transactions relate to the provision of humanitarian assistance or to bilateral trade between an exempted foreign country and Iran.Footnote 2 See 22 U.S.C. § 8513a(d)(1), (2), (4)(D). Any funds owed to Iran as a result of such bilateral trade must be held in an account within that foreign country and may not be repatriated to Iran. See 22 U.S.C. § 8513a(d)(4)(D)(ii)(II). Therefore, as relevant here, the proceeds from Iran’s sale of oil and gas to Turkey were restricted—they had to be deposited into accounts in Turkey and could only be used for further trade between Iran and Turkey.
In 2019, the United States indicted Halkbank for allegedly participating in a multi-year scheme to evade and violate this sanctions regime. The indictment alleged that Halkbank, a designated repository of proceeds from Iran’s sale of oil and gas to Turkey, used gold exports and fraudulent humanitarian assistance transactions to launder billions of dollars through the global financial system, including the U.S. financial system, in order to provide the Government of Iran, the Central Bank of Iran, and the National Iranian Oil Company access to the otherwise-restricted funds held at Halkbank. The indictment further alleged that, during the course of the conspiracy, senior officers of Halkbank made false statements regarding transactions with Iran to conceal the scheme from the U.S. Department of the Treasury.Footnote 3
Based on the alleged conduct, the indictment charged Halkbank with: (1) conspiracy to defraud the United States, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 371; (2) conspiracy to violate the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, in violation of 50 U.S.C. § 1705; (3) bank fraud, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1344; (4) conspiracy to commit bank fraud, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1349; (5) money laundering, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1956(a)(2)(A); and (6) conspiracy to commit money laundering, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1956(h).
Halkbank moved to dismiss the indictment, arguing, inter alia, that as an instrumentality of Turkey, it was entitled to absolute immunity from criminal prosecution under the FSIA. Halkbank argued in the alternative that, even if the FSIA did not apply to criminal cases, common-law sovereign immunity barred its prosecution. The district court denied Halkbank’s motion to dismiss, reasoning that the FSIA does not afford immunity in criminal proceedings and that, even if it did, the exception for commercial activity would apply. United States v. Halkbank, No. 15 Cr. 867 (RMB), 2020 WL 5849512, at *4–5 (S.D.N.Y. Oct. 1, 2020). The district court also rejected Halkbank’s common-law argument as unsupported by and inconsistent with the historical approach of deferring to the Executive Branch on the question of foreign sovereign immunity. Id. at *6.
Halkbank filed an interlocutory appeal, and this Court affirmed. Halkbank I, 16 F.4th at 351. We concluded that the district court had subject matter jurisdiction pursuant to 18 U.S.C. § 3231 and, assuming arguendo that the FSIA conferred immunity in criminal cases, that the commercial activity exception would apply to Halkbank. Id. at 347–50. We held that the charged conduct qualified as commercial activity under all three categories of 28 U.S.C. § 1605(a)(2), identifying “the gravamen of the suit” as Halkbank’s participation in schemes “intended to deceive U.S. regulators and foreign banks in order to launder approximately $1 billion in Iranian oil and gas proceeds through the U.S. financial system” and its misrepresentations to “Treasury officials regarding the nature of these transactions.” Id. at 348–49 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted). Finally, we held that Halkbank was not immune under the common law, because:
even assuming that FSIA did not supersede the pertinent common law, any foreign sovereign immunity at common law also had an exception for a foreign state’s commercial activity, just like FSIA’s commercial activity exception.… [I]n any event, at common law, sovereign immunity determinations were the prerogative of the Executive Branch; thus, the decision to bring criminal charges would have necessarily manifested the Executive Branch’s view that no sovereign immunity existed.
Id. at 351 (footnotes omitted).
The Supreme Court granted certiorari and affirmed in part, vacated in part, and remanded. See Halkbank II, 598 U.S. at 281. Specifically, after concluding that the district court had subject matter jurisdiction under 18 U.S.C. § 3231, the Supreme Court held that the FSIA does not provide foreign states and their instrumentalities with immunity from criminal proceedings. Id. at 272–73. As to immunity under the common law, the Supreme Court noted that this Court “did not fully consider the various arguments regarding common-law immunity that the parties press[ed] in [the Supreme] Court,” nor “address whether and to what extent foreign states and their instrumentalities are differently situated for purposes of common-law immunity in the criminal context.” Id. at 280. The Supreme Court thus vacated this Court’s denial of Halkbank’s common-law foreign sovereign immunity and remanded for further consideration. Id. at 281.
II. DISCUSSION
The sole issue on remand is whether common-law foreign sovereign immunity protects Halkbank from criminal prosecution. We review such questions of law de novo. See Matar v. Dichter, 563 F.3d 9, 12 (2d Cir. 2009); Rukoro v. Federal Republic of Germany, 976 F.3d 218, 223 (2d Cir. 2020).
Halkbank argues that the common law affords foreign sovereigns and their instrumentalities absolute immunity from criminal prosecution, regardless of the view of the Executive Branch. On the other hand, the government argues that common-law foreign sovereign immunity does not extend to lawsuits where the Executive determines that such immunity should not be granted. Therefore, according to the government, this Court should defer to the Executive’s determination that Halkbank is not entitled to immunity in this criminal prosecution, and, in doing so, “this Court need not decide the degree of deference warranted to an Executive determination that is at odds with a long-recognized form of common-law immunity, because here the lack of historical support for Halkbank’s claim supports the Executive’s views.” Appellee’s Br. at 17. More specifically, the government asserts that the common law distinguishes between a foreign state and the corporations it owns, and that state-owned corporations, like Halkbank, do not enjoy absolute immunity from criminal prosecution based on their commercial, non-governmental activities.
As set forth below, we agree with the government and conclude that, under the common law, we defer to the Executive Branch’s determination—which may be expressed, as here, by the initiation of a federal criminal prosecution—that a foreign state-owned corporation is not entitled to foreign sovereign immunity for charges arising from its commercial, non-governmental activity because that determination is consistent with the scope of such immunity recognized at common law. Here, such deference is warranted because the indictment, brought by the Executive through the U.S. Department of Justice, charges Halkbank for alleged criminal activity arising from its commercial activity. Therefore, we need not decide whether such deference would also apply to the Executive’s determination regarding foreign sovereign immunity if that determination in a particular case were in derogation of the common law.
A. Common-Law Foreign Sovereign Immunity and Deference to the Executive Branch
Foreign sovereign immunity originally developed as a matter of common law based on principles announced by the Supreme Court in Schooner Exchange v. McFaddon, 11 U.S. (7 Cranch) 116 (1812). See Samantar v. Yousuf, 560 U.S. 305, 311 (2010). In Schooner Exchange, the Supreme Court addressed whether an armed national vessel of France was immune from the jurisdiction of U.S. courts. See 11 U.S. at 135–36. Writing for the Court, Chief Justice John Marshall established as a threshold matter that foreign sovereigns have no inherent right to immunity from the jurisdiction of U.S. courts, explaining: “The jurisdiction of the nation within its own territory is necessarily exclusive and absolute. It is susceptible of no limitation not imposed by itself.” Id. at 136. He then observed, however, that international comity had “given rise to a class of cases in which every sovereign is understood to wa[i]ve the exercise of a part of that complete exclusive territorial jurisdiction.”Footnote 4 Id. at 137. Thus, accepting a suggestion advanced by the Executive Branch, see id. at 134, Chief Justice Marshall held that the French vessel at issue was immune because the United States had “impliedly consented to wa[i]ve its jurisdiction” over “national ships of war, entering the port of a friendly power open for their reception,” id. at 145–46. The Chief Justice emphasized, though, that “[w]ithout a doubt, the sovereign of the place is capable of destroying this implication by employing force, or by subjecting such vessels to the ordinary tribunals.” Id. at 146.
Subsequent cases applying Schooner Exchange stressed that the immunity afforded to foreign sovereigns and their instrumentalities depended on the consent of the Executive. See, e.g., The Santissima Trinidad, 20 U.S. (7 Wheat.) 283, 353 (1822) (explaining that the immunity of foreign public ships “is implied only from the general usage of nations, [and] may be withdrawn upon notice at any time”); The Divina Pastora, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 52, 71 n.3 (1819) (explaining that the Executive can still “claim and exercise jurisdiction” over foreign sovereigns by “expressly exert[ing]” that power); see also Coleman v. Tennessee, 97 U.S. 509, 516 n.1 (1878) (describing foreign sovereign immunity as an “exemption from the civil and criminal jurisdiction of the place [that] is extended … by permission of its government”). Recognizing that foreign sovereign immunity was “a matter of grace and comity on the part of the United States,” courts “consistently deferred to the decisions of the political branches—in particular, those of the Executive Branch—on whether to take jurisdiction over actions against foreign sovereigns and their instrumentalities.” Verlinden B.V. v. Cent. Bank of Nigeria, 461 U.S. 480, 486 (1983) (citing Ex parte Peru, 318 U.S. 578, 586–90 (1943); Republic of Mexico v. Hoffman, 324 U.S. 30, 33–36 (1945)).
For many years, “the Executive Branch followed a policy of requesting immunity in all actions against friendly sovereigns.” Republic of Austria v. Altmann, 541 U.S. 677, 689 (2004). “Typically, after a plaintiff sought to sue a foreign sovereign in an American court, the Executive Branch, acting through the State Department, filed a suggestion of immunity—case-specific guidance about the foreign sovereign’s entitlement to immunity.” Opati v. Republic of Sudan, 590 U.S. 418, 421 (2020) (internal quotation marks omitted). Courts deferred to the suggestions of the Executive Branch “on the theory that issues of comity and foreign relations ‘implicate judgments that the Constitution reserves to the political branches.’” Beierwaltes v. L’Office Federale De La Culture De La Confederation Suisse, 999 F.3d 808, 818 (2d Cir. 2021) (alterations adopted) (quoting Opati, 590 U.S. at 421). Thus, although “the United States generally granted foreign sovereigns complete immunity from suit,” this was a function of the Executive Branch’s policy rather than a substantive rule of law. Verlinden, 461 U.S. at 486; cf. Hoffman, 324 U.S. at 36 (“[I]t is an accepted rule of substantive law governing the exercise of the jurisdiction of the courts that they accept and follow the executive determination [regarding foreign sovereign immunity].”).
This policy changed in 1952 when the State Department announced in the Tate Letter that it would begin “to follow the ‘restrictive’ theory of foreign sovereign immunity in advising courts whether they should take jurisdiction in any given case.” Rubin v. Islamic Republic of Iran, 583 U.S. 202, 208 (2018). Under the restrictive theory, “immunity is confined to suits involving the foreign sovereign’s public acts, and does not extend to cases arising out of a foreign state’s strictly commercial acts.” Verlinden, 461 U.S. at 487. As the Supreme Court recognized, however, this “change in State Department policy … had little, if any, impact on federal courts’ approach to immunity analyses.” Altmann, 541 U.S. at 690. The Executive Branch continued to bear the “initial responsibility for deciding questions of sovereign immunity,” and courts continued to “abide[] by suggestions of immunity from the State Department.” Verlinden, 461 U.S. at 487 (internal quotation marks omitted). Where there was “no communication” from the Executive concerning immunity in a particular case, the court would “decide for itself whether it [was] the established policy of the State Department to recognize claims of immunity of this type.” Victory Transp. Inc. v. Comisaria Gen. de Abastecimientos y Transportes, 336 F.2d 354, 358–59 (2d. Cir. 1964); see also The Navemar, 303 U.S. 68, 75 (1938) (concluding that, because the Executive “declined to act,” the availability of foreign sovereign immunity was an “appropriate subject[] for judicial inquiry”).
In 1976, Congress enacted the FSIA to “endorse and codify the restrictive theory of sovereign immunity.” Samantar, 560 U.S. at 313. Although the FSIA “transfers primary responsibility for immunity determinations from the Executive to the Judicial Branch,” Altmann, 541 U.S. at 691, “in the common-law context, we [still] defer to the Executive’s determination of the scope of immunity,” Matar, 563 F.3d at 15.Footnote 5
B. Federal Criminal Prosecution of Halkbank
The government argues that the federal criminal prosecution of Halkbank reflects the Executive’s determination that foreign sovereign immunity is not warranted in this case. We agree. A federal grand jury found probable cause to believe that Halkbank violated numerous criminal laws of the United States, and the Executive decided to prosecute those alleged crimes. The indictment is clear that the Government of Turkey owns the majority of Halkbank’s shares. Under these circumstances, “we may assume that by electing to bring this prosecution, the Executive has assessed this prosecution’s impact on this Nation’s relationship with” Turkey and concluded that foreign policy concerns should not bar the action. Pasquantino v. United States, 544 U.S. 349, 369 (2005); see also The Santissima Trinidad, 20 U.S. at 354 (observing that it would be “strange” if an immunity derived from international comity “should be construed as a license to do wrong to the nation itself”). In other words, the decision to bring federal criminal charges against Halkbank reflects the Executive Branch’s determination that Halkbank is not entitled to sovereign immunity for the conduct at issue.Footnote 6 See United States v. Noriega, 117 F.3d 1206, 1212 (11th Cir. 1997) (“[B]y pursuing Noriega’s capture and this prosecution, the Executive Branch has manifested its clear sentiment that Noriega should be denied [common-law] head-of-state immunity.”).
Having recognized the Executive Branch’s position with respect to Halkbank, we now must decide whether that position is entitled to deference in this particular case. See Matar, 563 F.3d at 14 (deferring to Executive’s suggestion that civil suit be dismissed on immunity grounds); accord Doe v. De Leon, 555 F. App’x 84, 85 (2d Cir. 2014) (summary order) (reasoning that the Executive’s “submission is dispositive”). Halkbank argues that deference is inappropriate here because the Executive’s position is inconsistent with the forms of foreign sovereign immunity recognized at common law. In particular, Halkbank contends that courts may not apply deference to deny (as opposed to extend) foreign sovereign immunity, and, in any event, the position of the Executive cannot abrogate the absolute immunity of foreign state instrumentalities from criminal prosecution.
As set forth below, we find Halkbank’s arguments unpersuasive. The deference afforded at common law to the Executive’s determination regarding foreign sovereign immunity applies regardless of whether the Executive seeks to grant or, as in this case, deny immunity, and also extends to criminal cases. Moreover, we need not determine the outer limits of the deference afforded in this context because the Executive Branch’s position here is consistent with the scope of immunity extended to foreign state-owned corporations at common law. Although certain prior cases extended immunity to state-owned corporations based on their governmental conduct, the common law places no independent bar on the prosecution of such corporations for their commercial activity. Therefore, where, as here, a foreign state-owned corporation is being prosecuted for its commercial, non-governmental activity, we defer to the Executive Branch’s determination that immunity is not warranted in that particular case.
i. Executive Branch’s Position that Immunity Should Be Denied in a Criminal Case
As an initial matter, Halkbank’s argument that courts may only defer to the Executive’s position to apply, rather than deny, foreign sovereign immunity is inconsistent with the Supreme Court’s and this Court’s precedents. In Hoffman, the Supreme Court recognized a “guiding principle” that, in foreign sovereign immunity cases, “courts should not so act as to embarrass the executive arm in its conduct of foreign affairs.” 324 U.S. at 35. The Court indicated that this principle applied regardless of whether the Executive sought to grant or deny immunity:
It is … not for the courts to deny an immunity which our government has seen fit to allow, or to allow an immunity on new grounds which the government has not seen fit to recognize. The judicial seizure of the property of a friendly state may be regarded as such an affront to its dignity and may so affect our relations with it, that it is an accepted rule of substantive law governing the exercise of the jurisdiction of the courts that they accept and follow the executive determination that the vessel shall be treated as immune. But recognition by the courts of an immunity upon principles which the political department of government has not sanctioned may be equally embarrassing to it in securing the protection of our national interests and their recognition by other nations.
324 U.S. at 35–36 (emphases added) (footnote and citation omitted). We subsequently interpreted this language from Hoffman to “mean[] at least that the courts should deny immunity where the State Department has indicated, either directly or indirectly, that immunity need not be accorded.” Victory Transp., 336 F.2d at 358 (explaining that it “makes no sense … to permit the disregard of legal obligations to avoid embarrassing the State Department if that agency indicates it will not be embarrassed”).
Halkbank relies on Berizzi Brothers Co. v. The Pesaro, 271 U.S. 562 (1926), for the proposition that courts may apply foreign sovereign immunity over the disagreement of the Executive. In that case, the Supreme Court held that a merchant ship owned and operated by a foreign government was immune from suit by a private party, id. at 576, even though the State Department had expressed to the district court its view that “government-owned merchant vessels or vessels under requisition of governments whose flag they fly employed in commerce should not be regarded as entitled to the immunities accorded public vessels of war,” The Pesaro, 277 F. 473, 479 n.3 (S.D.N.Y. 1921). Because most cases applying deference involve an Executive determination to extend immunity, Halkbank argues that Berizzi Brothers shows that courts do not defer to the Executive’s determination to deny immunity.
We decline to adopt such a broad reading of Berizzi Brothers. To start, the Supreme Court did not reference the State Department’s position, and thus did not expressly recognize that it was departing from the Executive’s view. See Hoffman, 324 U.S. at 35 n.1 (noting that “[t]he propriety of … extending the immunity where the political branch of the government had refused to act was not considered” in Berizzi Brothers). It is thus not clear that Berizzi Brothers can be characterized as a case in which a court declined to defer to the Executive Branch. See Webster v. Fall, 266 U.S. 507, 511 (1925) (“Questions which merely lurk in the record, neither brought to the attention of the court nor ruled upon, are not to be considered as having been so decided as to constitute precedents.”). Moreover, the Supreme Court has questioned the ongoing validity of the Berizzi Brothers decision. See Alfred Dunhill of London, Inc. v. Republic of Cuba, 425 U.S. 682, 699 (1976) (explaining that “the authority of [Berizzi Brothers] has been severely diminished by later cases”); see also Hoffman, 324 U.S. at 39 (Frankfurter, J., concurring) (“If this be an implied recession from the decision in Berizzi Bros. Co. v. Pesaro, I heartily welcome it.”). Therefore, we conclude that, under the common law, deference applies to the Executive’s determination regarding foreign sovereign immunity, even when it involves a denial of such immunity.
Furthermore, contrary to Halkbank’s contention, we find nothing in the common law that suggests that the deference afforded to the Executive’s determination is limited to civil cases, nor is there any binding or even persuasive case authority supporting such a restriction. Halkbank cites two district court cases for the proposition that courts do not defer to the Executive’s position in criminal cases.Footnote 7 We disagree. First, in In re Investigation of World Arrangements, the district court did not view the issuance of a grand jury subpoena on a corporation controlled by the British government as indicative of the Executive’s position that no immunity was warranted; instead, the district court engaged in an independent analysis, recognizing that “[w]here the political branch of the government declines to assert an opinion …, the courts may decide for themselves whether all the requisites of immunity exist.” 13 F.R.D. 280, 290 (D.D.C. 1952). Similarly, in In re Grand Jury Investigation of the Shipping Industry, the district court declined to rule on whether foreign sovereign immunity required it to quash a grand jury subpoena without additional factfinding to confirm that the Philippine National Lines was engaged in commercial activities, as the State Department had claimed in its statement declining the Philippine Government’s request for immunity. 186 F. Supp. 298, 318–20 (D.D.C. 1960). Neither of these cases determined that it was inappropriate to defer to the Executive’s position to decline immunity in a criminal case; thus, neither case lends even persuasive authority to that proposition.
Halkbank argues that deference to the Executive’s decision to deny immunity is unprecedented, particularly in the criminal context. To be sure, relatively few cases have expressly deferred to the Executive’s position that foreign sovereign immunity is not warranted. But see, e.g., Renchard v. Humphreys & Harding, Inc., 381 F. Supp. 382, 385 (D.D.C. 1974) (holding that “the Department of State’s suggestion not to grant immunity should be given conclusive effect”); Amkor Corp. v. Bank of Korea, 298 F. Supp. 143, 144 (S.D.N.Y. 1969) (“The Department of State’s determination that immunity need not be extended is binding on this Court.”); see also Yousuf v. Samantar, 699 F.3d 763, 772 (4th Cir. 2012) (deferring to Executive Branch’s position that the defendant should be denied head-of-state immunity); Noriega, 117 F.3d at 1212 (same); Hoffman, 324 U.S. at 38 (describing the Executive’s ’fail[ure]’ to ’recognize immunity’ on the facts at issue in that case as ’controlling’). However, this can be explained by the Executive Branch’s overwhelming tendency to request the application of foreign sovereign immunity, see Verlinden, 461 U.S. at 486, and Halkbank cannot identify a single case where common-law immunity was applied to a foreign state-owned entity facing federal criminal charges.
In any event, as Halkbank acknowledges, we have on numerous occasions recognized that the Executive’s “failure or refusal to suggest immunity” is at least “a significant factor to be taken into consideration in determining if the case is one justifying derogation from the normal exercise of the court’s jurisdiction.” Heaney v. Gov’t of Spain, 445 F.2d 501, 503 (2d Cir. 1971); accord Victory Transp., 336 F.2d at 360; see also Yousuf, 699 F.3d at 773 (holding that the Executive’s position on “status-based immunity doctrines such as head-of-state immunity” should be given “absolute deference,” while its position on “conduct-based immunity … carries substantial weight”).Footnote 8 If the Executive’s failure to suggest immunity is a significant factor, then its active decision to deny immunity is, a fortiori, entitled to equal if not greater weight in our analysis.
Thus, having concluded that there is no basis for treating the Executive’s decision to deny immunity differently than its position to extend immunity, and that such deference is not restricted to civil cases, we proceed to consider the scope of immunity afforded to foreign state-owned corporations at common law and whether the federal criminal prosecution of Halkbank comports with the substance of that common law.
ii. Immunity of State-Owned Corporations
It is undisputed in this case that the United States would not subject Turkey—a state qua state—to criminal prosecution; indeed, the government acknowledges that doing so would be “in derogation of the common law.” Appellee’s Br. at 34 (internal quotation marks omitted); see also id. (“When the Government stated [at oral argument before the Supreme Court] that it ‘would not endeavor’ to indict a ‘state qua state,’ it was explaining that indicting a state-owned corporation like Halkbank is a different matter.” (quoting App’x at 199)). Halkbank argues that the common law extends absolute immunity from prosecution not only to foreign sovereigns, but also to any entity owned and controlled by a foreign state, including state-owned corporations like Halkbank. We disagree.
Courts applying the common law have long distinguished between the immunity afforded to a foreign state and to the entities that it owns.Footnote 9 Most early cases dealt with foreign state-owned ships, and courts consistently declined to extend the immunity of the sovereign unless the ship in question was “in the possession and service of the foreign government.” Hoffman, 324 U.S. at 32–36 (compiling cases); see also HAZEL FOX & PHILIPPA WEBB, THE LAW OF STATE IMMUNITY 146 (3d ed. 2015) (“Ownership by a State was not seen of itself to impress the property with a public character; it was its employment in carrying on operations of the government … which entitled the ship to immunity” in U.S. courts.). For instance, in The Navemar, the Supreme Court denied immunity to a ship owned but not possessed by the Spanish government, reasoning that “actual possession by some act of physical dominion or control in behalf of the Spanish government was needful, or at least some recognition on the part of the ship’s officers that they were controlling the vessel and crew in behalf of their government.” 303 U.S. at 75–76 (citations omitted); cf. Berizzi Bros. Co., 271 U.S. at 570, 573–74 (extending immunity to a merchant ship owned, possessed, and operated by Italian government). Courts likewise extended immunity to railways that were owned and operated by a foreign government for public purposes because, under those circumstances, the suit was “virtually against the king of a foreign country.” Mason v. Intercolonial Ry. of Can., 83 N.E. 876, 876–77 (Mass. 1908); see also Bradford v. Dir. Gen. of R.Rs. of Mex., 278 S.W. 251, 251–52 (Tex. Civ. App. 1925). Indeed, in Oliver American Trading Co. v. Government of United States of Mexico, we extended immunity to the National Railways of Mexico, reasoning that a suit against an entity owned and operated by the Mexican government—“just as it operates the Post Office, the Customs Service, or any other branch of the national government”—was “in reality a suit … against the Mexican government.” 5 F.2d 659, 661 (2d Cir. 1924); see also id. at 665 (describing the Mexican government’s operation of the railway as “the performance of a fundamental governmental function”).
Given the focus on government function, in certain cases involving state-owned corporations, courts declined to extend immunity primarily because of the corporations’ separate juridical status. See, e.g., United States v. Deutsches Kalisyndikat Gesellschaft, 31 F.2d 199, 202 (S.D.N.Y. 1929) (denying immunity to a mining corporation majority-owned by the French government because the “company [is] an entity distinct from its stockholders” and “[p]rivate corporations in which a government has an interest … are not departments of government”); Coale v. Société Co-op. Suisse des Charbons, 21 F.2d 180, 181 (S.D.N.Y. 1921) (“If the Swiss government chose to do its business by means of the Société, the latter, as a corporate entity, was liable for its corporate obligations.”); Ulen & Co. v. Bank Gospodarstwa Krajowego (Nat’l Econ. Bank), 24 N.Y.S.2d 201 (2d Dep’t 1940) (denying immunity to a bank majority-owned by the Polish government because it “has all the characteristics of a corporation”); see also The Beaton Park, 65 F. Supp. 211, 212 (W.D. Wash. 1946) (denying immunity to a ship whose “commercial operation was not by the Canadian Government itself, but by a corporation operating agent whose capital stock is owned by the Canadian Government”); but see F. W. Stone Eng’g Co. v. Petroleos Mexicanos of Mex., D. F., 352 Pa. 12, 17 (1945) (finding it insignificant that the defendant was a “separate corporation” because the State Department’s determination that the corporation was immune was binding).
Accordingly, the few courts that did extend immunity to state-owned corporations emphasized those entities’ performance of governmental functions. See, e.g., Dunlap v. Banco Cent. Del Ecuador, 41 N.Y.S.2d 650, 651–52 (Sup. Ct. N.Y. Cnty. 1943) (concluding that immunity may be available to a corporation partly owned by the Ecuadorean government because “it may have acted solely as a part of the Republic of Ecuador, and as its instrumentality in the performance of its governmental function of minting and circulating its fractional money”). Moreover, once the Executive Branch adopted the restrictive theory, the immunity inquiry focused further on whether “the activity in question” was a “strictly public or political act” or “more of the character of a private commercial act.”Footnote 10 Victory Transp., 336 F.2d at 360 (emphasis added).
Few cases address whether, and under what circumstances, foreign state-owned corporations are entitled to common-law immunity in criminal cases; however, those that have addressed the issue have done so in accordance with the principles explained supra. For instance, in In re Investigation of World Arrangements, the district court quashed a grand jury subpoena served on the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, a corporation controlled and partly owned by the British government, concluding that the corporation was immune because its “supplying of oil to insure the maintenance and operation of a naval force” was a “fundamental government function,” which rendered it “indistinguishable from the Government of Great Britain.” 13 F.R.D. at 282, 290–91. Moreover, as noted supra, in In re Grand Jury Investigation of the Shipping Industry, the district court declined to make any ruling on foreign sovereign immunity, pending a showing by the government that the Philippine National Lines’ activities were “substantially, if not entirely, commercial.” 186 F. Supp. at 319–20. Halkbank argues that these two district court cases show that corporations owned and controlled by a foreign state are absolutely immune from prosecution under the common law. However, in our view, neither of these cases suggests that the state-owned corporation in question is entitled to absolute immunity. Instead, they indicate that state-owned corporations may be immune if engaged in governmental, non-commercial conduct.
This view is consistent with the other criminal cases Halkbank cites, which only support the existence of common-law immunity for sovereigns and their instrumentalities for governmental functions. For example, in Coleman, the Supreme Court found it “well settled that a foreign army permitted to march through a friendly country, or to be stationed in it, by permission of its government or sovereign, is exempt from the civil and criminal jurisdiction of the place,” and held that “an army invading an enemy’s country [is likewise] exempt.” 97 U.S. at 515–16; see also Dow v. Johnson, 100 U.S. 158, 165, 169 (1879) (elaborating on the “doctrine of non-liability to the tribunals of the invaded country for acts of warfare”). Halkbank also points to a decision of France’s highest criminal court, which it identifies as the “only national supreme court to squarely reach the criminal immunity of a corporate instrumentality.” Reply Br. at 17. However, that case extended Malta’s immunity from prosecution to the Malta Maritime Authority because the charged conduct involved the defendant’s exercise of state authority:
‘[T]he rule of customary international law which bars proceedings against States before the criminal courts of a foreign State extends to organs and entities that constitute emanations of the State, as well as to their agents, by reason of acts which, as on the facts of the present case, relate to the sovereignty of the State concerned.’
Brief for Professor Roger O’Keefe as Amicus Curiae Supporting Defendant-Appellant, at 12 (quoting Agent judiciaire du Trésor v. Malta Mar. Auth. and Carmel X, Cour de Cassation [Cass.] [supreme court for judicial matters] crim., Nov. 23, 2004, Bull. crim., No. 04-84.265 (Fr.)); accord FOX & WEBB, supra, at 94 & n.80. Therefore, these cases do not address the issue of common-law immunity for a state-owned corporation for its commercial activity, and Halkbank cites no case holding that immunity exists for such activity.Footnote 11
In sum, we conclude that, under the common law, foreign state-owned corporations are not entitled to absolute immunity in all criminal cases. Although prior cases have extended immunity to sovereigns and their instrumentalities based on their governmental conduct, we find that the common law places no independent bar on the prosecution of state-owned corporations for their commercial activity. Thus, when a foreign state-owned corporation is prosecuted for its commercial, non-governmental activity, we defer to the Executive Branch’s determination that immunity is not warranted in that particular case.Footnote 12
iii. Halkbank’s Charged Conduct
As we previously held, the charges in the indictment concern Halkbank’s commercial activity. See Halkbank I, 16 F.4th at 349–50; see also Halkbank II, 598 U.S. at 283 (Gorsuch, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part) (concluding that “the indictment sufficiently alleges that Halkbank has engaged in … commercial activities”). On remand, Halkbank urges us to reassess our characterization of the charged conduct, arguing that the common law “rejected a strict governmental/commercial distinction,” and that “in certain categories of core sovereign concern, commercial acts taken for a governmental purpose remained immune.” Reply Br. at 22 (citing Victory Transp., 336 F.2d at 360, and Heaney, 445 F.2d at 503–04). The government contends that the commercial activity exception under the FSIA is coextensive with that under the common law because, as the Supreme Court has recognized, “one of the primary purposes of the FSIA was to codify the restrictive theory of sovereign immunity.” Samantar, 560 U.S. at 319–20. We need not determine the extent to which the FSIA’s and common law’s standards differ, however, because we conclude that Halkbank’s activity charged in the indictment is commercial even if we consider, as Halkbank urges, the purpose of that activity.
In Victory Transport, we concluded that the “strictly political or public acts” entitled to immunity were “generally limited” to: (1) “internal administrative acts, such as expulsion of an alien”; (2) “legislative acts, such as nationalization”; (3) “acts concerning the armed forces”; (4) “acts concerning diplomatic activity”; and (5) “public loans.” 336 F.2d at 360. We then determined that a contract by a Spanish government agency for the transportation of wheat was not a political or public act because, even if the transaction was made “pursuant to the Surplus Agricultural Commodities Agreement to help feed the people of Spain,” it was “conducted through private channels of trade” with the agency “act[ing] much like any private purchaser of wheat.” Id. at 361. In Heaney, by contrast, we concluded that a contract by the Spanish government to have an individual “generate adverse publicity” against the British government in order to advance Spanish interests in Gibraltar was an “‘act[] concerning diplomatic activity.’” 445 F.2d at 503–04 (quoting Victory Transp., 336 F.2d at 360); see also Heaney, 445 F.2d at 503 n.3 (explaining that “the term ‘diplomatic’ in Victory Transport was obviously intended in the broad sense of the word and was not meant to be limited to the activities of diplomatic missions”). We rejected the argument that “all contracts, regardless of their purpose, should be deemed ‘private’ or ‘commercial’ acts,” and affirmed that the criteria set forth in Victory Transport would govern our inquiry into the purpose of the acts. Id. at 504.Footnote 13
Here, Halkbank argues that its alleged conduct constitutes political or public acts under the Victory Transport test. In particular, Halkbank argues that the indictment focuses on “internal administrative acts” of the Turkish government because it alleges that Turkey designated Halkbank as the “sole repository of proceeds from the sale of Iranian oil,” App’x at 23; that certain government officials “participated in and protected [the alleged] scheme,” id. at 20; and that the alleged scheme would “benefit the Government of Turkey” by “artificially inflat[ing] Turkey’s export statistics, making its economy appear stronger than it in fact was,” id. at 34. Halkbank further argues that the indictment implicates “acts concerning diplomatic activity” because it includes a charge based on Halkbank’s alleged misrepresentations to U.S. Treasury officials regarding its compliance with sanctions against Iran. We disagree.
As we previously determined, the “gravamen” of the indictment is Halkbank’s “participation in money laundering and other fraudulent schemes designed to evade U.S. sanctions.” Halkbank I, 16 F.4th at 350. The indictment alleges that, in connection with the schemes, Halkbank “used money service businesses and front companies” and “participated in several types of illicit transactions for the benefit of Iran.” App’x at 19–20; see also id. at 32 (alleging that Halkbank conspired to “transfer Iranian oil proceeds … to exchange houses and front companies … in order for those exchange houses and front companies to buy gold for export from Turkey”); id. at 33–34 (describing alleged efforts to “open[] business accounts at HALKBANK … in order to extract the Iranian oil proceeds to Dubai through gold exports, using Sarmayeh Exchange and Bank Sarmayeh as intermediaries”). These transactions were conducted via private, commercial banking channels and thus are “far more of the character of a private commercial act than a public or political act.” See Victory Transp., 336 F.2d at 360; see also Halkbank I, 16 F.4th at 350 (“[B]ecause those core acts [described in the indictment] constitute an activity that could be, and in fact regularly is, performed by private-sector businesses, those acts are commercial, not sovereign, in nature.” (internal quotation marks and citation omitted)).
Allegations that the charged schemes arose from Halkbank’s designation as the repository of Iranian oil proceeds and benefitted Turkey’s government by making its economy appear stronger do not transform Halkbank’s commercial activity into “internal administrative acts,” even if certain government officials were involved in the schemes. Halkbank emphasizes that it held the Iranian funds at Turkey’s direction, consistent with the bilateral trade exemption under applicable U.S. sanctions laws. See 22 U.S.C. § 8513a(d)(4)(D). However, we rejected such an argument in Victory Transport, reasoning that the “purchase of wheat pursuant to the Surplus Agricultural Commodities Agreement [between the United States and Spain] to help feed the people of Spain” did not move the otherwise commercial transaction to the “political realm.” 336 F.2d at 361. Although that Agreement “permitted purchasers authorized by the Government of Spain to buy various amounts of surplus commodities,” id. at 356 n.1, such authorization—even to a government agency—did not, in our view, imbue the resulting transactions with public purpose, see id. at 361.Footnote 14 Halkbank’s argument that its conduct served a public purpose because the charged schemes allegedly increased Turkey’s export statistics is likewise unavailing, as it is well established that a motivation to advance the national economy is insufficient to confer immunity to otherwise commercial conduct. See id.; see also Ruggiero v. Compania Peruana de Vapores Inca Capac Yupanqui, 639 F.2d 872, 878 (2d Cir. 1981) (observing that, by the 1940s, “international usage” had shifted away from considering the advancement of economic welfare to be a public purpose justifying immunity).
In addition, the fact that one of the charges against Halkbank relates to its alleged misrepresentations to U.S. Treasury officials does not mean that the indictment implicates “acts concerning diplomatic activity” of Turkey. Discussions between Halkbank and U.S. Treasury officials regarding sanctions compliance are not “diplomatic,” even in the “broad sense of the word.” See Heaney, 445 F.2d at 503 & n.3. As the indictment alleges, these communications involved Halkbank officials and related to “the bank’s potential involvement in Iranian sanctions evasion,” App’x at 40, rather than any effort by the sovereign to affect foreign relations, cf. Heaney, 445 F.2d at 503.
We therefore conclude that the indictment concerns Halkbank’s commercial activity, even if we consider the purpose of the alleged conduct. Because the indictment concerns Halkbank’s commercial activity, the Executive’s position that Halkbank is not immune from prosecution based on that activity is consistent with the scope of foreign sovereign immunity recognized at common law. Because the Executive’s position is consistent with the common law, we defer to that position and conclude that Halkbank is not immune from prosecution in this case.
Finally, in reaching this holding, we reject the policy arguments cited by Halkbank in advocating a different result. For example, Halkbank argues that, when it comes to disputes with foreign state-owned corporations, the United States should not be able to wield the tool of federal criminal prosecution because foreign states may react negatively to its use, particularly when the Executive’s toolbox otherwise contains a “full arsenal of diplomacy, tariffs, investment blocks, visa limits, export controls, the grant or denial of economic assistance, military aid, and sanctions.” Appellant’s Br. at 56–57. However, “[t]hroughout history, courts have resolved questions of foreign sovereign immunity by deferring to the decisions of the political branches.…” Altmann, 541 U.S. at 696 (alteration adopted) (internal quotation marks and citation omitted). This approach reflects our recognition that the political branches are, unlike the judiciary, “well situated to consider sensitive foreign policy issues” and “possess significant diplomatic tools and leverage the judiciary lacks.” Munaf v. Geren, 553 U.S. 674, 702–03 (2008) (internal quotation marks and citation omitted). Indeed, “[t]he determination to grant (or not grant) immunity can have significant implications for this country’s relationship with other nations.” Ye v. Zemin, 383 F.3d 620, 627 (7th Cir. 2004). Thus, the decision to initiate a federal criminal prosecution against a foreign state-owned corporation rather than, for example, impose tariffs or deny military aid is not one for the judiciary to second guess. See Pasquantino, 544 U.S. at 369 (“The greater danger, in fact, would lie in our judging this prosecution barred based on foreign policy concerns …, concerns that we have neither aptitude, facilities nor responsibility to evaluate.” (internal quotation marks and citation omitted)); see also United States v. Curtiss-Wright Exp. Corp., 299 U.S. 304, 319 (1936) (“In this vast external realm, with its important, complicated, delicate and manifold problems, the President alone has the power to speak or listen as a representative of the nation.”). “[A]s Chief Justice Marshall explained in the Schooner Exchange, ‘exemptions from territorial jurisdiction must be derived from the consent of the sovereign of the territory’ and are ‘rather questions of policy than of law, that they are for diplomatic, rather than legal discussion.’” Munaf, 553 U.S. at 701 (alteration adopted) (quoting Schooner Exchange, 11 U.S. at 143, 146).
Notwithstanding this broad deference to the political branches on these matters of immunity, we leave for another day whether deference to the Executive in this context should be cabined if, unlike here, the Executive’s denial of immunity to a foreign sovereign derogated from the common law—for instance, if the Executive indicted a state qua state. Here, the Executive made the decision to bring federal criminal charges against Halkbank for its commercial activity, and, because common-law foreign sovereign immunity imposes no bar on that prosecution, we defer to the Executive’s decision not to afford such immunity in this criminal case.
III. CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, we AFFIRM the order of the district court and REMAND for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.