Despite being one of the most expedient pathways for an immigrant to become a permanent resident of the United States, marriage-based green card petitions must undergo intrusive and prolonged scrutiny from immigration authorities before the petition can be approved (Enriquez Reference Enriquez2020). Anxieties around sham marriage and immigration fraud have led to the creation of bureaucratic processes that grant immigration officers substantial discretion to determine whether a mixed-status couple’s marriage is legitimate on a case-by-case basis (Abrams Reference Abrams2006). Couples must convincingly demonstrate that they “have a bona fide marriage” (USCIS 2024: 7), a regulatory standard without established criteria for adjudication. Most mixed-status couples must go through discretionary review three times over the course of nearly a decade before the immigrant spouse can become naturalized as a U.S. citizen. As such, mixed-status couples must sustain demonstratable family behaviors that legitimize their legal union – or face fraud investigations, criminal prosecution, family separation, and deportation (López Reference López2022).
Lawyers play a key role in not only interpreting vague immigration law but also guiding clients to enact the lifestyles that immigration authorities associate with nonfraudulence (Galli Reference Galli2023; Goehrung and Castellano Reference Goehrung and Castellano2024). In anticipation of government scrutiny and surveillance into petitions deemed suspicious, legal professionals intervene in clients’ family lives to mold them towards government approval. Since client–attorney relationships for spousal petitions span around a decade, given multiple review steps separated by years-long waits, lawyers are able to curate the lifestyles of their mixed-status couple clients and observe the enduring changes. Lawyers draw on their years of practice and the accumulated norms in the legal profession regarding the lifestyles that bureaucrats associate with legitimacy.
I outline these practices and norms based on in-depth interviews with 36 legal professionalsFootnote 1 conducted in 2024. Lawyers report guiding mixed-status couples to modify their living arrangements, finances, and other intimate dimensions of life in three phases. First, lawyers translate immigration law into personalized checklists that outline the family behaviors that couples must adopt and sustain. Respondents draw on their professional expertise and experience to anticipate what the archetypal immigration officer considers in determining marital legitimacy. Second, lawyers help clients enact and document legitimatizing lifestyles. Couples are instructed on how to pursue everyday matters, sometimes down to the minutiae, like how to use their bank accounts and document their leisure activities. My participants explain that family behaviors involving mainstream institutions like financial, utility, and insurance firms help dissipate presumptions of fraud. Last, lawyers encourage couples to archive routinized lifestyles in order to provide ongoing evidence of their bona fide marriage. This dossier will become a critical element of subsequent scrutiny until the immigrant spouse becomes a naturalized citizen. Couples are expected to sustain these lifestyles and continue to amass an archive of paperwork for future adjudication. Over the course of roughly a decade of their professional relationship with clients, respondents observe durable changes in couples’ everyday practices consistent with their guidance.
Lawyers, I argue, become domestic counselors who help families curate, routinize, and archive their normative behaviors in anticipation of scrutiny, surveillance, and possible criminalization. They do this using counseling lawyering strategies, which have become incorporated into U.S. legal education and training since the 1990s. They also function as nonstate actors that durably shape intimate aspects of immigrant family life to reflect normative family values encoded in the law. This counseling approach helps acculturate immigrant families into the nation and its hegemonic norms. Just as they help immigrants attain legal status in the United States, lawyers also carry out the state’s disciplinary power over its current and future subjects to conform to idealized family norms.
This article uncovers a new mechanism of social control: legal professionals pushing clients into a discrete family form perceived as legitimate in anticipation of discretionary review by state actors. The acculturation of immigrant families into the mainstream does not simply take place through diffuse processes of self-regulation (García Reference García2019; Kibria Reference Kibria2019; Menjívar and Lakhani Reference Menjívar and Lakhani2016). By actively guiding their clients to resemble the idealized family form, lawyers implement national priorities encoded into the law (D’Aoust Reference D’Aoust and D’Aoust2022). I show that lawyers use quasi-therapeutic techniques to encourage legitimizing lifestyles. These strategies turn lawyers into counselors and planners of intimate life. Nonstate actors who help everyday subjects navigate legal bureaucracy become extensions of the state’s governance apparatus through both therapeutic and regulative techniques (Fong Reference Fong2020; Sweet Reference Sweet2019). Given the backdrop of potential criminalization, illegalization, and deportation for immigrant families seeking legalization, immigration law becomes a latent source of coercion that empowers lawyers to intervene in their clients’ intimate lives using counseling strategies that guide – and at times discipline – them toward normative family behavior.
Discretionary adjudication
The discretionary adjudication of immigration cases takes place not only in deportation (Asad Reference Asad2019; Farrell-Bryan Reference Farrell-Bryan2022) and asylum (Galli Reference Galli2023; Vogler Reference Vogler2016) hearings, but also in U.S. Immigration and Citizenship Services (USCIS) field offices where mixed-status couples are interviewed regarding their petitions. Responding to concerns around immigration marriage fraud, Congress passed the Immigration Marriage Fraud Amendments of 1986 (IMFA). IMFA added a unique provisional immigration status – conditional permanent resident (CPR) status – and an additional review step for mixed-status couples with a less than 2-year-long marriage when their petition is adjudicated (Abrams Reference Abrams2006). CPR status is a nonrenewable, temporary status of 2 years. Couples must submit a second petition to lift the conditions on the CPR and convert it to a legal permanent resident (LPR), or “green card,” status at the end of the 2-year period. Both steps place the burden on petitioning couples to prove that they “have a bona fide marriage” (USCIS 2024, 7), for which there exist no evaluation criteria. Although most immigrants must wait 5 years upon receiving their green card before they become eligible to naturalize as a U.S. citizen, spouses of U.S. citizens have an expedited path and can apply to naturalize after 3 years. However, they must demonstrate that the couple has been “living in marital union” (USCIS 2025) before the immigrant spouse can naturalize. In its entirety, couples can expect to document their lives for more than 5 years and go under bureaucratic scrutiny across three different petitions, each requiring updated documentation of their legitimate marriage. It is not rare for a petition to receive a Request for Additional Evidence, a standard USCIS procedure to gather additional documentation that supports the petition. In-person interviews with immigration officers are expected with each petition, and additional probes like unannounced home visits and fraud investigations are possible (Chetrit Reference Chetrit2011). Given bureaucratic delays and the preparation needed before petition submission, lawyers work with mixed-status couples for roughly a decade before the case is closed when the immigrant spouse becomes naturalized.
The logics and procedure behind the adjudication of family-based petitions contrast with similar processes in family law and nonfamily immigration law in two key ways. First, family immigration is not evaluated on logics of deservingness (as with humanitarian petitions) or national contribution (as with employment petitions); instead, it is adjudicated based on the legitimacy of family relations with the petitioning U.S. citizen or permanent resident (Abrams and Piacenti Reference Abrams and Piacenti2014). Family reunification is considered a right and a benefit of Americans to live with their (immigrant) family – including spouses. At the same time, immigrants must prove that they have a legally recognized kinship connection to be eligible for family-based benefits (Kim Reference Kim2011; Lakhani and Timmermans Reference Lakhani and Timmermans2014). In most cases, a birth certificate or family registry suffices; if these documents are unavailable, applicants must turn to DNA testing to authenticate their relations with biolegal legitimacy (Lee and Voigt Reference Lee and Voigt2020). The spousal petition imposes unique evidentiary burdens on applicants, because couples must provide a wide range of documents to prove their marital legitimacy. There are no established evaluation criteria that immigration officers use when adjudicating spousal petitions. Instead, mixed-status couples’ marital legitimacy is evaluated on a case-by-case basis.
Second, family-based petitions are typically adjudicated through administrative offices and not by judicial systems (Goehrung and Castellano Reference Goehrung and Castellano2024; but see Kim and Kim Reference Kim and Kim2020). Instead of a judge and a prosecutor or government attorney as with removal hearings (Farrell-Bryan Reference Farrell-Bryan2022), family-based petitions are adjudicated singlehandedly by immigration officers at USCIS field offices. Adjudication interviews take place behind closed doors of administrative offices and do not follow judicial procedures. Notably, researchers and advocates cannot enter USCIS field offices, let alone observe adjudication interviews, unless they are representing clients as attorneys. Even immigrant families who retain an attorney will frequently attend USCIS interviews unaccompanied, given the high fees associated with hands-on services like in-person representation. Lawyers believe that the lifestyle adjustments that couples enact in preparation for interviews carry more weight in demonstrating marital legitimacy than fleeting performances of such during interviews. As a result, lawyers emphasize their role as planners ahead of administrative review rather than as brokers during high-stakes events like hearings.
Family reunification policies appear to prefer families that conform to mainstream family norms. The desire for encouraging European migration to the United States justified the preferencing of family reunification in the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 (Lee Reference Lee2013). Although family reunification is not capped by country of origin, immigrants racialized as the Other face obstacles due to the unequal effects of illegalization stemming from border and interior enforcement (López Reference López2022), culturally specific adjudication criteria (Wray Reference Wray2009), and fraud investigations (Wang Reference Wang2013). Bureaucrats also look for markers of middle-class lifestyle and values when evaluating immigration petitions (Elrick Reference Elrick2022). Immigrant families’ self-sufficiency (Kibria Reference Kibria2019) is ever more lionized under neoliberalism, which promotes nuclear families (Sarkisian and Gerstel Reference Sarkisian and Gerstel2012). Though queer couples became eligible for spousal petitions following United States v. Windsor (2013), they are expected to embody straight norms and become (hetero)normative to avoid deportation (Luibhéid Reference Luibhéid and D’Aoust2022; Seo Reference Seo2025). Thus, families that deviate from mainstream norms are likely to face more scrutiny for fraud and illegitimacy from the immigration state.
Immigration petitions bring about transformations in immigrants’ lives. Mixed-status couples have been shown to alter their housing, wedding, and childbearing decisions to ward off suspicions of marriage fraud and conform to normative family behaviors. Pressured to prove their marital legitimacy and minimize the potential for family separation, mixed-status couples hasten marriage and childbearing (Enriquez Reference Enriquez2020). They also go to great lengths to document their life together, including through photographs and official documents (López Reference López2022). Couples with so-called “red flags” that might raise suspicions from immigration authorities are advised by fellow petitioners to consider (and alter) how their sexual desirability and fertility decisions might be perceived by immigration officers (Longo Reference Longo2018). Immigrants who ultimately receive LPR status report sustaining the lifestyle changes they made in the intimate and civic spheres of their lives in preparation for immigration adjudication (Menjívar and Lakhani Reference Menjívar and Lakhani2016). Because the spousal petition adjudication process is highly discretionary and extended over three separate petitions, lawyers provide guidance to couples over the course of multiple years regarding how to prepare themselves for the petition process. Immigration lawyers are likely to exercise their professional expertise in molding intimate dimensions of mixed-status couples to mirror the laws’ normative visions of desirable families.
Diffuse social control
Increasingly sophisticated surveillance techniques, as well as complementary cultural logics of neoliberalism, have brought on an era of self-regulation and self-policing (Kibria Reference Kibria2019; Menjívar and Lakhani Reference Menjívar and Lakhani2016). What mechanisms and actors might reinforce (and resist) the state’s control over its population, especially the most vulnerable, like immigrants without permanent legal status? The role of lawyers as nonstate actors who interpret and enact the law as they work with clients deserves additional empirical consideration. This is especially salient in administrative procedures like family reunification petition adjudication. Positioned between state actors like bureaucrats and claimants like immigrants, lawyers draw on their experience and expertise in guiding their clients to inhabit the normative values and behaviors encoded in the law. In shaping their clients to become claimants legible to the law and enforcing vague regulatory standards in anticipation of government surveillance, immigration lawyers become indirect agents of the state (Bhuyan and Bragg Reference Bhuyan and Bragg2021). In the context of U.S. family reunification adjudication, lawyers help immigrant families adopt traditional family norms around housing, finances, family relations, and leisure. As a result, immigrant households undergoing immigration adjudication become acculturated to mainstream norms and institutions.
Institutional actors have become entangled in the monitoring and enforcement of the law as extensions of the government apparatus. In the context of child welfare, for example, intermediaries like doctors, teachers, and social service providers become “third-party sentinels” (Fong Reference Fong2019, 1788) who surveil low-income families on behalf of the state. Though they are not deputized to enforce child welfare law, intermediary actors become embedded in the governance of marginalized families. Intermediaries also shape the identities and behaviors of individuals making claims on the state. Service providers and advocates coach domestic violence survivors on how to narrate and perform survivorhood to make them legible to judges, who expect survivors to become respectable mothers (Sweet Reference Sweet2019). Medical and social support institutions like rehabilitation facilities and recovery homes mold participants’ behaviors and comportment that signal moral transformation and worthiness (Gowan and Whetstone Reference Gowan and Whetstone2012; Kaufman et al. Reference Kaufman, Kaiser and Rumpf2018; Kaye Reference Kaye2019; McKim Reference McKim2017). These studies show that penal and welfare systems rely on nonstate actors to manage their population to become citizens worthy of rights and benefits.
Lawyers and other legal professionals are another set of actors who alter individuals’ presentation of self and intervene in their domestic lives so that they are seen as legitimate and deserving claimants. Lawyers typically employ two strategies: brokering and coaching. As brokers between their clients and other legal actors like judges, prosecutors, and opposing counsel, lawyers navigate judicial procedures and communicate on behalf of their clients (Kritzer Reference Kritzer1990). Lawyers also coach their clients on how to present themselves in front of judges and prosecutors. Court-appointed defense attorneys, for example, instruct clients on how to speak in court and reprimand clients who defy their strategy (Clair Reference Clair2021). They intervene in the lives of their clients to construct a figure that resembles the idealized claimant according to state categories, which often results in reproducing racialized, gendered, and classed norms and stereotypes. When working with youth seeking humanitarian relief, immigration lawyers encourage the youth to reinforce their vulnerability as unaccompanied minors who deserve legal protection by coaching them on how to dress, speak, and emote at hearings and interviews (Galli Reference Galli2023). Similarly, lawyers coach immigrant crime victims to highlight their civic engagement duties and hide potentially compromising information like driving infractions (Lakhani Reference Lakhani2013). Immigration lawyers coach their “clients to explain the kinds of stories that would portray habits of a married couple” (Wang Reference Wang2013, 1237) when working with immigrant women, who are likely to be suspected of marriage fraud by adjudicators. In this way, lawyers reify state categories as brokers and coaches who interpret laws into performances of legible deservingness that they guide their clients into enacting.
Beyond coaching temporary performances of deservingness and victimhood, lawyers likely shape everyday dimensions of their clients’ lives to align with behaviors associated with deservingness and legitimacy by the state. Bessière et al. (Reference Bessière, Mille and Schütz2024) intimate that lawyers instruct their clients to adjust their personal circumstances like housing arrangements, to bolster their legal case, but they provide little elaboration on the strategies lawyers use to mold their clients’ lives. Immigration lawyers instruct their clients to take photographs that can be submitted along with the petition to bolster their claims for asylum (Hsin and Aptekar Reference Hsin and Aptekar2022). They also assemble photo albums so as to not attract additional scrutiny from adjudicators (D’Aoust Reference D’Aoust and D’Aoust2022). For mixed-status couples potentially facing deportation and family separation, lawyers influence couples’ intimate decisions around family formation (like engagement, marriage, and childbearing) to bolster their spousal petition and diminish the likelihood of fraud investigations, rejection, and family separation (Enriquez Reference Enriquez2020). These studies affirm that legal guidance influences claimants’ intimate decisions but provide a limited account of exactly how lawyers mold their clients’ lives.
I highlight the rise of preventive lawyering to contextualize these strategies. Following a 1992 American Bar Association (ABA) report that emphasized practical lawyering skills, ABA formally adopted a new legal education standard that requires professional training beyond litigation skills at law schools (Winick Reference Winick2004). As a result, preventive lawyering has become well-integrated into legal training in recent decades through classes and workshops on topics like counseling approaches, therapeutic jurisprudence, and nonadversarial lawyering (King et al. Reference King, Freiberg, Batagol and Hyams2014). In the three decades since nonadversarial training has been recommended by top legal pedagogues and administrators (Brest Reference Brest1995), sociolegal research has not adequately considered how preventive lawyering has trained lawyers to shape their clients to become ideal claimants and subjects of the state.
Preventive lawyering turns lawyers into planners to proactively reduce the risk of prosecution and penalties (Brown and Dauer Reference Brown and Dauer1978). This is done through regular check-ins with clients and the development of checklists that clients can follow to be in compliance with the law. As such, lawyers function as counseling figures who help their clients become desirable subjects who will survive the scrutiny of the law and integrate into the normative mainstream. Preventive law is especially relevant with the state’s regulatory oversight in matters like taxes, employment, welfare, and immigration (Winick Reference Winick2001). Lawyers are encouraged to use therapeutic and counseling techniques to transform the lives of their clients (Winick Reference Winick2004). In areas of law like immigration involving significant discretionary oversight, lawyers occupy an essential role in guiding their clients to preemptively enact the behaviors idealized by the law. Family reunification petitions require mixed-status couples to demonstrate their marital legitimacy, and immigration lawyers actively work with these couples by planning their lives in preparation for each step of discretionary review.
This study explores the role of lawyers in shaping the intimate behaviors of mixed-status couples to conform to mainstream family norms. I consider the strategies that lawyers use to curate, routinize, and archive everyday dimensions of immigrant family life. Immigrant families’ acculturation into the mainstream is not simply the product of self-policing or a matter of temporary performances; it must be sustained and embodied over the course of a decade as instructed by lawyers. Immigration lawyers become part of diffuse social control by planning how their clients should pursue their marriage in anticipation of bureaucratic scrutiny into marital legitimacy. Nonstate actors and intermediaries like lawyers become indirect agents of the state in creating normative, desirable, and governable subjects.
Data and methods
Throughout 2024, I conducted interviews with 36 licensed attorneys, paralegals, and Accredited Representatives,Footnote 2 who regularly work on spousal petitions. I recruited using purposive and snowball sampling methods, which were necessary to access the tightly networked profession. I gained entry by leveraging my professional connections with the immigrant rights advocacy community. Introductions from trusted insiders lent credibility to my outreach, and several contacts agreed to share my recruitment materials across email listservs and private online groups for practicing immigration lawyers. A few respondents personally referred the study to their colleagues at other firms and organizations. This sampling method allowed me to capture the breadth of legal practice across states and regions, client base, and organization type, while the in-depth interview method enabled me to obtain detailed anecdotes from cases they have worked on and inquire how they work with couples filing spousal petitions. All interviews except one were conducted remotely and recorded using a videoconferencing platform. Interviews typically lasted 60 minutes. Respondents did not receive any compensation.
I did not restrict recruitment to any states or regions since immigration law is under federal purview. USCIS officers follow uniform adjudication procedures across the nation, as confirmed by my participants, who distinguished it from the idiosyncratic culture found with immigration hearings and interior enforcement. As a result, my participants work with clients across state and country borders and frequently use remote communication methods (telephone, videoconferencing, email) with clients in lieu of in-person consultations. Behind-closed-doors adjudication, remote lawyering, and attorney–client privilege prevented access for ethnographic observations of lawyering-in-action. Instead of observing firm-specific lawyering practices, I interviewed lawyers in varying organizational and regional contexts regarding their strategies and observations when working on spousal petitions. The majority of the respondents practice in California or New York. I also had respondents in states with small immigrant populations, like Mississippi and Indiana. One respondent lives outside of the United States but is a licensed attorney who currently works for a multinational firm with offices in the United States and regularly works on U.S. spousal petitions. The range of legal practice, as well as years of experience, runs the gamut. A few of my respondents exclusively take on spousal petitions, while others practice other types of family-based petitions or even other immigration cases like employment-based and humanitarian cases. Most of my sample has at least a decade of legal experience, with a few having practiced for several decades. In totality, my sample has likely come across at least 100,000 marriage-based petitions over the course of their careers. My respondents typically have ethnically diverse clients. Many speak Spanish and/or have a large Spanish-speaking client base. Others serve specific ethnic groups like Chinese, Iranian, or Nigerian immigrants. The sample includes one paralegal and three Accredited Representatives. A quarter of my respondents work at nonprofit organizations, while the rest were at private firms of varying sizes. Table 1 provides demographic characteristics of the sample.
Descriptive statistics of the sample

Table 1 Long description
The table provides descriptive statistics of a sample consisting of 36 individuals, detailing their professional positions, organization types, and locations. A significant majority, 32 out of 36, are licensed attorneys, while 3 are accredited representatives and 1 is a paralegal. Most participants, 27 out of 36, work in private firms, with the remaining 9 in non-profit organizations. Geographically, the largest group is based in California, comprising 14 individuals, followed by New York with 7. Other states have fewer representatives, with only 1 participant located outside the United States. This distribution highlights a concentration of legal professionals in private firms and in California.
Interview questions focused on respondents’ strategies for fulfilling the “bona fide” marriage requirement for marital petitions. In addition to specific evidence that respondents focus on when putting together a petition, I also inquired about “red flags” in marriages that either lawyers or immigration officers might notice as signs of fraud. I asked respondents to walk me through their intake and case management processes. There were also dedicated questions about their experience working with queer couples and immigrants from specific countries of origin. To build rapport, I drew on my experience having interviewed couples who have navigated the spousal petition process and my familiarity with the paperwork required for the petition. Respondents were open and candid about their practice, and they were eager to discuss what they have witnessed over the years and the thousands of cases they have seen.
My entry into this research began as part of a larger project on queer couples seeking spousal petitions. I sought to explore how lawyering strategies differ for queer couples who might face challenges demonstrating their marital legitimacy, given the recency of same-sex marriage legalization. I drew on the methodological approach of expert interviewing, wherein professionals are tapped for their intimate knowledge of highly professionalized processes (Döringer Reference Döringer2021). The prevalent usage of teleconferencing among lawyers, their high billable hours, and their flexible work arrangements justify the usage of remote interviewing (von Soest Reference von Soest2023). As data collection with lawyers progressed, I noticed that lawyers predominantly highlighted commonalities rather than differences when working with mixed-status couples – regardless of sexuality. They reported using a consistent set of tactics to make marriages legible to the state as nonfraudulent. I followed the principle of logical inference and concluded data collection with I reached saturation (Small Reference Small2009). Rather than seeking divergences in the data (which is better suited with a large, representative sample), I looked for commonalities in lawyering strategies across a sample that reflects diverse clientele, professional context, and region of immigration lawyering.
Loosely following flexible coding procedures (Deterding and Waters Reference Deterding and Waters2021), I drafted memos while indexing interview transcripts. This process allowed me to develop a list of analytic codes and identify key quotes that exemplify how lawyers approach these cases. Some analytic codes were derived from the initial research questions for this project, while others inductively emerged from the initial indexing process. For example, the role of lawyers in translating the law for their clients is well-established in the literature and shaped my case selection when I embarked on this project (Collins et al. Reference Collins, Neely and Khan2024). Their role routinizing, correcting, and archiving legitimizing family behaviors, however, arose from the data through the indexing and memo-writing steps. I coded the data using analytic codes and identified trends across interviews, which facilitated theory generation and refinement.
Findings
Immigration lawyers who advise mixed-status couples applying for marriage-based green cards report shaping intimate aspects of couples’ lives to ward off the immigration state’s suspicions of marriage fraud. Lawyers first translate the law by developing checklists that couples must complete ahead of petition submission. The checklists reflect the values of the archetypal USCIS adjudicator, who is assumed to see mainstream family norms as legitimate. Lawyers, then, guide couples to enact and document legitimizing lifestyles. Through counseling and creative problem-solving, lawyers instruct and correct quotidian facets of couples’ marital behaviors. Finally, lawyers remain involved in couples’ lives for several years, because the process involves multiple steps of review. As a result, they direct couples to archive the lifestyle that they helped curate and routinize. The routinization of these behaviors is essential to proving marital legitimacy to immigration adjudicators who are understood to hold traditional family views. Lawyers become planners and counselors for immigrant families who must sustain and document normative family lifestyles for nearly a decade. In the process, immigrant families become acculturated into the mainstream as they seek legal recognition from the state. Beyond simply representing clients as brokers or instructing performative alterations as coaches, lawyers become domestic counselors who mold intimate dimensions of immigrant family life. Counseling involves hands-on guidance and the creative curation of couples’ housing, finances, and leisure to substantiate the legitimacy of their marriage. Because they work with couples for the decade-long process involving three separate petitions, immigration lawyers monitor transformations in their clients’ family behaviors. I present lawyers’ accounts of their strategies when working with couples on spousal petitions and changes in clients’ family behaviors they observe over the years-long professional relationship.
Translating the law into checklists
Lawyers translate immigration law into eligibility criteria and checklists for clients, who rely on professional expertise given bureaucratic opacity. Checklists guide couples to form a marital household, consisting of shared residence, joint finances and property, combined financial and legal risk, and entangled lifestyle. Since couples often approach lawyers before they are married and ready to file the petition, the checklist becomes the blueprint for how couples map out the next decade of their lives together while they remain under bureaucratic scrutiny.
During the first consultation, lawyers present a high-level translation of the spousal petition and its opaque review process by USCIS. My participants report spelling out what they expect from clients, from preparing documents to the timeline and potential outcomes of the petition. Not only does USCIS provide limited guidance, but many people also remain misinformed about how tedious and grueling the process can be. It can take several months to identify gaps, enact and document the changes, and curate the archive before an initial petition can be submitted to USCIS. This is in part because most couples do not have sufficient documents that experts believe will convince immigration officers that the marriage is legitimate, such as joint bank account statements, joint leases or deeds, joint utility or insurance bills, and joint tax returns. These items are almost always included in the checklist that lawyers provide to clients.
Lawyers report invoking the imagined adjudicator, whose traditional values determine the fate of the petition, when working with clients. I spoke with an Accredited Representative at a nonprofit serving the pan-immigrant community in their gateway metropolis. As a Spanish-speaking Latino professional, he works primarily with low-income, limited English proficient Latino immigrants for whom private attorneys are out of reach. Given the cultural and linguistic barriers that this community faces, especially when navigating legal bureaucracy, I inquired how he sets expectations for his clients when taking on a spousal petition case. “The way I kind of describe it to my clients is,” he explained, “‘Imagine, U.S.A. standards are kind of like your religious aunt or uncle …’ USCIS does have a pretty traditional view of marriage.” By likening immigration adjudicators to elders with traditional family values, lawyers help their clients visualize the kinds of eyes that will be reviewing their petition. This helps, lawyers find, couples internalize these values as they enact family behaviors to be documented on paper and inspected by adjudicators.
Participants describe USCIS as holding traditional values around marriage and romantic relationships. Understanding the values that undergird immigration bureaucracy is a key ingredient in accurately translating immigration law into checklists. A private attorney who works primarily with West African immigrants believes USCIS has “an antiquated mindset” regarding what “real” marriages look like. According to a seasoned nonprofit attorney with a diverse client base, these values remind her of the 1950s and its traditional expectations around gender roles and marriage. The traditional family, as described by the lawyers, resembles what Smith (Reference Smith1993) calls the “Standard North American Family” (SNAF), a ubiquitous discursive ideology that consists of a straight household with a bread-earning husband, a housekeeping wife, and biological children. Certainly, mixed-status couples who deviate from SNAF norms (including dual-income, queer, and childless couples) can be successful with their spousal petition. If not the exact characteristics of SNAF, then, what persist are the normative family values encoded in our laws and policies. Lawyers translate these values into lifestyles like cohabitation, joint finances, shared lifestyle, and family involvement when preparing the checklist for mixed-status couples.
At the same time, lawyers are quick to distance themselves from USCIS and position themselves as open-minded brokers who do not subscribe to the traditional views of marriage that they attribute to USCIS. They must balance immigration bureaucracy’s traditional views of marriage on the one hand and clients’ freedom to pursue their relationship on the other as they prepare their clients for adjudication. Attorneys are clear-eyed about the system through which they are incentivized to navigate their clients quickly and successfully: “I think of adjudicators as more traditional … I cater to that, not because I necessarily support that narrow view of marriage and relationships, [but] because I think that that’ll get me to the outcome faster,” remarked one nonprofit attorney who exclusively takes on family petitions and primarily serves low-income Asian immigrants in her region. Because conforming to traditional norms is more likely to avoid scrutiny, this attorney has adopted a pragmatic approach despite potential differences with how she personally thinks marriages should look like. Others have a more hands-off approach, like another nonprofit attorney who is upfront with her clients about the kind of evidence that USCIS “gives a lot of weight to” from her experience having represented numerous Latino immigrants, especially DACA recipients. At the top of her list is the proof of cohabitation and joint finances, which can be demonstrated using various documents, as explained in the next section. If a client asks whether they should incorporate all of the practices seen favorably by adjudicators, she tells them, “I’m not here to say you should or should not. What I can tell you is that it would definitely help.” Committed to getting petitions approved, lawyers provide clients with a checklist of the ideal family on paper.
Other lawyers emphasize couples’ right to express themselves, even if that meant diverging from established norms. “Every couple does things differently,” remarked one attorney who has worked with a wide array of clients through a well-established firm and community organizations. “They do it their own way, and I wouldn’t want people to be handcuffed into only one way of living their life or doing things.” A senior attorney, who has practiced immigration law for nearly 40 years and represented clients of diverse backgrounds, simply said, “marriages come in all shapes, colors, and flavors.” Recognizing the varying ways that people pursue marriage, many lawyers explained that they do not want to become a “couples counselor” for their clients. Lawyers remain wary of being judgmental about clients’ marital practices, which would turn them into what one attorney called the “love police.” An attorney whose family firm specializes in spousal petitions drew a clear distinction between lawyers and USCIS: “it’s not my job to judge your marriage. That’s immigration’s job.” Many respondents shared similar sentiments: they value clients’ autonomy to make independent decisions about their marriage, and they do not judge how clients choose to live their lives. Their expert service contrasts with the state’s emphasis on rooting out fraud. Lawyers thus position themselves as professional brokers of legal bureaucracy and advocates hesitant to intervene in the private lives of couples. “It’s kind of our job to build the trust with them and then work with them to build their own case,” explained the same attorney. They stress the relational and personalized approach when assembling a spousal petition.
Despite the open-minded approach that many participants reported, they also have stringent requirements for their clients before they will move forward with the paperwork. Most notably, respondents almost universally agree that cohabitation is absolutely necessary for the marital petition, save for exceptional circumstances. One private attorney regularly tells clients, “I can’t represent you until you move in together,” because cohabitation is one of the most important factors that adjudicators consider for spousal petitions. In addition, a sizable portion of his clients are West African, West Asian, or South Asian, for whom premarital cohabitation is often considered taboo and multigenerational housing is not uncommon even upon marriage. Though he understands differing cultural norms around marriage and cohabitation, this attorney has a clear prerequisite before couples can become his clients. For couples who have yet to move in together, lawyers prefer to wait until they have evidence of cohabitation, such as a joint lease, mortgage, or deed, before submitting the petition. Cohabitation has long been associated with legally documenting the establishment of a household (Abrams Reference Abrams2012), but it is not formally required in proving marital legitimacy under immigration law. Lawyers, however, translate the bona fide requirement for marital petitions as being rooted in standards of U.S. family law and thus ask couples to abide by its norms. Beyond simply moving in together, however, lawyers provide hands-on guidance on the steps they need to take to properly document cohabitation, as detailed in the following section.
Most respondents also have a checklist of potential evidence that they encourage clients to gather to accompany the petition. Though the checklists are not a step-by-step guide, they serve as a blueprint of “real” marriages that couples must follow. Besides cohabitation, couples are expected to commingle their finances through joint accounts and cards. They can also jointly own property and bear financial responsibility for their cars, retirement and investment accounts, and utilities. Though having a biological child together is sometimes said to be “slam dunk” evidence, my participants did not report encouraging their clients toward childbearing for the purposes of demonstrating marital legitimacy. This was in part because couples with kids can get rejected, contrary to lay knowledge. On the other hand, lawyers expect mixed-status couples to mark the occasion of their wedding and document it with photographs and receipts. A courthouse ceremony and a celebratory meal afterward are acceptable so long as clients can document that it was a special event featuring friends and family. Though not all couples can incorporate the recommended practices, lawyers present the checklist as a blueprint of family formation.
Professionals use the checklist as a menu of options, from which they can selectively curate a personalized checklist that couples can follow. “[It] rarely happens that they come for a consultation or the initial meeting with me, and they come with the full file,” explained a private attorney who serves West Asian immigrants, given her own heritage, as well as other communities. “The majority don’t have their documents already. When they come for the consultation on the first meeting, they ask us what is the list of documents that they need. So usually that’s when we provide them with the list of what needs to be done.” The checklist becomes a template based on which lawyers customize the behaviors that their client is expected to incorporate. These lifestyles fit the mold of the desirable and nonfraudulent immigrant that immigration officers are known to prefer when adjudicating petitions.
Legitimizing lifestyles are also culturally specific and are not intuitive for those who were not raised in middle-class American contexts. The private attorney with primarily West African clients and herself an immigrant from the region succinctly described these lifestyles: “it’s not something that every culture does.” She cited different norms around cohabitation and finances, familial and ethnoreligious obligations, and even interpersonal communication that she has observed among her clients. Respondents report outlining the contours of an idealized middle-class family in the U.S. context to contextualize the checklist. The nuclear family is a racialized concept (Sarkisian and Gerstel Reference Sarkisian and Gerstel2012) that is foreign to many immigrant communities yet forms the basis of marital legitimacy for immigration adjudication. Lawyers introduce, explain, and advise mainstream family behaviors to immigrant families who might otherwise have pursued alternative practices that USCIS might interpret as suspicious.
A handful of lawyers recognize their strategy of actively shaping the lives of the couples, beyond simply compiling documents. A private attorney with nearly 30 years of experience described the process as “a little stilted, because we don’t necessarily go through life like that, like sticking each other on bills.” In many cases, lawyers play a significant role in guiding couples to enact, document, and sustain traditional family behaviors as they navigate through the years-long process of family reunification.
Enacting and documenting bona fide marriage
Upon translating immigration law into checklists, lawyers direct couples to enact and document legitimizing lifestyles. If the checklist described above is a written template for couples to follow, then lawyers become guides who handhold clients in adopting it. This can range from suggesting a particular behavior, offering corrections, troubleshooting bureaucratic challenges, and brainstorming additional behaviors to document. Though respondents were hesitant to suggest a minimum number of documents necessary to submit with the petition, it was not uncommon to submit several dozen documents and up to 200 photographs to USCIS. Obtaining documents necessitates behavioral changes, and lawyers counsel their clients on how to embody the lifestyles in ways that will convince immigration officers.
Being jointly responsible for utility bills is considered strong evidence of marital legitimacy, because they prove the two most important aspects of a bona fide relationship: cohabitation and joint finances. A private attorney with more than a decade of experience explained, “USCIS tends to favor utility bills, especially because they see them as proof that they’re living together.” Lawyers help their clients overcome bureaucratic hurdles that might prevent them from making these changes. In one region where a second person cannot be added to the account, the attorney with a family firm specializing in spousal petitions tells his clients to visit their local utility company’s office in person. If a utility company does not allow two names on its bill, other attorneys instruct their clients to add the spouse to the “care of” line. Lawyers reported their clients’ incorporating these tips and returning with updated utility bills listing both names. These bureaucratic strategies help build documentary evidence that are seen as legitimate by bureaucrats for government benefits like Medicaid, driver’s licenses, and green cards.
One persistent barrier to formal documentation for many immigrants is their lack of a Social Security Number (SSN), which is typically required to affiliate with institutions like banks, utility companies, and landlords. Unfortunately, documents from these very institutions are given the most weight by USCIS, for both the authenticity of the document itself and evidence of legitimacy. One lawyer with nearly three decades of experience and expertise in spousal petitions guides clients without an SSN to establish themselves with more lenient financial institutions: “We send them to credit unions, because credit unions don’t require social security numbers. And that’s where a lot of undocumented people bank. So we look for ways for them to build up their documentation.” Immigrants understand that engaging with mainstream institutions and establishing themselves in their systems will help strengthening their claims (Asad Reference Asad2023). In getting clients to amass the necessary paperwork, lawyers become guides that help immigrants establish formal relationships with nonstate institutions that might have otherwise been inaccessible to them. Becoming legible to the state, in turn, facilitates immigrant integration into the mainstream via financial institutions.
Respondents describe instructing their clients on how to manage their joint finances. This starts with ensuring that couples have joint bank accounts, especially a checking account used for recurring and everyday household expenses. The attorney with nearly 40 years of experience approaches this issue quite directly: “if they don’t have joint bank accounts, well, I say, ‘How come? Are you going to? And why don’t you have one now?’” Beyond simply opening an account, lawyers expect couples to actively use the account. When couples brought statements with hardly any transactions, she explained why this is not sufficient and instructed them on how to strengthen this piece of evidence. “[Clients think] as long as there’s a positive balance in the bank account, that [it’s] fine,” she explained. “If it’s a joint account, then it has to be used. You don’t just plunk $1,000 in an account and leave it there.” Merely opening an account together would not satisfy USCIS; bank statements without regular transactions are seen as suspicious and not evidentiary of joint finances. As a result, lawyers ask clients to meaningfully combine their finances, recognizing that these behaviors might not be standard practice for couples. “Not everyone just naturally does those things,” remarked the attorney who previously described this process as being “stilted.” Her consultations are designed to help clients understand the “leg work” needed to adopt these behaviors. Though some professionals were more flexible about couples’ finances, deviations would require additional documentation and potentially invite unwanted scrutiny from bureaucrats. Following their intervention, participants observe marked changes in couples’ banking practices as evidenced in financial statements that lawyers review before appending to the petition.
Another key financial document is tax returns, which is a “high value [evidence] in the eyes of USCIS,” according to the nonprofit attorney with DACAmented clients. Lawyers ask clients to file as “married filing jointly” starting with the year they became legally wedded. In addition to asking couples to jointly file their taxes, multiple participants recalled superseding the advice of accountants. It was not uncommon to come across couples who filed as “head of household,” a tax loophole used by accountants to lower the tax burden. For immigration purposes, filing taxes jointly is important to demonstrate the couple’s financial commingling – especially with the government. In this way, joint tax returns are unique pieces of evidence wherein marital relations are validated with the federal government. If lawyers believe that a client’s taxes are filed incorrectly, they confidently requested the client to go back to the accountant and file an amended tax return as “married filing jointly.” As I explain in the following section, tax returns become more important during subsequent petitions towards naturalization. If a joint tax return is available for the initial petition, however, lawyers were eager to include it, given its weight in establishing the bona fides.
Beyond finances, lawyers also like to see evidence that the couple has established an intimate, familial relationship. One such document is proof of insurance coverage that includes both spouses in one household unit. As one private attorney with a substantial co-ethnic South Asian clientele explained, “health insurance is very, very key evidence, because you don’t put anyone who’s not a family member on your health insurance.” Lawyers draw on both formal and social meanings assigned to quasi-legal domains like health, auto, home, and life insurance. Lawyers, I find, assume that immigration officers interpret the addition of a spouse to one’s insurance plan as evidence of commitment to a familial relationship and the associated duties, like financial responsibility, joint ownership, and shared liability. As such, lawyers recommend couples to add each other in insurance coverage, which most of their clients incorporated into their family arrangements. Entangling their lives through formal institutions carries social meanings of household formation and further solidifies the bona fide nature of their marriage.
Lawyers ask couples to chronicle socially meaningful ways that couples spend money – and time – together. These activities connote middle-class lifestyles of consumption. “USCIS loves to see that you spent money on the investment of the relationship,” shared a nonprofit attorney who primarily serves queer and Latino immigrants. “They consider that like sharing your finances because you’re both contributing into this [relationship].” Lawyers favor submitting photos of couples in general, but ones that suggest significant investment in the relationship are especially encouraged. One private attorney with extensive experience working with mixed-status couples seeking to move from Asia, Latin America, and Oceania to the United States directs his clients to gather such evidence: “No, you’re gonna take photos together. You go on a trip? You take photos together. I don’t really care if you don’t like to do it. You’re going to do it.” Some lawyers include airfare and concert tickets along with the photos to clearly demonstrate the expenses associated with the photographically documented activities. As the private attorney with a sizable co-ethnic South Asian clientele corroborated, “[taking trips] is sometimes very helpful in letting them know that they have an ongoing relationship. Taking joint trips together, spending money, staying in the same hotel room, showing king-size bed… Both the couple’s names on those reservations – all of that is key.” Though lawyers do not coerce couples to take trips or spend money on leisure activities, respondents report explaining to their clients the value of such behaviors and resulting evidentiary documentation for the petition. My participants recount subsequently receiving receipts and photographs of concerts, getaways, and other joint experiences that couples documented to be submitted alongside the petition.
In addition to trips, family-oriented holidays like Thanksgiving and Christmas are considered important occasions to merit photographs. Photos with family and friends serve to quell concerns of fraud. “When other people are in the same photo with them, it just tells immigration so much more about that relationship. It shows that they’re holding themselves out as a married couple,” reasoned the attorney who asks couples to cohabitate before he can represent them. By putting themselves in the shoes of an imagined adjudicator with traditional views of marriage, lawyers suggest how couples should spend time together and with others. Beyond simply taking photos, couples are encouraged to adjust their leisure time and disposable income toward enacting legitimizing lifestyles. Respondents noted, however, that these behaviors are culturally specific and not always customary for immigrants hailing from vastly different contexts. Beyond the ethnoreligious roots of the major U.S. holidays, getaways and other leisure activities are not assigned the same significance or meanings for some immigrants as in mainstream U.S. culture, as one lawyer explained above. Thus, some participants reported being more didactic about the leisure activities that couples can enact and document for the purposes of assembling a convincing archive.
Lawyers’ curatorial practice involves identifying creative ways of demonstrating couples’ shared lives. Evidence of household consumption – retailer memberships (Costco, Sam’s Club), recreation (fitness), and subscriptions (Amazon Prime, Netflix) – become markers of a joint middle-class household. Subscriptions and memberships substantiate marital legitimacy for legal bureaucracy, because they symbolize a joint household with one address and shared financial responsibility. Because these documents were seen as supplemental to the ones identified above, lawyers placed less emphasis on actively promoting these behaviors. If couples already had or were considering joint memberships or subscriptions, however, lawyers encouraged clients to pursue and document them to be included with the petition. For younger or lower-income couples, lawyers considered these items more important since these clients are less likely to have other pieces of evidence that require more financial stability.
The curation also involves a close review of all documents amassed by couples. Lawyers select exemplary evidence that would simultaneously substantiate marital legitimacy and discourage extra scrutiny from adjudicators. This was particularly important with bank statements, which lawyers consider necessary to demonstrate financial commingling. At the same time, they were painfully aware that a well-used bank account can be revealing. The nonprofit attorney who exclusively works on spousal petitions recalled a couple’s statement listing a potentially suspicious charge: “I’m actually like looking at the bank statements line by line. And then there’s marijuana or a similar purchase. And I’m like, okay, let’s not submit that. Because even if it’s only [a purchase from] the U.S. citizen’s side, it could trigger enough interest and ‘curiosity’ and questions [from the USCIS officer]. So let’s withhold that.” Though it is unlikely that an officer would meticulously review the submitted evidence, lawyers are proactive about curating the file to ensure that it would not negatively impact the case. They highlight instances of scrutiny from adjudicators in previous cases to justify their curation of clients’ documents. The private attorney who previously described the “stilted” process requiring “leg work” from clients recalled an incident that informs her fastidiousness: “it’s not just giving them a bank statement. It’s also looking at that bank statement and making sure there’s not something [inappropriate]. I’ve had officers literally [go] line by line. Just being like, ‘What’s this charge? And to Chicago? And who was there with you?’ […] If they’re suspicious, you know they’ll do that kind of digging.” She and other respondents report curating their clients’ dossiers so that the documents depict a scrupulous marriage that would not trigger unwanted probing. They also relay these anecdotes to their clients as precautionary tales.
Lawyers remain open-minded about the varied ways that couples pursue their marriage and document it. Without established criteria used to evaluate marital legitimacy, USCIS’s discretionary review can be understood as holistic. Because “[USCIS is] looking at the whole thing in its entirety,” as the Accredited Representative put it, professionals emphasized their individualized approach to helping couples enact and document behaviors that fit their circumstances. This curatorial approach to case preparation is consistent with preventive lawyering strategies that emphasize preventing future legal issues by planning risk-averse activities and counseling clients to adhere to checklists (Winick Reference Winick2001). The process of enacting normative family practices demonstrates the counseling approach that lawyers engage in as they guide mixed-status couples to become idealized, nonfraudulent claimants.
Archiving routinized lifestyle
Marriage-based petitions have an additional adjudication step for USCIS to verify that mixed-status marriages remain bona fide 2 years after the initial petition submission. At the naturalization stage, the immigrant once again needs to show evidence that the couple remains married. As a result, couples must continue to enact and document the marital behaviors as recommended by their lawyers for nearly a decade. They not only guide couples to document their relationship for the initial petition but also prepare their clients for subsequent hurdles before the immigrant spouse can naturalize. The family-firm attorney specializing in spousal petitions noted, “our job is to kind of set clients up for not only this process, but the next two. You need proof of relationship for the conditional card. You need proof of relationship when you become a citizen. So we set them up … to have all of that stuff going forward.” Couples often work with the same lawyer across all three petitions. Consequently, lawyers advise couples to sustain and archive the routinized behaviors for many years so that the couples have fully adopted the lifestyles that lawyers guided them towards.
The initial petition submission can lead to one or more of the following responses from USCIS: Request for Evidence (RFE), in-person interview, or home visit. Each of these is an opportunity for USCIS to gather more information about their marriage before determining whether they should be approved as a legitimate couple. Whereas the RFE is a standard response for any immigration petition when additional information is needed, in-person interviews and home visits are specific to spousal petitions and are motivated by concerns of marriage fraud. In-person interviews are typically required for spousal petitions, whereas home visits are relatively infrequent.Footnote 3 Lawyers warn their clients about these steps so they understand the potential surveillance associated with the petition.
The lifestyle changes described above must be sustained across the life of the immigration case. Couples are expected to continue documenting their lives while USCIS processes their petition so that they are ready with additional and updated paperwork they can submit to USCIS. I spoke with a private attorney with nearly three decades of experience and his own firm with a high caseload, consisting mostly of Latino immigrants. When I asked what happens during the intervening months between petition submission and decision, he articulated expecting clients to “be gathering stuff while immigration processes the case” so that they are prepared with additional documents to submit in response to an RFE or to bring to an in-person interview. Lawyers expect clients to archive their marital behaviors between the initial petition submission and the in-person interview, a waiting period of 6–12 months. Another attorney presented yet another “leg work” that she described expecting from clients earlier: “hopefully they’ve followed my advice and gone and gotten some things together, so that when we go to the interview, we have a nice stack of things.” Adjudicators often ask couples for the latest evidence of their relationship, which they should have accrued since submitting the petition. Respondents report guiding couples to bring recent bank statements, utility bills, and photographs with family to interviews.
There are two main elements of building this archive: (1) establishing additional types of evidence, and (2) building an ever-updating archive of routinized lifestyles. The first is especially important in cases where a couple did not have certain crucial pieces of evidence for the initial petition submission. Clients are advised to build such evidence while the case is under review. In exceptional circumstances where a couple is unable to cohabit or combine their finances before petition submission, for example, it is expected that the couple makes those lifestyle changes and accrues additional evidence to complement less compelling evidence, like photos and retailer membership. The attorney at a well-established firm has told his clients to “bulk up on the better documentation” if the couple only submitted a thin dossier with the petition. If the couple had not jointly filed taxes before petition submission, for example, a joint tax return to present to the USCIS officer at the interview would solidify the case towards approval. Participants recount guiding couples regarding new routines they should establish, sustain, and document as they await an RFE or interview notice from USCIS.
Archiving ongoing evidence of routinized behaviors is necessary for all couples. Respondents agree that a one-time snapshot of the marriage is unconvincing to USCIS and that the continuation of these behaviors is necessary to convince adjudicators that the couple has thoroughly adopted these lifestyles. Several lawyers characterized paperwork going “stale,” referencing the fact that couples’ lives do not stop when their petition is submitted. “By the time [of] the interview, we would show up with a package of 8 months’ worth, and I’ve got a good-sized thing to hand in,” illustrated one private attorney with three decades of experience and a diverse clientele, including Eastern European and Caribbean immigrants. Because interview notices typically arrive within a year of the initial petition submission, lawyers emphasize the importance of continuing to gather documents as they wait to hear back from USCIS. Even in the rare scenario where the in-person interview is waived, neither the couple nor the lawyer would know that the interview would be waived until the case is approved. As a result, professionals approach all cases as if they would lead to additional scrutiny, either in the form of an RFE or an in-person interview. Couples, lawyers described, follow expert guidance and amass an ongoing record of their marriage to demonstrate that the behaviors they adopted have become routinized and archived.
Embodying traditional family behaviors becomes especially important in the rare case that a couple is subject to an unannounced home visit by USCIS. For petitions suspected of fraud, USCIS will send field officers to visit the shared residence of the couple unannounced (typically before sunrise). Only a handful of my participants had clients who were subject to home visits, though several shared their experience working on such cases. During home visits, USCIS officers take pictures of the shared residence and interrogate the couple about intimate details of their lives. It is assumed that the routines that couples adopt, like cohabitation, joint finances, and otherwise shared lifestyle, will be evident in their everyday household arrangements, such that an unannounced home visit can determine marital legitimacy. Though lawyers do not typically instruct their clients on how to prepare for home visits due to their rarity, they nevertheless guide their clients’ lifestyles to withstand such scrutiny.
For most couples, approval of the initial petition leads to CPR status, the conditions of which must be removed after 2 years. This removal of conditions process was created to deter marriage fraud and is yet another step during which the ongoing legitimacy of the couples’ marriages must be proven (Chetrit Reference Chetrit2011). Some lawyers are particularly concerned about the second review step, when USCIS might conduct a more thorough review of petitions before LPR status is granted, paving the way towards naturalization. The private attorney with a sizable co-ethnic South Asian clientele shared how she instructs her clients about archiving their lives: “I tell my clients, once they get their [conditional] green card … ‘Your journey doesn’t stop here … Have a little basket or a digital basket, if you will, and throw in every single receipt in there, [for] every single martini you had or whatever, put it in there. Everything will be important when you file the petition to remove conditions.’” Another private attorney with three decades of experience and expertise in working with West African immigrants tells her clients to “never throw away any piece of paper, every piece of mail with your address and your name.” Diligently saving paperwork itself becomes a routinized process as couples learn to archive documentary evidence of their lives.
Respondents insist that financial commingling must be active and not abandoned to demonstrate that a couple’s shared life is legitimate and not fraudulent. Respondents described asking their clients to return with bank statements indicating regular activity, to which couples obliged by making deposits of their income and withdrawals for everyday expenses. The private attorney who earlier shared the importance of utility bills explained a scenario that informs his approach: “[A joint bank account] can be good and bad, ‘cause I’ve had some [clients] where they opened it, but they didn’t really use it. So when we revisited the topic two years later when they had to remove conditions, it didn’t look on paper like they were really commingling funds because there wasn’t much activity, and [USCIS officers] do look at the activity.” As lawyers understand, avoiding additional scrutiny and potential denial requires coaching clients to routinize and archive the legitimizing family behaviors until the immigrant spouse becomes a naturalized citizen. One attorney has previously received an RFE requesting every bank statement for the past 2 years after submitting the petition to remove conditions, so he now preemptively requests his clients to share every statement they have with him so that he can include those documents in their file. In this way, maintaining an active archive becomes baked into couples’ lives.
Immigrants who become permanent residents through marriage are uniquely eligible for an expedited path toward naturalization after only 3 years of permanent residence, as compared to 5 years for all other immigrants. However, the expedited naturalization process again requires proof that the couple remains married. Though the naturalization step is not intended to involve a thorough review of marital legitimacy, couples are still incentivized to sustain their marital behaviors to ensure that the immigrant spouse can naturalize as a U.S. citizen without any issues. When naturalizing, joint tax returns are typically sufficient to demonstrate the bona fide nature of their marriage. The family-firm attorney explained that this is seen as an extension of the previous step: “When we file for the removal of conditions, [tax returns are] very critically important. They’re gonna want to see, after you’ve been married, you’re filing jointly married, not married filing separately either. And for citizenship, they’ll want to see the tax returns as well [for] the 3 previous years [and] if you’re filing married.” Couples are expected to continuously file joint tax returns following their nuptials until the immigrant spouse becomes naturalized. Respondents describe a heavy-handed approach when it comes to clients’ taxes. The attorney with four decades of experience “stipulate[s] to them that there be joint tax returns …. I tell them to henceforward file jointly and be prepared to submit joint returns if they are asked for it …. I tell them to be prepared for that request if it comes up.” As such, participants report universal compliance among their clients when it comes to joint tax filing.
From the first consultation to the immigrant spouse’s naturalization, lawyers stress their role in encouraging clients to live up to their expectations of what a bona fide marriage should look like on paper and in practice. At each step of this lengthy process, suspicions from immigration authorities could lead to illegalization and deportation for the beneficiary and criminal prosecution for the petitioner. Thus, lawyers ask couples to habituate and archive their lifestyles until the beneficiary is naturalized as a U.S. citizen. Through the process of helping couples establish and sustain routines associated with traditional family norms, lawyers become intimately involved in their clients’ domestic lives.
In total, this process takes at least 5 years, from when a couple submits the initial petition to when the immigrant spouse applies to naturalize as a U.S. citizen. Many couples wait years for the opportune timing to file the initial petition (Enriquez Reference Enriquez2020), and each step often becomes delayed due to lengthy USCIS processing times. In fact, about a year of wait time is typical for each of the three steps involved. The process – from working on the initial petition to being sworn in as a U.S. citizen – can easily span 10 years or longer for mixed-status couples. Couples find themselves sustaining these behaviors for years on end, and lawyers become intimately involved in these marriages as they guide their clients through each step with thorough review and feedback. Lawyers translate the law into a checklist of behaviors, which then must be enacted, routinized, and documented. This role highlights the durable and striking ways in which immigration law shapes the everyday lives of immigrants and their families beyond brief performances of deservingness or belonging that other immigration adjudication processes encourage.
Domestic counselors
I conceptualize lawyers as domestic counselors who shape intimate dimensions of quotidian life in accordance with normative visions of the law. This term encapsulates my finding that immigration lawyers provide guidance on the personal lives of mixed-status couples over the course of many years and transform marriages to conform to mainstream family norms. Lawyers become involved in domestic spheres not only by influencing couples’ intimate lives, but also by encouraging immigrant acculturation through the adoption of normative family behaviors. Because the family is the microcosm of the nation and represents its values (Yuval-Davis Reference Yuval-Davis1997), becoming legible as legitimate families operates both in the intimate sphere of the household and within politicized discourses around desirable (and nonthreatening) immigrant families. Lawyers also become counselors as part of their preventive legal training and as extensions of the state’s governance apparatus. Though not trained as therapists or social workers, immigration lawyers guide couples through intimate dimensions of their marriage, as do other nonstate actors embedded in criminal, medical, and welfare systems. Indeed, the scope of their counseling role resembles that of rehabilitation counselors or case managers, who might be involved in dictating minute aspects of clients’ day-to-day lives (Gowan and Whetstone Reference Gowan and Whetstone2012; Swanson and Weissert Reference Swanson and Weissert2018). The domestic counselor concept highlights immigration lawyers’ domain of influence (domestic lifestyles that belong in the nation) and role (counselors who shape behaviors) in making immigrant families embody the lifestyles and values embedded in the law.
The domestic counselor concept highlights the intimacy and depth of professional experts’ intervention in everyday life. By anticipating immigration officers’ discretionary interpretation of vague laws, lawyers mold their clients’ lives to conform to normative visions of the law when it comes to marriage and family. The desirable family has historically been coded as racially White, sexually heteronormative, and materially middle-class – or the so-called nuclear family in the neoliberal age (Sarkisian and Gerstel Reference Sarkisian and Gerstel2012). Bureaucrats are understood to see deviations from traditional family behaviors as foreign and suspicious. Immigration lawyers advise mixed-status couples on how to navigate the multi-step adjudication process over the course of several years. They handhold clients through everyday aspects of their lives, like household finances, utility statements, insurance coverage, and even vacations. Without clear benchmarks on what constitutes a legitimate marriage, lawyers take creative liberties in curating marital lifestyles that are more likely to be legible as legitimate in the eyes of immigration officers. The active shaping of immigrant families’ quotidian lives resembles the planning and counseling work of rehabilitation service providers and victim advocates (Kaufman et al. Reference Kaufman, Kaiser and Rumpf2018). Beyond coaching temporary performances of deservingness or belonging, lawyers who work with mixed-status couples over the course of a decade ensure that desirable lifestyles are routinized and habituated. Lawyers become nonstate agents who inculcate immigrant families with normative family values of the law.
Discussion and conclusion
This article examined lawyering strategies to bring about behavioral changes in the personal spheres of their clients’ lives to become desirable and legitimate families worthy of legal recognition. I argue that professionals who work with mixed-status couples applying for the marriage-based green card become domestic counselors who plan and shape couples’ living arrangements, finances, leisure activities, and kin relations to resemble normative family values encoded into the law. They translate opaque immigration law into personalized checklists that become the blueprint of marriage for mixed-status couples. Lawyers then help couples enact and document their new lifestyle by reviewing and correcting their behaviors, sometimes down to how to use their bank accounts and spend their leisure time. Finally, lawyers encourage couples routinize these lifestyles and archive the documentary evidence to withstand ongoing scrutiny from the immigration state. With interventions often lasting nearly a decade, lawyers transform material and behavioral aspects of immigrant families. In addition to coaching temporary changes in narratives and self-presentation heretofore documented, lawyers report shaping quotidian practices using therapeutic techniques to plan and correct their behaviors in anticipation of bureaucratic scrutiny.
These findings show that lawyers are extensions of the state’s governance apparatus and indirectly exert social control over its populace. Similar to nonstate intermediaries embedded into government programs (Fong Reference Fong2019), immigration lawyers enforce normative family values by interpreting vague immigration law and guiding mixed-status couples towards becoming legitimate families. Rather than using punitive approaches, lawyers employ therapeutic techniques by planning and correcting their clients’ behaviors ahead of government review. Their strategy of intervening into intimate dimensions of life is substantively different from the brokering and coaching roles of lawyers heretofore examined. Couples are guided on how their lifestyle must change, how to enact the recommended modification, and how they can routinize and archive these behaviors for years on end. Unlike temporary performances of deservingness and respectability that some lawyers coach their clients before hearings or interviews (Clair Reference Clair2021; Galli Reference Galli2023), the lifestyle modifications I document require material and behavioral adaptations that are expected to persist – at least for roughly a decade while couples remain under government scrutiny. Extant research on how the law transforms the lives of immigrants suggests that these behavioral changes are likely to endure beyond the period of bureaucratic review (García Reference García2019; Menjívar and Lakhani Reference Menjívar and Lakhani2016). This study demonstrates the steps and strategies that lawyers employ to construct ideal claimants for legal recognition. Recent studies have embraced Lakhani’s (Reference Lakhani2019) conceptualization of immigration lawyers as “parastate actors,” given their entanglement with the state and the constraints that the state’s interpretation of the law has on lawyering practices (Fadgen and Oldfield Reference Fadgen and Oldfield2025; Goehrung and Castellano Reference Goehrung and Castellano2024). I extend this conceptualization to show that lawyers become extensions of the state in coercing everyday subjects to conform to the law and its values. I develop the domestic counselor concept to articulate the domain of behaviors under lawyers’ purview and the strategies they use to mold their clients’ lifestyles. This suggests that nonstate actors like lawyers might also engage therapeutic (and coercive) logics of the state and its governance apparatus (Fong Reference Fong2020; Sweet Reference Sweet2019). Professionals and experts appear to have expanding footprints on everyday dimensions of our lives, and the domestic counselor concept may be useful in identifying other manifestations of such among nonstate actors.
I also identify professionals as a key mechanism by which immigrant populations experience social integration in a receiving society. Given the broad and discretionary nature of immigration law, it has been argued that immigrants regulate and alter their own behavior to be perceived as deserving of inclusion (Kibria Reference Kibria2019; Menjívar and Lakhani Reference Menjívar and Lakhani2016). Immigrants selectively engage with institutions in preparation for future claims for legalization (Asad Reference Asad2023) and modify their daily routine to reduce contact with law enforcement (García Reference García2019). Building on these findings that the law powerfully shapes immigrant life, I argue that immigration lawyers play a distinct role in not only translating the law but also putting it into effect by molding the family behaviors of mixed-status couples. The role of lawyers mirrors that of other nonstate actors who interact with immigrant populations, like employers (Gleeson and Griffith Reference Gleeson and Griffith2021), law enforcement officers (Armenta Reference Armenta2017), and medical professionals (Kline Reference Kline2019). Rather than excluding immigrants, however, the lawyers in this study facilitate the integration of immigrant communities into mainstream institutions and norms. In the process of acculturating the mixed-status couples to mainstream family norms, lawyers also bring about immigrant integration. Mixed-status couples who undergo the spousal petition process embody national values in the material and behavioral modification routinized by their lawyers.
This article also expands the literature on lawyering by examining oft-overlooked processes (family reunification) and populations (private attorneys and, by extension, their clients), both of which comprise the majority of legalization cases in the United States. Family reunification remains the primary pathway toward regularization but has received limited scholarly attention, which has gone primarily to asylum and deportation. Recent publications show the challenges that mixed-status couples experience as they seek family reunification (Enriquez Reference Enriquez2020; López Reference López2022), but they provide limited insight into the role of lawyers. Additionally, research on immigration lawyering has focused overwhelmingly on nonprofit or pro bono representation (Crooke Reference Crooke2024; Longazel Reference Longazel2018; Yu Reference Yu2023). Not only do they constitute a narrow slice of the profession, but they also represent a particular segment of the immigrant population due to their income-based eligibility criteria. By examining a diverse group of professionals supporting family immigration, this article widens the scope of research on immigration lawyering. Family reunification presents unique legal processes and constraints, which lawyers approach with case-specific strategies. Subsequent examinations of lawyering in immigration and beyond should continue to expand the scope of research to better understand the range of professional expertise and strategies.
U.S. immigration law has devolved dramatically during the second Trump administration. Since interviews for this article were conducted in 2024, my findings illustrate immigration law as practiced and observed preceding the current legal and political environment. Though legal precedent and processes have been upended since 2025, it is not yet clear how lawyering strategies for family-based petitions have changed. On the one hand, the foundations of U.S. immigration law are long-lasting and inform its bureaucratic implementation, especially when it comes to family reunification. Given alarming reports of family separation at adjudication interviews (Jordan and Drehsler Reference Jordan and Drehsler2025), however, it is possible that lawyers have intensified their involvement in immigrant family life when preparing petitions. Additional interviews with immigration lawyers will reveal how lawyering practices and norms have shifted in response to the rapidly shifting immigration landscape.
Future research should examine the role and strategies of nonstate actors in other domains (of the law and beyond) and how they shape the lives of everyday subjects. For example, immigrants must receive medical examinations before they can regularize their status, and medical actors stratify immigrant communities in this process (Aptekar Reference Aptekar2020; Lakhani and Timmermans Reference Lakhani and Timmermans2014; Ticktin Reference Ticktin2011). Nonlegal actors also act as unofficial brokers to assist immigrants navigate legal and other processes (Chang Reference Chang2021; Kim Reference Kim2019; López-Sanders Reference López-Sanders2014). How might other institutions, like banks and employers, shape the lives of those seeking to make claims for legal recognition? This study drew on interviews with lawyers to focus on their strategies when working on spousal petitions. Interviews with couples counseled by immigration lawyers or participant-observations of attorney–client meetings might provide additional insights on how legal strategies are communicated, understood, and enacted by both parties (Sarat and Felstiner Reference Sarat and Felstiner1995). They might also reveal how families of different racial, sexual, and class backgrounds have divergent experiences and outcomes in navigating immigration law. Groups stereotyped with fraudulence and treated with suspicion by the immigration state may face additional scrutiny and denial.
Acknowledgements
I thank Shannon Gleeson, Filiz Garip, Frank Edwards, Matt Hall, Vida Maralani, Valerio Baćak, and the LSR editors and reviewers, as well as participants of the 2024 Northeast Law & Society Retreat and the 2025 Mid-Atlantic Law & Society Association Conference, for their feedback on earlier versions of this paper.
Funding Statement
This research was funded by the National Science Foundation (SBE #2016661) and the National Institute of Justice.
Conflict(s) of Interest
The author declares no conflict of interest.