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Case C-646/22 Compass Banca – Consumer Rationality and Cognitive Biases: A Cautious Update of the Average Consumer Benchmark

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 December 2025

Onntje Hinrichs*
Affiliation:
Research Group on Law, Science, Technology & Society (LSTS), Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium
Paul De Hert
Affiliation:
Research Group on Law, Science, Technology & Society (LSTS), Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium Tilburg Institute for Law, Technology and Society (TILT), Tilburg University, Netherlands
*
Corresponding author: Onntje Hinrichs; Email: onntje.marten.hinrichs@vub.be
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Abstract

Case C-646/22 Compass Banca SpA v Autorità Garante della Concorrenza e del Mercato (AGCM) Judgment of the Court (Fifth Chamber) of 14 November 2024.

In Compass Banca, the CJEU was asked by the referring Italian court if the concept of the average consumer should extend beyond the traditional notion of homo economicus in light of growing awareness of bounded rationality and the risk of cognitive influence in modern market dynamics. The case was eagerly awaited amid increasingly scholarly criticism of the average consumer concept, particularly in digital contexts, where the model of a rational, informed decision-maker would often fail to account for power imbalances embedded in digital architectures. Whereas the court did not fundamentally alter the benchmark, it added a cautious clarification, acknowledging that cognitive biases may constitute one of many constraints impairing the average consumer’s decision-making capacity. However, the influence of cognitive biases alone on the decision-making capacity would be insufficient to render a commercial practice unfair unless it is ‘duly established’ that ‘in the particular circumstances of a specific situation’, the average consumer’s behaviour has been materially distorted.

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Case Notes
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I. Introduction

The legal philosopher Radbruch claimed that “[n]othing defines the character of a legal era more clearly than the conception of the individual upon which it relies.”Footnote 1 Since a legal order could not be designed and legal principles could not be geared towards an actual existing, real human being, the human characteristics assigned to the imagined legal subject become essential for the subsequent framing of legal norms. Consequently, studying the characteristics of the person which condition the shape of the legal order becomes crucial for the understanding of the latter.Footnote 2 Furthermore, the imagined legal subject has to be constantly adjusted to not “lose touch with the social reality to which it aims to relate”.Footnote 3

In European consumer law, this imagined legal subject is known as “the average consumer.”Footnote 4 Ever since the 1979 Cassis de Dijon caseFootnote 5, where the Court expressed a preference for empowering consumers through information over prohibiting commercial practices (“information paradigm”), this legal subject has been constructed in its case law and is today described as “reasonably well-informed and reasonably observant and circumspect”.Footnote 6 It is this understanding of a typical consumer that constitutes the benchmark for assessing the (un)fairness of commercial practices,Footnote 7 with subsequent case law extending this average consumer benchmark beyond the 2005 Unfair Commercial Practices Directive (UCPD) towards the broader EU consumer law framework, for instance in assessing whether traders comply with transparency obligations under unfair contract terms law.Footnote 8

At the same time, however, this conception of an “average” subject has been subject to criticism. Authors criticised how the focus shifted from protecting the weak towards protecting the “ordinary informed and attentive consumer”Footnote 9 and how it might offer insufficient protection to account for cognitive biasesFootnote 10 in consumer behaviour.Footnote 11 These concerns have intensified with the digitalisation of consumer markets, where data-driven commercial practices facilitate the identification and exploitation of individual biases, rendering the notion of the average consumer into an increasingly unrealistic prototype.Footnote 12

In Compass Banca,Footnote 13 the concept of the average consumer got directly challenged by the referring Italian court. For the first time, a national court asked if the average consumer should be updated due to the increasing awareness of bounded rationality and the risk of cognitive influence in modern market dynamics.Footnote 14

II. Facts of the Case

The case concerned a decision taken by the Italian Competition Authority (AGCM) against the Bank Compass Banca SpA. When consumers signed the contract for a loan, they were simultaneously provided with a contract for insurance policies which included coverage of risks unrelated to the loan. Whereas consumers were not obliged to conclude such insurance policies, the AGCM argued that the commercial practice through the bias of “framing” conditioned consumers to conclude an insurance policy in addition to the loan and that the widespread perception of consumers was that loan and insurance constituted a single, inseparable offer. In order to ensure compliance with the Italian code on consumer law, the AGCM required, in particular, that Compass Banca should implement a seven-day cooling-off period between the signing of the loan and the insurance policy contract. Regarding the cooling-off period as disproportionate, Compass Banca proposed an alternative set of commitments which, however, were regarded as insufficient by the AGCM. On 27 November 2019, the AGCM thus published its decision where it held that the conduct by Compass Banca constituted an aggressive and thus unfair commercial practice in violation of provisions of the Italian consumer code that implements Articles 8 and 9(a) of the 2005 UCPD and it imposed a fine of 4.7 million euros on the bank.Footnote 15 To estimate the gravity of the violations, the AGCM highlighted how consumers asking for loans typically find themselves in a situation of need requiring rapid access to financial resources.

Compass Banca subsequently challenged the AGCM’s decision. First, in front of a Regional Administrative Court which dismissed the action in 2021. Then, it appealed the Regional Administrative Court’s decision to the Italian Council of State which referred five questions to the CJEU. This case note focuses exclusively on the first questionFootnote 16: Should the concept of the “average consumer” extend beyond the traditional concept of homo economicus and incorporate insights from the theory of bounded rationality and the increasing risk of cognitive influence in modern market dynamics which has shown how people often seemingly take irrational decisions, and which consequently would impose a need for a greater consumer protection?

III. Judgment by the CJEU

The CJEU begins its reasoning by reframing the question of the referring Italian court. The Italian Council of State had equated the concept of the average consumer, used as a benchmark in particular for the (un)fairness assessment of commercial practices in European consumer law, and the “homo economicus,” the perfectly rational economic actor in neoclassical economic theory. Should this concept be revised in light of findings on bounded rationality, which show that consumers are often exposed to cognitive influences – insights that may justify a higher level of consumer protection? Advocate General Emiliou structured his entire analysis around the idea that the average consumer is not a “homo economicus” and is sufficiently flexible to be perceived, in some situations, as an individual with bounded rationality.Footnote 17 In contrast to this, the CJEU in its reasoning, made no reference to the “homo economicus” a term which, as observed by the Advocate General, has never been mentioned either by the CJEU in its case law or by the 2005 UCPD.

Taking the “homo economicus” out of the equation, the Court’s analysis focused on whether the average consumer should be defined not only as a reasonably well-informed, observant, and circumspect individual, but also as one whose decision-making capacity is constrained by cognitive biases.Footnote 18 The Court accordingly begins by situating the average consumer within the architecture of the 2005 UCPD. The concept denotes a consumer who is “reasonably well-informed and reasonably observant and circumspect, taking into account social, cultural and linguistic factors.”Footnote 19 It is this benchmark of a “notional, typical consumer” which should allow courts in general to be able to assess on the same conditions when a commercial practice is unfair.

The average consumer is distinguished from the “very credulous or naïve” consumer. A commercial practice would not be considered unfair if it only materially distorts the economic behaviour of a consumer less circumspect than the average.Footnote 20 Conversely, the Court demonstrates for the remainder of its analysis that the average consumer is neither constructed in its case law as a perfectly rational market actor. Referencing the 2013 Trento Sviluppo caseFootnote 21, it highlights on a general level that the objective of the UCPD is to achieve a high level of consumer protection.Footnote 22 This high level of protection is grounded in the acknowledgement that unfair commercial practices can harm consumers’ economic interests by materially distorting their behaviour.Footnote 23 As noted by the Advocate General, taking protective measures to prevent their behaviour from being distorted would not be necessary if consumers always acted rationally.Footnote 24 Put differently, why take measures to protect consumer autonomy in the market-place if consumers already act as perfectly rational actors?

The Court continues by exemplifying how the building blocks of the description of the average consumer would account for limitations. First, the average consumer is only “reasonably well-informed.” Consumers are presumed to be aware only of information that can reasonably be expected to be known, considering social, cultural and linguistic factors. Consequently, a commercial practice may be considered as unfair if traders omit material information.Footnote 25 This would, in particular, be the case in technical sectors with major imbalances of information and expertise and where the average consumer in the absence of clear and sufficient information would be incapable of understanding all the details of an offer.Footnote 26

Second, the average consumer is characterised as being only “reasonably observant and circumspect.” According to the Court, it is this building block which would account for the presence of cognitive biases in the behaviour of the average consumer,Footnote 27 and which thus implicitly acknowledges the limitations of the information paradigm in European consumer law. The Court exemplifies this by a few references to past case law: In Lloyd Schuhfabrik Meyer the Court acknowledged that the consumers’ level of attention is likely to vary according to the category of goods and services in question and that the risk of confusion of trademarks in the mind of the average consumer can thus differ.Footnote 28 Furthermore, even if traders fulfil all their information obligations and theoretically eliminate the information asymmetry between the parties, empowering the consumer to make an informed decision, the disproportionate emphasis on certain elements of the information could still be deemed misleading.Footnote 29

For the Court it is thus clear that cognitive biases constitute one of many constraints which may impair the decision-making capacity of the average consumer. However, the influence alone of cognitive biases on the decision-making capacity of a consumer would not be sufficient to declare a commercial practice as being unfair. Instead, it must be “duly established” that “in the particular circumstances of a specific situation” the commercial in practice in question affects the average consumer to such an extent as to materially distort his or her behaviour.Footnote 30 Taking into account the case law of the CJEU, national courts should use their own faculty of judgment to determine the reaction of the average consumers in a given case.Footnote 31

IV. Comment

In Compass Banca the Court did not challenge or propose to amend the concept of the average consumer. It left no doubt that the notion remains sufficiently flexible to account for cognitive biases, as the consumer is not perceived as a perfectly rational market actor, but a reasonably well-informed, observant and circumspect one. The novelty, however, lies in the explicit recognition that consumer behaviour may be materially distorted by cognitive biases, among other constraints, requiring national courts and enforcement authorities to take such factors into account. To a certain extent it constitutes a continuation of its previous case law such as Teekanne, where it deviated from a strict interpretation of the average consumer and opted instead for a more realistic analysis of how consumers react to and can be misled by commercial practices.Footnote 32

Furthermore, past decisions such as Lloyd Schuhfabrik Meyer or Teekanne concerned specific areas of internal market law (trademark and food law)Footnote 33. In these cases, the Court acknowledged how the risk of confusion of trademarks may vary according to the category of goods and services in question or how a list of ingredients on products might not suffice to prevent that consumers are misled by images on packaging – however, it did not refer to how consumer behaviour can be impaired in general by biases. In Compass Banca, it made this step precisely by generally acknowledging that the definition of the average consumer does not exclude the possibility of taking cognitive biases into consideration when assessing the (un)fairness of commercial practices. A very cautious adaptation of the (un)fairness benchmark in European consumer law.

This slight adaptation is also less surprising when compared to how other recent regulations that regulate the digital single market recognise the exploitation of consumer bias as a problem and thus address practices of dark patterns, i.e., manipulative techniques used to “deceive users by nudging them into decisions (…) or to unreasonably bias the decision-making of the users (…) to subvert or impair their autonomy.”Footnote 34

At the same time, however, the wording of the Court suggests that the threshold for declaring a commercial practice as unfair on the basis of cognitive biases seems rather high: it is not simply the risk of a cognitive bias occurring that would necessarily have the effect of materially distorting the behaviour of the average consumer – but national courts have to ascertain that it is duly established that in the particular circumstances of a specific situation consumer behaviour is materially distorted. Furthermore, the CJEU did not address the referring court’s remark how the risk of cognitive influence in modern markets would impose a need for greater consumer protection – a reference which the Court could have combined with a reference to Article 38 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU if it had wanted to underline the constitutional importance of consumer protection in the European legal order.

The Court did therefore not question whether the notion of the average consumer might require, for instance, a more vulnerability-attentive interpretation that regards vulnerability as a universal condition rather than an exceptional status confined to specfic group of consumers.Footnote 35 For some scholars, such a shift would be particularly important in digital markets, where choice architectures are designed to infer, amplify or even create vulnerabilities, and where the current framework of the 2005 UCPD, with its benchmark of the average consumer, remains ill-equipped to respond effectively.Footnote 36 It thus still holds true that the court is “unreceptive to a broad reading of what may mislead” and that “[s]ignificant levels of consumer confusion must be shown before the Directive’s control is activated.”Footnote 37 Nevertheless, with Compass Banca the Court has cautiously broadened the spectrum of factors that have to be considered when assessing whether a commercial practice distorts the average consumer’s behaviour.

The judgment may prove particularly relevant for practices in the digital sphere where consumer law intersects with data protection law and the more recent digital platform lawsFootnote 38 and where the exploitation of consumer biases through manipulative techniques are especially widespread.Footnote 39 However, whether a common understanding will emerge across Member States as to when it is duly established that such biases materially distort consumer behaviour remains to be seen. In the absence of clearer guidance and given the broad discretion left to national courts, diverging interpretations and resulting legal fragmentation regarding (un)fairness and the average consumer benchmark are a likely outcome.Footnote 40 Further guidance may emerge through a future Digital Fairness Act which should protect consumers against specific vulnerabilities in online environments.Footnote 41 In light of the recent de-regulatory turn in EU digital lawFootnote 42, however, it remains to be seen whether the Commission will move towards a more paternalistic understanding of the vulnerable consumer, or whether the (slightly updated) image of the average consumer is ultimately here to stay as the normative leitbild of the European consumer law framework.

Competing interests

The authors have no competing interests to declare.

References

1 Gustav Radbruch, ‘Law’s Image of the Human: A Translation of Gustav Radbruch’s 1926 Inaugural Lecture at Heidelberg University with an Introductory Foreword’ (2020) 40 Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 667, 673.

2 Ibid, 669–70.

3 Ibid, 671.

4 See Directive 2005/29 concerning unfair business-to-consumer commercial practices in the internal market.

5 CJEU Case C-120/78 Rewe-Zentral AG ECLI:EU:C:1979:42.

6 See CJEU Case C-210/96 Gut Springenheide GmbH ECLI:EU:C:1998:369 and 2005 UCPD, recital 18.

7 In the 2005 UCPD, the “average consumer” is used as a benchmark for the general unfairness clause (Article 5) as well as for the more specific provisions that prohibit misleading actions or omissions (Articles 6–7) and aggressive practices (Article 8).

8 See, e.g., CJEU Case C-26/13 Kásler, ECLI:EU:C:2014:282, para 74. Critical of this “steady creep” of the average consumer benchmark across consumer law, see Joasia Luzak, “The Steady Creep of an Average Consumer as a Reference Consumer in the Assessment of the Transparent Provision of Mandatory Information” (2020) 5 Tijdschrift Voor Consumentenrecht & Handelspraktijken 265.

9 Hans-W. Micklitz, “The Expulsion of the Concept of Protection from the Consumer Law and the Return of Social Elements in the Civil Law: A Bittersweet Polemic” (2012) 35 Journal of Consumer Policy 290.

10 Behavioural economics challenges the neo-classical view of individuals as fully rational, utility-maximising actors by identifying cognitive biases, understood as cognitive shortcuts that produce systematic patterns of judgment and choice deviating from rational optimisation. By cataloguing predictable decision-making errors that even ‘competent individuals’ routinely make, behavioural economics has entered legal debates on acceptable levels of paternalism in regulation, see e. g. Colin Camerer and others, “Regulation for Conservatives: Behavioral Economics and the Case for ‘Asymmetric Paternalism’” (2003) 151 University of Pennsylvania Law Review 1211, 1214–15.

11 Rossella Incardona and Cristina Poncibò, “The Average Consumer, the Unfair Commercial Practices Directive, and the Cognitive Revolution” (2007) 30 Journal of Consumer Policy 21; for a comprehensive overview and different perspectives see Dorota Leczykiewicz and Stephen Weatherill (eds), The Images of the Consumer in EU Law (Bloomsbury Publishing 2018).

12 See Natali Helberger and others, “Choice Architectures in the Digital Economy: Towards a New Understanding of Digital Vulnerability” (2022) 45 Journal of Consumer Policy 175.

13 CJEU Case C-646/22 Compass Banca SpA ECLI:EU:C:2024:957.

14 See, in general, Cass R Sunstein, Christine Jolls and Richard H Thaler, “A Behavioral Approach to Law and Economics” (1998) 50 Stanford Law Review 1471; See also Jon D Hanson and Douglas A Kysar, “Taking Behavioralism Seriously: The Problem of Market Manipulation” (1999) 74 New York University Law Review who subsequently argued how market manipulation would constitute an inevitable market failure and that economists had paid little attention to how consumers oftentimes constituted irrational market actors; See also Ryan Calo, “Digital Market Manipulation” (2013) 82 George Washington Law Review 995 who explored how technology would increasingly enable businesses to exploit how consumers tend to deviate from rational decision-making.

16 Questions 2–5, which this case note does not address, concerned whether framing information in a way that makes a consumer’s choice appear obligatory may itself constitute an aggressive or misleading practice under the 2005 UCPD, the compatibility of a cooling-off period with the 2005 UCPD and the 2016 Insurance Distribution Directive, and whether classifying a commercial practice as “aggressive” would lead to an unlawful reversal of the burden of proof on the trader.

17 Opinion of Advocate General Emiliou Case C-646/22 ECLI:EU:C:2024:367, para 38.

18 CJEU Case C-646/22 Compass Banca, para 43.

19 CJEU Case C-646/22 Compass Banca, paras 46–7, referencing recital 18 of the UCPD.

20 CJEU Case C-646/22 Compass Banca, paras 44, 48.

21 CJEU Case C-281/12 Trento Sviluppo srl and Centrale Adriatica.

22 CJEU Case C-646/22 Compass Banca, para 49.

23 Ibid. The court references recitals 7, 11, 13, and 14 which outline the high level of common consumer protection of the Directive (rec. 11) and how this high level of protection should address practices which influence consumers’ transactional decision (rec. 7), distort their economic behaviour (rec. 13), deceive consumers and thus prevent them from making informed choices (rec. 14).

24 Opinion of Advocate General Emiliou, para 45.

25 CJEU Case C-646/22 Compass Banca, para 52.

26 CJEU Case C-646/22 Compass Banca, para 56, referencing CJEU joined Cases C-54/17 and C-55/17 Wind Tre and Vodafone Italia.

27 CJEU Case C-646/22 Compass Banca, para 53.

28 CJEU Case C-646/22 Compass Banca, para 55, referring to CJEU case C-342/97 LLoyd Schuhfabrik Meyer.

29 CJEU Case C-646/22 Compass Banca, para 56, referencing CJEU case C-611/14 Canal Digital Danmark.

30 CJEU Case C-646/22 Compass Banca, para 52. The conclusion of the Court is thus similar to the decision in the 2013 Trento Sviluppo srl and Centrale Adriatica case, where the Court held that the presence alone of false or misleading information is not sufficient to prohibit a practice under the UCPD but it also has to be likely to cause the consumer to take a transactional decision he/she would not have taken otherwise.

31 CJEU Case C-646/22 Compass Banca, para 50

32 CJEU Case C-195/14 Teekanne Gmbh & Co. KG ECLI:EU:C:2015:361. See, e.g., Hanna Schebesta and Kai Purnhagen, “The Behaviour of the Average Consumer: A Little Less Normativity and a Little More Reality in the Court’s Case Law? Reflections on Teekanne” (2016) 41 European Law Review; Kai Purnhagen, “More Reality in the CJEU’s Interpretation of the Average Consumer Benchmark – Also More Behavioural Science in Unfair Commercial Practices?” (2017) 8 European Journal of Risk Regulation 437.

33 Purnhagen (n 32) 438.

34 See, e.g., Regulation 2023/2854 on harmonised rules on fair access to and use of data (Data Act), recital 38. Or Regulation 2022/2065 on a Single Market for Digital Services (Digital Services Act), recital 67. On the “average consumer” in the new EU digital laws, see Federico Ferretti, “The Consumer Image under EU Law: Average, Rationally Bounded and Dispositionally Vulnerable. What Are the Prospects for Protection in Digital Markets?” (2025) 62 Common Market Law Review 121.

35 In the 2005 UCPD, Art. 5(3) associates vulnerability with specific groups of consumers who are particularly exposed due to “their mental or physical infirmity, age or credulity.”

36 Helberger and others (n 12); With regard to vulnerability in data protection law, see, e.g., Gianclaudio Malgieri, Vulnerability and Data Protection Law (Oxford University Press 2023).

37 See Stephen Weatherill, EU Consumer Law and Policy (Edward Elgar 2013) 220–1 commenting on CJEU Case C-373/90 Criminal proceedings against X ECLI:EU:C:1992:17.

38 On the complicated relationship between consumer law and the new digital laws, see, e.g., M Namysłowska, “The Silent Death of EU Consumer Law and Its Resilient Revival: Reinventing Consumer Protection Against Unfair Digital Commercial Practices” [2025] Journal of Consumer Policy.

39 On the complementarity between consumer and data protection law in general see Natali Helberger, Frederik Zuiderveen Borgesius and Agustin Reyna, “The Perfect Match? A Closer Look at the Relationship between EU Consumer Law and Data Protection Law” (2017) 54 Common Market Law Review 1427.

40 See also Ferretti (n 34) 142 who criticises this discretion granted in the opinion of the Advocate General.

41 European Commission, “2030 Consumer Agenda and Action Plan for Consumers in the Single Market ‘A New Impulse for Consumer Protection, Competitiveness and Sustainable Growth’” COM(2025) 848 final; For propositions on how to modify the consumer law acquis in light of a Digital Fairness Act, see, e.g., Natali Helberger and others, “Towards Digital Fairness” (2024) 13 Journal of European Consumer and Market Law 24.

42 European Commission, “Simpler EU Digital Rules and New Digital Wallets to Save Billions for Businesses and Boost Innovation” (19 November 2025) <https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/api/files/document/print/en/ip_25_2718/IP_25_2718_EN.pdf>.