President Donald J. Trump has instructed the Department of War to start testing nuclear weapons “immediately.”Footnote 1 He made the decision, he said, “[b]ecause of other countries[’] testing programs,”Footnote 2 stating: “I don’t wanna be the only country that doesn’t test.”Footnote 3 The president did not specify the countries he was referring to, the tests those countries were conducting, what precipitated his order, or the type of testing he directed. He did indicate, however, that U.S. testing would be done “on an equal basis.”Footnote 4 The administration has not clarified the president’s comments. Considered during the president’s first administration,Footnote 5 resumption of nuclear weapons testing would undercut a moratorium that the United States has adhered to since October 1992 and that all other nuclear weapons states, except North Korea, have abided by since 1998.Footnote 6 It would further disrupt the international regime regulating nuclear weapons, already unstable due to the recent expiration of the last nuclear arms control agreement between Russia and the United States,Footnote 7 Russia’s subversion of Security Council sanctions targeting North Korea’s nuclear program,Footnote 8 Russia’s threat to use tactical nuclear weapons in its war with Ukraine,Footnote 9 Russia’s development of new nuclear weapons-capable delivery systems,Footnote 10 Russia’s withdrawal from the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT),Footnote 11 China’s rapid expansion of its nuclear arsenal,Footnote 12 and the United States’ bombing of Iran’s nuclear facilities and the demise of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.Footnote 13
Abstention from nuclear weapons testing by nuclear weapons states stems from unilateral and voluntary moratoria, not formal legal prohibitions.Footnote 14 Each of the five Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) nuclear weapons states (NWS)Footnote 15 have adhered to a moratorium on testing since 1996.Footnote 16 The moratoria were to be interim measures, replaced by the binding obligations in the CTBT that was adopted that year.Footnote 17 The treaty never came into force, however.Footnote 18 Still, between the moratoria, the widespread ratification of the CTBT, and regional nuclear-weapon-free zone treaties,Footnote 19 an informal, global anti-testing norm took shape. India and Pakistan conducted tests in 1998, but both states were immediately condemned by the NWS and the Security Council,Footnote 20 and each quickly announced their own unilateral moratoria.Footnote 21 In the years since, only North Korea has tested—six times to date, most recently in 2017.Footnote 22 In 2016, the NWS jointly “reaffirm[ed] [their] moratoria on nuclear weapons test explosions or any other nuclear explosions pending the CTBT’s entry into force.”Footnote 23 Over the past two decades, the Security Council has reinforced the anti-testing norm by “[c]all[ing] upon all States … to maintain their moratoria,”Footnote 24 repeatedly “condemning” North Korea’s tests, “demanding” that North Korea not conduct additional tests, and sanctioning North Korea for its nuclear weapons activities.Footnote 25
Consensus on the moratoria’s importance and normative applicability elides, though, ambiguity regarding their scope. The United States considers that its moratorium precludes “nuclear explosive tests,” and since 1995 it has clarified that “it adheres to a ‘zero-yield’ standard.”Footnote 26 For the United States, as well as France and the United Kingdom, zero-yield “means that the moratorium covers any nuclear explosive test that is supercritical—that is, which produces a self-sustaining chain reaction.”Footnote 27 But other countries’ understandings of their commitments under their moratoria might be narrower, permitting some types of supercritical tests. (Subcritical tests—those that do not produce a self-sustaining chain reaction—are permitted under any interpretation, and to date the United States has conducted thirty-four such tests, most recently in April 2024.)Footnote 28 The CTBT’s testing prohibition does not clarify what the moratoria might require. The treaty forbids parties from “carry[ing] out any nuclear weapon test explosion or any other nuclear explosion,” but it does not define the term “nuclear weapon test explosion.”Footnote 29 The type of testing that the moratoria proscribe is therefore uncertain.
Even though there is no explicit agreement on the moratoria’s coverage, the United States evaluates other states’ adherence based on the zero-yield standard. A uniform approach is necessary, the State Department has argued, because “[a]ny divergences between NWS interpretations or behavior … [could] have significant implications for U.S. national security as well as for international peace and security—especially over time—if one or more NWS were willing to conduct nuclear testing activities that other NWS felt themselves to be precluded from undertaking.”Footnote 30 Divergences might provide, especially if concealed, “a means by which some NWS gain progressive strategic advantage over NWS having more restrictive interpretations or implementation.”Footnote 31
Applying the zero-yield standard, the United States has, since 2019, questioned whether China and Russia have abided by their moratoria. In a report that year, the State Department stated that “some activities in Russia have demonstrated a failure to adhere to the U.S. zero-yield standard, which would prohibit supercritical tests.”Footnote 32 It consequently “assesse[d] that Russia has not adhered to its nuclear testing moratorium.”Footnote 33 In the same report, the Department asserted that “China probably carried out multiple nuclear weapon-related tests or experiments in 2018” and concluded that China’s actions and lack of transparency “raise[d] concerns regarding China’s adherence to its moratorium … judged against the U.S. ‘zero-yield’ standard.”Footnote 34 Successive reports, through 2025, reiterated these conclusions.Footnote 35 China and Russia’s alleged supercritical tests were, it would seem, hydronuclear tests, which have very low nuclear yield and are extremely difficult to detect, even for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization’s (CTBTO) International Monitoring System.Footnote 36
In light of these assessments, the president’s cryptic directive for the Department of War to resume testing “on an equal basis” is best understood as authorizing such supercritical tests (though not higher-yield explosive tests).Footnote 37 This reading of the president’s remarks aligns with his subsequent comment: “we’re going to test nuclear weapons like other countries do.… Russia’s testing, and China’s testing, but they don’t talk about it.… They—they test way under—underground where people don’t know exactly what’s happening with the test.”Footnote 38 It also aligns with a statement made by a U.S. official at a meeting of the Preparatory Commission for the CTBTO. “For any who question [the president’s] decision,” the official said, “context is important. Since 2019, including in this forum, the United States has raised concerns that Russia and China have not adhered to the zero-yield nuclear test moratorium.”Footnote 39 A social media post by CIA Director John Ratcliffe suggested as well that the president’s authorization of testing was linked to China and Russia’s nonadherence to the zero-yield standard.Footnote 40
The abandonment of the United States’ decades-long, bipartisan backing of the zero-yield standard by engaging in hydronuclear tests would undermine, if not vitiate, the nuclear testing moratoria and would cut against U.S. interests. The United States, which conducted more than one thousand explosive tests prior to its moratorium, is able to maintain the reliability of its nuclear arsenal through subcritical tests, computer simulations, machines, lasers, and the work of tens of thousands of employees, spending about $25 billion per year in “stockpile stewardship.”Footnote 41 Experts say that supercritical testing, regardless of the yield, is not necessary for the United States, even though information could be gleaned from such testing that subcritical tests do not provide.Footnote 42 Chipping away at the testing moratorium would principally advantage states, such as China, India, and Pakistan, that have less experience, knowledge, and data regarding the design and operation of nuclear weapons, as they would likely expand their testing.Footnote 43
Any change in U.S. testing policy will have significant ripple effects, even if a moratorium on high-yield nuclear weapons testing remains. Relaxing the testing moratorium would increase the chances of a nuclear arms race, including the design of new warheads, and it would weaken arguments against testing by non-NPT nuclear weapons states, such as North Korea. More broadly, it would undermine the NPT, as testing would belie the NWS’s commitment in that treaty “to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament.”Footnote 44
Russia and China reacted cautiously to the president’s statement, no doubt due to confusion regarding its precise meaning and U.S. intentions. A Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson said that “[i]t’s hoped that the U.S. will earnestly abide by its obligations under the [CTBT] and its commitment to a moratorium on nuclear testing, and take concrete actions to uphold the international nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime, as well as global strategic balance and stability.”Footnote 45 Russian President Vladimir Putin, at a meeting of his security council, “note[d] that Russia has always strictly adhered to its obligations under the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, and we do not plan to abandon these obligations. At the same time, … if the United States or any other state party to the Treaty was to conduct such tests, Russia would be under obligation to take reciprocal measures.”Footnote 46 He directed his officials to “submit coordinated proposals on the possible first steps focusing on preparations for nuclear weapons tests.”Footnote 47 A spokesperson emphasized that Russia was not resuming testing at this time: “[P]resident [Putin] did not give instructions to begin preparations for testing.… The president instructed that the advisability of beginning preparations for such tests be considered.”Footnote 48