Introduction: The Battle of Narratives on Lithium Mining in Serbia
In 2021, Serbia became a focal point for protests over lithium mining, sparked by governmental policies perceived as favoring foreign mining companies. This initiated a battle of narratives, which this researcher seeks to unravel by using digital ethnography and narrative analysis. The government’s narrative, advocating the economic potential of lithium mining, stood in stark contrast to the opposition mounted by various groups including ecology activists, opposition parties, NGOs, and social movements. This opposition encompassed a spectrum of ideologies unified by their concern for Serbia’s natural ecosystems, public health, and cultural heritage. Central to this discourse is the concept of patriotism, interpreted through various ideological lenses, leading to the formation of two dominant narrative streams. The first narrative stream frames lithium mining as a national crisis, echoing right-wing ideas, whereas the second one views it as a global issue, with left-wing narratives highlighting the transnational nature of mineral extraction and its problematic relationship with technological advancement and economic growth.
This research is an investigation of how diverse political actors, from extreme right- to left-wing groups, engage in the lithium mining debate on the social media platform X (formerly known as Twitter). Hashtags emerge as critical tools in this debate, serving as content categorizers and crucial elements in narrative shaping. The researcher explores how digital tools like hashtags influence narrative construction and amplify these diverse perspectives, giving special attention to how these hashtags are adeptly used to reframe the lithium mining issue, embedding it within larger narratives and linking it to other political, economic, or cultural issues. This article is intended to provide insights into the complex dynamics of public discourse, particularly in the context of environmental activism, shedding light on the digital strategies that underlie modern social movements. The complexity of public discourse in this context arises from the engagement of diverse stakeholders, the interplay between global and local dimensions of activism, and the dual role of hashtags as both narrative constructors and digital tools, further compounded by the influence of algorithms on the construction and dissemination of these narratives. The digital dimension of the protests extends the influence of physical rallies into the online realm, demonstrating the intertwined nature of contemporary activism.
Hashtags, defined as “technosocial events” (Rambukkana Reference Rambukkana2015, 1), have both technical and social functions. They categorize content for artificial intelligence systems and imbue posts with additional layers of meaning for human users. This makes hashtags “discursive assemblages” (Rambukkana Reference Rambukkana2015, 3), serving simultaneously as data and metadata and as text and metatext. Hashtags can also be described as algorithmic signifiers because they assist algorithms in communicating, articulating ideas, and mobilizing support. This dual function of hashtags is reflected in the complexity of meanings they produce at the intersection of computer code and human language. In this article, the researcher seeks to provide an analysis of hashtags as algorithmic signifiers, considering both their technical and linguistic layers of meaning.
For social media networks, algorithms are central to the processes of production, consumption, and distribution of digital content. The concept of the algorithm is defined as a “computational procedure” (Dourish Reference Dourish2016). Within social media networks, numerical algorithms are used for data analysis and metrics, combinatorial algorithms are responsible for content recommendations, and probabilistic algorithms are associated with machine learning and are used for predicting consumer behavior. Due to their ability to influence human behavior and transform cultural, political, and economic practices in the online world, algorithms also represent a social phenomenon. As “complex sociotechnical systems” (Seaver Reference Seaver2017), they produce sociality by “prescribing norms, values and practices” (Bucher Reference Bucher2018, 4).
Algorithmic sorting is central to the online aspects of ecology activism. Hashtags as algorithmic signifiers are used as both content labels and carriers of meaning. On the level of human communication, they are woven into social media posts to articulate ideas, raise awareness, and mobilize citizens. As technical signs, hashtags inform the algorithm and help categorize specific content to promote posts in oversaturated online spaces. The technical side of hashtags is crucial for the efficiency of any form of activism on social media, as they operate according to the organizational logic (Dawson Reference Dawson2020), communicating with the algorithms responsible for post visibility.
Because social media platforms are commercialized spaces where activism is transformed into a type of profitable activity, this article considers the concepts of digital labor and digital economy. The digital economy is based on data surveillance and the modification of human behavior through predictive algorithmic models (Coeckelbergh Reference Coeckelbergh2022, 28). As platforms operate as “deterritorialised tax-havens,” they appear as “technosocial actors” (Törnberg Reference Törnberg2023, 9) independent of states but opening new avenues of governance and exercising control over platform users transnationally. Within these profit-driven platforms, citizens’ initiatives and activism are subsumed to the domain of the market and activists are forced to comply with engagement-optimized algorithms and deploy various commodification strategies.
Hashtag strategies are among the most important factors for achieving algorithmic visibility. Considering the two uses of hashtags, digital activism can be observed on two levels—that of algorithmic encoding and that of symbolic communication. Accordingly, the work of digital activists involves both traditional activism and additional activities associated solely with social media platforms. They are involved in “visibility labor” (Abidin Reference Abidin2016), which refers to understanding the algorithms and adapting to their constant changes, and “aspirational labor” (Duffy Reference Duffy2016), seeking to achieve influence on social media. These two types of labor are often unacknowledged and hidden, commonly associated with the algorithmic systems of platforms rather than traditional human labor. On social media, the work of users is intertwined with the work of algorithms, complementing traditional activism with the labor of understanding, feeling, and pleasing the algorithms (Ruckenstein Reference Ruckenstein2023). This human work alongside algorithms is an essential part of online activism (Treré Reference Treré and Meikle2018). As all activism seeks to raise awareness, spread the word, and elicit social changes, visibility is vital. In the online world, visibility depends on algorithms and therefore relies on the opaque processes of algorithmic information sorting and visibility strategies, such as using hashtags.
The digital labor of ecology activists additionally depends on the unacknowledged work of their audiences. Audiences on social media platforms engage in active consumption that falls under the domain of work rather than passive reception of content related to leisure. Instead of merely watching, reading, or listening to content, they engage with it through clicking, liking, commenting, reacting, or sharing. The importance of the labor of consumption was highlighted by Jean Baudrillard (Reference Baudrillard2005), who wrote about the production of value associated with leisure activities. Social media have intensified consumption work by introducing interactive content and participatory culture (Yamamoto Reference Yamamoto, Nah and Bae2019). Christian Fuchs (Reference Fuchs, Chandler and Fuchs2019) uses the concept of “prosumption,” which stands for the productive consumption that is associated with permanent data surveillance, targeted advertising, and “predictive algorithms” (61). On social media, the work embedded in entertainment is directly transformed into added value of predictive data. Personal data, used by platform algorithms to predict and influence users’ behavior, act as both the resource and the product in the process of prosumption. These processes of prosumption and self-commodification through data are at the core of the digital economy.
The analysis of the lithium mining narratives on social media must acknowledge the digital economy as a context within which online activism takes place. These narratives can be analyzed by observing the hashtag strategies as part of the larger algorithmic and commodification strategies. This researcher used the methods of digital ethnography and narrative analysis to illuminate these hashtag strategies. Used to label content and covey messages, hashtags can serve as clues to unlock multiple layers of meanings within social media posts as well as the hidden visibility work of activists. This research is ethnographic because it is a result of a prolonged observation of digital spaces, particularly on the X platform and other social media spaces. Over two years, I tracked the dynamic unfolding of activism, witnessing the dual commercial and social nature of digital engagements. By continuously monitoring how activists behave in these environments and how they construct narratives, I was able to analyze the strategic deployment of hashtags. I observed how these signifiers are used for content categorization and narrative construction. The selection of specific hashtag clusters was a result of this extensive observation. The selected hashtag assemblages were singled out because they illustrate the diversity of narratives on lithium mining in Serbia.
Applying ethnography to the research of social media through a combination of observation and interviews gives a partial insight into the “black box” of algorithmic systems (Bucher Reference Bucher, Kubitschko and Kaun2016, 87). The ways that hashtags are used indirectly reveal the hidden labor of activists in complying with algorithms to achieve visibility and address specific target groups. This methodology also allows for examining the broader influence of algorithmic systems on society, specifically by looking into the practices of prosumption and commodification to understand how they have altered traditional activism.
In this research, the focus was on the narratives on the X (former Twitter) platform, as they illustrate how hashtags are used to convey political messages and communicate with both local and international communities. This platform serves as a tool to mobilize the citizens of Serbia for petitions and protests and to address global actors such as multinational corporations, lithium mining companies, policy makers across the world, and activists based in other countries. Five hundred tweets in Serbian and English were analyzed over a two-year period, closely following 50 profiles. “Online activists” are considered here as members of various social movements as well as public and private individuals with varying numbers of followers on social media, engaged in at least one of three primary general areas of online activism: awareness or advocacy, organization and mobilization, and action or reaction (Vegh Reference Vegh, McCaughey and Ayers2003, 72).
Due to ethical concerns, most social media posts are anonymized. This is primarily because the online spaces of social media are conceptualized in terms of “scalable sociality” (Miller Reference Miller, Rabho, Awondo, de Vries, Duque, Garvey and Haapio-Kirk2021, 182). This concept recognizes that social networks allow for adjustments in the level of publicness of posts through privacy settings. As a result, social media posts are perceived as neither private nor as public but are flexibly positioned on a scale between the two poles. Most posts that are created by individual activists are anonymized, considering that the content on social media is not viewed as public in the same way as it is in traditional media. Exceptions are made for social media posts of public figures who are present in both traditional and social media. However, the reasoning behind anonymization of posts extends beyond protecting user privacy; it also addresses potential issues arising from mass profile deletions following the transformation of Twitter into the X platform. Many tweets that were extracted from the platform during the first year of research have later been removed from the platform along with the associated profiles, indicating that social media are in constant flux, as users frequently privatize or delete their public posts and migrate between platforms.
The analysis of content from X followed a broader digital ethnographic research of anti-lithium protests in Serbia across various social media platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, and TikTok. This broader research was necessary to understand how activists used different platforms for varying purposes and how their narratives formed, developed, and changed over time in interconnected online spaces. Additionally, the researcher also considered how ecology activists use traditional media in Serbia to gain more visibility and transmit their political messages to local audiences. This broader research has shown that the X platform demonstrates the most diverse uses of hashtags, from mobilizing local citizens to raising global awareness of the lithium mining problem. Therefore, this article is narrowly focused on a selection of posts that were retrieved from the X platform.
The diversity of anti-lithium narratives is reflected in different hashtag strategies. Narrative threads were observed to investigate how they spread and grow in unstructured, rhizomatic, and fluid ways, revolving around certain themes that are part of greater narratives. Clusters of hashtags were examined using narrative analysis methods, including content analysis and thematic analysis, to understand various lithium mining narratives. Two uses of hashtags were considered: as technical symbols for content labeling and narrative building blocks for storytelling (Omena, Rabello, and Mintz Reference Omena, Rabello and Mintz2020, 1). They were observed to understand how they help communicate digital content to online audiences by making it searchable and analyzed as an integral part of the content, serving the purpose of modifying the main text of a tweet.
This research on anti-lithium activism on the X platform reveals how different clusters of hashtags appear as “fragments” of larger political narratives (Jing and Ahn Reference Jing and Ahn2021, 1). They convey specific meanings and point toward two larger narratives. The first narrative relates to patriotic sentiments toward the preservation of Serbian nature, culture, and local communities. This patriotic narrative is decoupled from right-wing and nationalist implications, often pointing toward an interpretation of lithium extraction in the context of global problems such as climate change, environmental pollution, energy crisis, and limited natural resources. The second large narrative can be broadly defined as anti-Western, viewing lithium extraction in Serbia as a local problem caused by international actors, including mining companies and parties interested in importing lithium from Serbia. Neocolonialism is an important bridging concept because it can be interpreted within both right- and left-wing narratives. During the anti-lithium protests in Serbia in 2021, the narrative about neocolonialism was dominant in online spaces and at street protests. However, its ambiguity allowed for both right- and left-wing interpretations of the lithium mining problem. The right-wing narrative implied Western actors as colonizers, whereas the left-wing narrative viewed neocolonialism as a transnational problem, transcending the old dualisms of east and west, north and south, or center and periphery.
Here, the argument is that diverse political groups use hashtags on social media as pivotal tools for shaping narratives and influencing public discourse regarding the lithium mining protests in Serbia. These hashtags serve dual roles as both technical categorizers and narrative builders, highlighting the importance of digital strategies, particularly in the context of environmental activism, in shaping societal and political perspectives.
This article comprises three interconnected sections that collectively illustrate digital ecology activism that is directed against lithium mining in Serbia through the interplay of algorithmic social sorting and traditional strategies for social reaction. The first section is an analysis of the dual function of hashtags as algorithmic signifiers in the context of the precarious work of visibility labor of digital activists. It illustrates how hashtags are used not only for the curation of social media but also for communication among various local and global actors, as well as for the creation of narratives on lithium mining.
The second part outlines the dominant narratives on lithium mining in Serbia, highlighting the difference between various actors from the representatives of the government and opposition parties to the members of the academic community, civil society, and prominent social media personalities. Crucially, this section includes an analysis of five clusters of hashtags that represent the diversity of narratives opposing the projects of lithium mining in Serbia.
The third section summarizes the main conclusions of the analysis, emphasizing the significance of the left-wing ecology activism viewing lithium mining as a transnational rather than a national issue. It concludes with the observation that a large proportion of digital activism that is directed against lithium mining projects is portraying this issue as a global problem associated with extractivist neocolonial practices.
Ambiguous Meanings of Hashtags: Navigating the Invisible Architecture of Social Media Platforms
The Hidden Work of Ecology Activists
Hashtag activism is a subtle form of digital activism that employs hashtags on social media platforms to highlight issues, driving widespread awareness and debate (Tombleson and Wolf Reference Tombleson and Wolf2017). It uses the mechanics of social media algorithms to ensure repeated visibility, turning simple phrases into powerful symbols of social movements, such as #BlackLivesMatter and #MeToo (Crandall and Cunningham Reference Crandall and Cunningham2016). This method strategically directs public attention toward critical social and political causes, serving as both a tool for raising awareness and a means of rallying collective action online (Dadas Reference Dadas, Walls and Vie2018). Protests and social movements often act as the impetus behind the rise of specific hashtags, demonstrating the interconnectedness of online and offline activism (Haßler et al. Reference Haßler, Wurst, Jungblut and Schlosser2023). Through this dynamic interplay, hashtag activism transcends traditional boundaries of engagement, enabling a virtual space where voices can be amplified, communities can mobilize, and the discourse can shift toward actionable change.
When activists use hashtags as an algorithmic strategy, they engage in visibility labor (Abidin Reference Abidin2016), which is itself invisible. This type of work is often unacknowledged and, in a way, hidden because the algorithms are themselves concealed. An algorithm, originally a method for making calculations, has grown to become the organizing principle of the fluid architecture of Internet platforms, determining visibility and ultimately deciding how digital content is distributed. Algorithms are commonly referred to as “black boxes” (Pasquale Reference Pasquale2015) because they are complex and often opaque, even to the mathematicians who create them (O’Neil Reference O’Neil2016), and because they are treated as corporate secrets. Hashtags are used to inform the algorithms about the content’s focus or intended audience, but they position posts according to their own complex calculations. The strategic use of hashtags is just one segment of visibility work, which includes a range of activities that help activists reach their audience such as the frequency and timing of posts, selection of content elements, and promotion of posts across different social media platforms. Digital activists often deploy various tactics to provoke a better response from algorithms such as posting frequently, using sensationalist language and images, or using viral content elements. Because algorithms are calibrated to prioritize posts that are more likely to draw audience engagement through text, imagery, or tags, activists are inclined toward the commercialization of their posts to appeal to both algorithms and platform users. The totality of these strategies can be categorized as the invisible and unacknowledged visibility work within the highly competitive environment of social media.
Visibility labor is one of the main distinguishing traits of online activism associated with the attention economy. The concept of attention economy, introduced by Goldhaber (Reference Goldhaber2006), is closely linked to the work of algorithms. It is not a type of money economy but rather refers to the mechanisms of information distribution online. With user-generated content being produced in large quantities daily, platforms rely on algorithms and artificial intelligence to organize visibility. In the oversaturated space of social media, activists are forced to compete for attention just like businesses and companies that are trying to sell commercial products and services. Within this environment, activism becomes a highly commercial activity, often indistinguishable from advertising. The borderline between activism and influencer marketing is often imperceptible, which is why activists are often perceived as influencers (Scharff Reference Scharff2024, 2). However, the strategies that they deploy to adhere to the logic of the algorithms remain as obfuscated as the algorithms themselves.
From world-famous climate activists such as Greta Thunberg to social movements such as the Extinction Rebellion and Serbia’s Ekološki ustanak (Ecological Uprising), the most-followed social media profiles dedicated to ecology deploy various strategies to grab attention, including using hashtags. Activists adhere to the rules of online market demand and digital production, consumption, and prosumption based on data surveillance. Whether operating as individuals or activist groups, they engage in the precarious labor of pleasing the algorithms. They work across multiple platforms, engaging in self-promotion or commodification of private data and adjusting their ideas to attract viewers’ engagement on social media. Ecological activism is largely reduced to “commodified cyberactivism,” involving exploitative practices such as unpaid labor (Daros Reference Daros2022). This unpaid labor includes both the aspirational labor (Duffy Reference Duffy2016) of activists striving to become influential on social media and effect social change and the play labor (Fuchs Reference Fuchs2014) of audiences who are encouraged to engage with content rather than simply consume it.
Social media algorithms affect ecology-activist narratives both online and offline. Although digital activists primarily use hashtags to inform the algorithms, they also use them as narrative building blocks. As a result, hashtags occasionally double as protest slogans, moving “from Tweets to the streets” (Gerbaudo Reference Gerbaudo2012). Although they are digital objects and algorithmic signifiers, hashtags have become a part of everyday online life and have social dimensions (Omena, Rabello, and Mintz Reference Omena, Rabello and Mintz2020, 2). Therefore, online and offline activism strategies should be viewed as interconnected and intertwined. Some types of ecological activism emerge from digital platforms with the goal of populating streets and ultimately influencing the real world. However, online activism adapts to capital-driven practices on social media and adheres to algorithmic organizational principles. Because of their twofold functionality as technical signifiers and narrative components, hashtags as tools of resistance are both empowering and disempowering to activists. Hashtags allow the dissemination of activist narratives in the sphere of social media but simultaneously lead to the exploitation of activists as digital workers. To ensure that their posts will be visible on platforms, ecology activists engage with hashtag strategies, aligning with the commercial logic behind social media algorithms. The algorithmic organization of visibility relies on data surveillance and rigorously adheres to the logic of the market, primarily serving the financial interests of privately owned social media platforms (Törnberg Reference Törnberg2023, 7).
Ecological activists are forced to compete in the digital market. They tend to hyperproduce online content and concurrently use multiple platforms to advertise themselves and their own ideas. They are forced to modify their messages to adhere to platform algorithms. Because algorithmic settings are not transparent, their activism typically involves research on algorithms. Understanding the preferences and criteria for sorting the online content that is embedded into platform algorithms is, in a way, hidden, unpaid labor of any entrepreneur who operates on social media, be it a fashion influencer, a private business, or an activist. Therefore, the work of ecology activists is precarious because they are exploited by platforms that are supported by algorithms. The basic sorting principle of these algorithms is engagement-based raking. This means that algorithms are set to prioritize and give more visibility to content that receives more views, likes, and shares. Making activist content online likeable and shareable is a marketing strategy that is imposed by the platforms themselves. Adhering to this algorithmic logic of organizing social media has become an important strategy in practicing online activism. Traditional activism is typically supplemented by online activism or even completely replaced by it.
Social media narratives of activists are ambiguous, protean, and challenging to analyze due to the multilayered meanings of hashtags. Combining linguistic and nonlinguistic elements, hashtags are similar to toy-like building blocks, operating as “discursive assemblages” (Rambukkana Reference Rambukkana2015, 3). They can be combined in various ways to form different storylines and attach different tags to the content. The first layer of meaning is difficult to grasp because hashtag strategies are subjective and allow activists to incorporate hidden meanings (La Rocca and Artieri Reference La Rocca and Artieri2023). The second layer of meaning is related to the opaque work of platform algorithms, as hashtags are also purely technical tools for content sorting. The parameters of these algorithms are not transparent, and it is not clear how their calculations are translated into decision making. Although the hashtags are used to suggest to the algorithms how to categorize and disseminate a specific post, the algorithms independently decide what to do with the post and to whom it will be visible. This decision-making process is reduced to the computation of the algorithms that monitor and analyze various types of data to rank content according to its own predictions of how much engagement it can produce. The second layer of meaning of hashtags is largely unreadable because it is hidden in the invisible calculations of the algorithms. In this sense, the algorithms are involved in the production of narratives and possibly even constitute a “type of rationality that is no longer our own” (Johnson Reference Johnson, Kennerly, Frederick and Abel2021, 33) or “have become the fundamental arbiters of human experience” (34). This alternative rationality refers to the independence of the algorithms. Their autonomous work points toward the rise of machine agency (Sundar Reference Sundar2020), as social media content emerges from collaborative authorship involving both activists and algorithms.
Communication technologies enable a distanced social life and shift the traditional public sphere to the online realm of privately operated platforms. The classic grassroots movements typically created in physical spaces (Maiba Reference Maiba2005) are increasingly being replaced by digital activism, which is confined to heavily surveilled online spaces that succumb to the logic of capital and profit-driven algorithmic culture. As a result, there has been a proliferation of “algorithmic activism” as well as “algorithmic populism” (Maly Reference Maly2019; Treré Reference Treré and Meikle2018). Social media algorithms use behavioral data to determine how content is distributed to users. The activists’ work is challenged by surveillance practices and market logic. The engagement-based ranking of algorithms guides activism toward profit-driven strategies that require precarious labor (Coyle Reference Coyle2017) within visibility politics (Bucher Reference Bucher2018; Cotter Reference Cotter2019; O’Neil Reference O’Neil2016; Petre, Duffy, and Hund Reference Petre, Duffy and Hund2019).
In Serbia, ecology activists engage in the hidden work of adhering to social media algorithms to propagate their cause, mobilize Serbian citizens for protests, and disseminate their messages to international stakeholders including mining companies, political figures, and ecology movements worldwide. Their invisible work on algorithmic visibility is pivotal for garnering attention to activism. Given the pervasive online public presence, digital activism fuels street protests and serves as a catalyst for mobilizing real-world actions, which in turn further amplifies their cause on social media platforms.
Visibility Strategies on Social Media in the Context of Lithium Mining Protests in Serbia
The primary role of hashtags as algorithmic signifiers is to make the content accessible. The use of any specific hashtag allows users to navigate through overpopulated and protean platforms. This enables the functionality of searching for types of content to gather information and connect various activist groups or individual activists. In the context of lithium mining protests in Serbia, ecology activists primarily used Facebook groups to communicate with local audiences and mobilize them for protests. In parallel, they used the former Twitter platform to spread their activist messages beyond tight-knit Facebook communities and to reach out to the international audience. Serbian activists used English hashtags to draw the attention of the international community. Table 1 lists the 15 most prominent hashtags in English used for lithium mining in Serbia. They were used in tweets that were written entirely in English and in conjunction with tweets in Serbian. Additionally, these hashtags appeared on bilingual slogans used in protests across Serbia and in the capital cities with large Serbian minorities. Most notably, the hashtags #RioTintoGoHome and #SerbiaIsNotForSale frequently appeared on both social media and street protests.
Lithium mining related hashtags in English
Some of the hashtags that are written in English, such as #EyesOnSerbia, function purely as online signifiers to address the broader international public and draw their attention to Serbia and, consequently, its problems surrounding lithium mining. As a result, campaigning against lithium extraction in Serbia goes beyond national borders, as tweets in the English language seek to attract the attention of political and civil society actors worldwide. This activist strategy supports the claim that environmental issues in the 21st century rarely remain contained within national borders, as activists actively work on creating transnational alliances (Pešić and Vukelić Reference Pešić and Vukelić2022, 6). Using global hashtags, such as #ExtinctionRebelion, Serbian activists seek to collaborate with international peers. The Extinction Rebellion movement has a large following, and posts containing a hashtag with their name have the potential to reach greater visibility. The X (formerly known as Twitter) page “Extinction Rebellion Serbia” is associated with a fraction of this global movement that has its own hashtag, #ExtinctionRebellionSerbia. This page was established in 2021 in response to the Serbian government’s introduction of expropriation laws to support lithium mining plans. This transnational collaboration is largely an algorithmic phenomenon because online communication using hashtags is guided and navigated by social media algorithms.
As sites that address lithium mining continue to emerge in both developed and undeveloped countries, English hashtags tend to unite activists worldwide. Whereas Facebook groups that gather activists and their followers located in Serbia mainly remain closed, the X platform functions as an open public space where it is easier to communicate with the global audience and create alliances with activists from other countries. Tweets containing hashtags in English tend to convey different political messages. Rather than insisting on patriotic sentiments and sometimes anti-Western narratives, activists who use them typically perceive the environmental risks of lithium mining as a global problem. Even when political messages are rooted in patriotism, they require solidarity with international communities.
Such patriotic narratives interpret lithium mining in Serbia as a local and national issue but also imply that the problem is truly global. Some activists stress that pollution caused by lithium mining transcends borders and affects the surrounding regions, whereas others underscore the adverse effects of alternative energy sources such as lithium-powered batteries. Using two languages to tweet about these issues helps communicate activist ideas not just to the audiences in Serbia but also to those in the rest of the world. Hashtags in English often directly address international mining companies as well as politicians and ecology activists from other countries who could help Serbian activists battle lithium mining. On social media, hashtags in English target different actors such as celebrities, ecological influencers, international nongovernmental organizations, and decision makers. They organize “tweetstorms” to target relevant actors. Their main targets are lithium mining companies that already have bases in Serbia, such as Rio Tinto and Euro Lithium; however, they also regularly address the president and prime minister of Serbia and politicians from the European Commission.
Online activities such as tweetstorms, digital petitions, and social media campaigns blend with street protests. In these multifaceted efforts, the use of English language becomes crucial in disseminating information on social media to captivate international audiences. The physical and digital spaces of activism overlap: hashtags that are used on social media platforms also serve as protest slogans and are later featured in media coverage of the protests. These hashtag slogans, written in both Serbian and English, are used at gatherings within Serbia and in other countries with significant Serbian communities. A notable example is the bilingual hashtag #MarsSaDrine, translated as #MarchAwayFromtheDrina, frequently employed in these campaigns. Initiated by Bojana Novakovic (Reference Novakovic2022), an Australian actress of Serbian origin, this phrase effectively functions as a hashtag, a protest banner, and a patriotic message addressed to the Serbian government. Inspired by the Serbian patriotic World War I song “Mars na Drinu” (March on the Drina), this phrase symbolizes the resistance against lithium mines in Serbia as a pivotal historic event, crucial for safeguarding Serbian nature, culture, and heritage. In this context, ecological concerns merge with patriotic narratives, emphasizing the protection of Serbian identity linked to agriculture, pristine nature, and rural crafts, especially from regions like the Jadar Valley, targeted by mining companies like Rio Tinto.
Bojana Novaković’s portrayal of this situation addresses the international community, particularly targeting lithium mining companies: “We are hospitable people, and you can drink our rakija, have a coffee, have some kajmak and burek, but we are not giving you that lithium, so take your extraction somewhere else” (Nova.rs 2022, 0:17). This representation of Serbian culture is part of her broader effort to engage international and regional activists. “There are activists in Europe who are supporting us and we collaborate with them; since this has become a global problem, we are finding friends all over the world”, she notes (Nova.rs 2022, 9:56). On her personal X account, Bojana frequently addresses a global audience in English, inviting journalists and activists worldwide to critically assess the concept of “green” transition in light of devastating mining activities (Novakovic Reference Novakovic2022). Activists who use English-language hashtags to engage the international community on the X platform align with left-wing ecology activism. They emphasize that the green transition entails sacrificing natural resources globally, suggesting that contemporary colonial practices are expanding beyond traditional extraction sites in the Global South. This perspective reveals the transnational dimension of the problem of Serbia’s lithium mining issue.
Bilingual hashtags on the X platform enable activists to directly address political figures and international companies like Rio Tinto. They can also form connections with global activist networks such as Extinction Rebellion. These social functionalities allow ecology activists to create transnational alliances and access influential centers of power. This analysis shows that bilingual hashtags facilitate the communication of activist messages to a broader audience, providing a transnational aspect to anti-lithium initiatives. The activism is precarious due to the economic infrastructure of social networks, based on data commodification and surveillance, and the need to engage in the unpaid labor of prosumption and collaboration with algorithms. However, social media render the local problem of mining in Serbia as a larger issue with regional and global implications. Narratives focusing on patriotic themes of preserving Serbian land, agriculture, and healthy environment emphasize the global dimension of lithium extraction. Ecological activism in Serbia mobilizes supporters across the political spectrum, engaging in narrative battles on both national and international levels.
Dominant Narratives on Lithium Mining
The dominant narratives on lithium mining in Serbia fall into two main streams: those emphasizing economic potential and those putting forward the environmental costs of extractive industries. The former perspective is robustly supported by the Serbian government, along with representatives from mining companies and various public figures from sectors such as education, politics, and business. Serbian officials emphasize the benefits of lithium mining for conducting the “energy transition” (Ministarstvo rudarstva i energetike 2023) and developing the “green economy” (Radio Televizija Vojvodine 2023). Broadly speaking, president Vučić views mining as a significant opportunity for Serbia’s further development, regarding it as a burgeoning industrial sector that promises financial stability and energy security for the country (Tanjug 2021).
The opposition parties, along with activists, members of the scientific community, and other concerned individuals, highlight the sacrifices that Serbia must endure in pursuing its mining plans. They argue that extractive industries often operate in less-developed countries, where labor forces are subjected to lower wages, significantly affecting the overall quality of life in these areas. The increasing presence of “dirty” industries and high pollution levels in Serbia have spurred ecology activism as a response to the ultimatum of living in an unhealthy environment for the sake of economic prosperity. These diverse narratives, infused with an “antigovernment sentiment” (Prelec Reference Prelec2021, 3) demonstrate that issues such as air, water, and soil pollution or health hazards related to mining, hydropower plants, and other industries can rapidly mobilize citizens to protest the regime (Vasiljević Reference Vasiljević2020) regardless of their political affiliations. Ecological activism is diverse, as narratives come from different sides of the political spectrum.
Diverse political parties in Serbia have aligned in their stance on the lithium mining agenda despite holding opposing views on most other issues. Among the parties that are firmly criticizing the government’s mining plans are the left-wing parties such as the Zeleno-levi Front (Green-left Front), center-right party Narodna Stranka (National Party), and extreme-right party Zavetnici (Oathkeepers). Although all parties concur that lithium mining, especially without proper environmental protection standards, is more detrimental than beneficial to Serbia, their approaches to mining and environmental protection differ. The green-left parties and ecological movements, forming the coalition Moramo (We Must) in 2022, have contextualized the lithium mining issue within a broader environmental protection framework, encompassing problems such as air, water, and soil pollution or appropriation of land for extractive industries. Leaders like Aleksandar Jovanović Ćuta of Ecological Uprising view the battle for the environment as a perpetual uprising that is directed against actors who are responsible for the devastation of nature, not just the government. Simultaneously, Dobrica Veselinović, the leader of the movement Ne davimo Beograd (Do not let Belgrade drown), emphasizes the importance of regional cooperation and alliances with other green-left parties and coalitions from the neighboring countries (N1 2021). On the political right, figures such as Milica Đurđević Stamenkovski of Zavetnici (Oathkeepers) highlight the role of Western political and business entities in exploiting of Serbian natural resources, criticizing the government for aligning with these international actors (RTS 2021). These examples illustrate a consensus among diverse parties on the issue of mining and environmental protection despite their differing stances on matters such as Kosovo, EU integration, and other significant political issues. Moreover, they underscore the diverse forms of ecology activism that are present in Serbia.
It can be argued that environmental movements in Serbia contribute to the consolidation of democracy by revealing “the material consequences of corruption, the centralization of power, and the lack of feedback and participation that beset authoritarian and non-democratic forms of government” (Kendrick Reference Kendrick2023, 90). Many ecology activists in Serbia have exposed the lack of democratic procedures in decisions about lithium mining. Their criticisms focus primarily on the Law on Expropriation, drafted to facilitate land appropriation by mining companies, and on the absence of proper assessment of environmental risks associated with lithium mining. Advocating against this legislation and for the immediate cessation of the mining projects in Jadar Valley, their efforts led to the Serbian government withdrawing the Law on Expropriation from the parliamentary procedure in December 2021Footnote 1 and the company Rio Tinto putting the lithium mine plan in Jadar Valley on hold (The Guardian 2021). In this way, anti-lithium protests in Serbia “demonstrated that environmental activism has led to changes in governmental positions through information, participation, and enforcement” (Vukadinović Reference Vukadinović2023, 6). However, these protests do not necessarily have coherent ideological foundations. The lithium mining issue in Serbia has been interpreted in various ways to support very different political agendas, from keeping Serbia outside the EU to accelerating integration and strengthening regional cooperation.
In the digital realm, hashtags function as critical narrative building blocks within the discourse surrounding lithium mining. By modifying and amplifying meanings, they reshape narratives to align with either left- or right-wing ideological perspectives. The strategic use of ostensibly unrelated hashtags helps associate the lithium mining issue with various broader narratives. A seemingly neutral post about lithium mining instantly becomes politically charged when accessorized with hashtags that suggest opinions on crucial political issues. Given the varied contexts and political leanings of activists, the subject of lithium mining in Serbia can be related to a diverse array of political, cultural, and ecological issues. Consequently, hashtags not only model the discourse on lithium mining but also merge it with wider sociopolitical dimensions, swaying public perception and guiding ideological alignment.
Online ecological activism in lithium mining in Serbia typically expresses patriotic sentiments. However, clusters of hashtags further articulate these sentiments by focusing on a specific theme. The selected hashtag clusters in Figures 1–5 represent the diversity of narratives that are directed at lithium mining in Serbia and illustrate how patriotic narratives can emerge from opposite sides of the political spectrum. The movement to protect Serbian land against lithium mining companies has grown to become a mission to preserve human lives, natural resources, cultural heritage, and national identity. Whereas political actors in Serbia advocate lithium extraction and emphasize the financial benefits of collaborations with companies such as Rio Tinto, ecology activists focus on the negative aspects of mining. Anti-lithium protestors, emerging from different sides of the political spectrum, mobilize both left- and right-wing political parties, movements, and individuals. The Serbian population is polarized over many political questions, including EU and NATO integrations, the status of Kosovo, and relations with Russia and China, but ecological issues such as lithium mining appear to be uniting factors. General hashtags such as #lithium or #RioTinto often appear as fragments of larger political narratives and lead to polarizing discussions.
Cluster of hashtags linking lithium mining with patriotism and opposition to Rio Tinto.
Hashtag cluster expressing resistance to lithium mining in Jadar and emphasizing Serbian sovereignty against foreign exploitation.
Hashtag cluster linking lithium mining to ecocide and neocolonialism, with a focus on opposing Rio Tinto’s involvement.
Hashtag cluster connecting opposition to Rio Tinto with broader nationalist sentiments, including the defense of Serbian sovereignty and Kosovo.
Hashtag cluster associating opposition to Rio Tinto with anti-Western sentiments and the memory of the NATO bombing.
The research on ecology activism on the X platform reveals how the dual functions of hashtags articulate the issue of lithium mining in Serbia as either a national problem or a broader transnational issue. As algorithmic signifiers, these hashtags are employed to attract audiences and make posts discoverable. Hashtags in the English language are used to address international audiences and raise awareness of the lithium mining problem in Serbia on a global level, whereas those in Serbian are used to mobilize citizens within Serbia and in the diaspora. Five selected clusters of hashtags, chosen from a sample of 500 tweets, represent different articulations of the lithium mining issue in Serbia, ranging from left- to right-wing narratives. Each cluster comprises three hashtags that consistently appeared together across various posts, often as part of larger hashtag clusters. On a linguistic level, these five clusters of hashtags demonstrate diverse ways of expressing the idea of protecting Serbia against lithium mining. Hashtags can be specific and vague, bearing the risk of oversimplification by backgrounding important contextual information (Dadas Reference Dadas, Walls and Vie2018). Selected clusters of hashtags represent combinations of both specific and vague hashtags, thereby maximizing the visibility of posts.
The examples from Figures 1 and 2 illustrate how online activism against lithium mining in Serbia is rooted in the ideas of patriotism and preservation of the country’s nature and cultural heritage. However, Figure 2 shows a cluster of hashtags that imply the existence of an external enemy or “other” outside of Serbia. Notably, the hashtag #SerbiaIsNotForSale conveys a message that political and economic forces are alienating Serbia from its people. However, this message does not immediately imply right-wing narratives and anti-Western sentiments related to nationalism or xenophobia. Similarly, the third cluster of hashtags under Figure 3 links the concept of “ecocide” as a crime against the environment to “neocolonialism,” suggesting that Serbia is viewed as a new colony. Nonetheless, the hashtag cluster shown in Figure 3 does not directly point toward right-wing narratives and can be seen as a part of a larger narrative on the global phenomenon of neocolonialism and the unintended consequences of economic growth and technological development that have led to the devastation of nature, not only in Serbia but also globally. This narrative thread demonstrates that patriotism can be rooted in left-wing ideology, especially when activists recognize the transnational and global dimension of lithium mining.
The analysis of tweets on the X platform indicates that hashtags in the English language are predominantly used to amplify left-wing narratives about lithium mining in Serbia. These hashtags seek to capture the attention of international audiences and highlight the transnational and global implications of lithium mining. In this context, patriotism is portrayed as transnational and global, with activists emphasizing parallels between protests in different parts of the world. Because the environment and cultural heritage are endangered by lithium mining projects in both developed Western countries and regions such as the United States or the EU, it becomes clear that anti-lithium activism in Serbia is not always linked to nationalist and anti-Western narratives. Figure 4 illustrates how lithium mining can be linked with other political issues, such as the status of Kosovo. In this scenario, activism against lithium mining implies patriotic protection of the land, not just in the Jadar Valley, where Rio Tinto plans to open a mine, but also in Kosovo, which is still considered an integral part of Serbia despite its declaration of independence. The connection between the hashtags “#NeDamoSrbiju” (we don’t give away Serbia) and “#KosovoJeSrbia” (Kosovo is Serbia) could suggest that the activism seeks to protect Serbia against perceived external threats. Although this cluster does not directly convey anti-Western sentiments, the fifth cluster juxtaposes the NATO bombing of Serbia in the 1999 with future lithium mining plans. In this example, patriotism is linked to anti-Western sentiments, viewing Western political and economic actors as colonizers, including both military organizations such as NATO and mining businesses such as Rio Tinto. Slogans of street protests often coincide with hashtags or keywords on social media platforms. The most-used protest slogans include “#SrbijaNijeNaProdaju” (Serbia is not for sale), “RioTintoMaršSaDrine” (Rio Tinto get off the Drina), “#NeDamoJadar” (We won’t give away Jadar), and “#NeDamoDaSrbijaBudeKolonija” (We won’t allow Serbia to become a colony). These slogans are crucial for understanding how patriotic narratives can segment into anti-Western and potentially xenophobic interpretations as well as perceptions of lithium mining as a transnational or global problem. When ecology is central to political debate, it transcends polarizing issues. Whereas right-wing supporters might see the West as a colonizing force, those from the left side of the spectrum might interpret the concept of the colony in a broader context, aligned with the idea of “global green criminology” and the transnational nature of environmental crimes (South Reference South, Spapens, White and Huisman2016, 9). Conversations about global green criminology are tied to issues of sustainability, limited natural resources, climate change, poverty, hunger, and other challenges that transcend national borders. The concept allows for interpretations of various ecological issues as types of transnational crimes due to their global effects (South Reference South, Spapens, White and Huisman2016, 10). From this perspective, the problem of lithium mining in Serbia is part of a larger trend of devastating lands to extract resources for various types of technologies.
Hashtags such as #ecocide are used to draw attention to broader issues of extraction and extinction related to mining. They emphasize that lithium mining is akin to ecocide and genocide, as local citizens will be evicted from their land and forced to leave their homes and jobs once their neighborhoods are transformed into mining sites. However, when activists talk about the extinction of lifestyles that are closely tied to agriculture, they are not necessarily implying that the lithium mining problem is confined to Serbia’s borders or solely about the preservation of Serbian nature and cultural heritage. Because the Jadar Valley is situated near the border between Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the concerns of ecology activists extend beyond Serbian borders. Some research indicates that the same lithium deposit extends to Srebrenica in Bosnia and Herzegovina, making lithium mining in Serbia a potential regional issue that goes back to the traumas of the wars in the nineties (Djukanovic Reference Djukanovic2022).
Many Serbian ecology activists juxtapose “us” and “them.” A quintessential example is the protest banner “vama litijum, nama otrov” (lithium for you, poison for us), which implicitly and explicitly criticizes contemporary “colonial” practices, suggesting that Serbia is a modern colony where developed EU countries can cheaply extract lithium and pollute the land to supply minerals for battery-powered cars and other technologies. In their own way, they argue that the so-called green transition and the trajectory toward independence from Chinese resources are occurring at the expense of developing countries. By accusing international mining companies of endangering health and cultural heritage, Serbian ecology activists frame lithium mining as a criminal activity, even though it is not explicitly defined as such by law. They often reference natural science research that demonstrates the potentially devastating consequences of lithium mining to the environment and human health. Although government representatives associate lithium extraction with economic growth and Serbia’s prosperity, ecology activists see it as a type of ecocide and a source of soil, water, and air pollution, potentially leading to a cancer epidemic. One protest slogan, “ecology or oncology,” suggests that lithium mining should be considered a life-threatening activity rather than a business opportunity.
Activists’ narratives on lithium mining are often backed by scientific sources or cocreated with the members of the academic community in Serbia. The urgency surrounding the lithium mining issue has motivated many scholars to actively engage in activism and political movements, alongside public figures from the sphere of culture. Their activism is visible both online and offline, as they participate in protests, assist in creating political programs, and disseminate messages on social media. One notable example is the Agelast podcast, which gathered experts from various fields and public figures to discuss the environmental and social dangers of lithium mining, seeking to bring academic knowledge to a wider audience in the form of citizen science (Agelast 2021, 2022). In response to the ecological protests and the proposed law on expropriation for mining projects, the University of Belgrade established the Committee for Environmental Protection in November 2021 (University of Belgrade 2022). This initiative was a response to the announcement of the draft law on expropriation, which would have facilitated lithium mining companies’ appropriation of land for establishing mines.
The main arguments against lithium mining, drawn from the body of international research, show that the extraction of rare minerals poses a major threat, casting doubt on the sustainability of the green energy transition (Canelas and Carvalho Reference Canelas and Carvalho2023). Major concerns include the depletion of natural aquifers that are vital for local water supply and the extinction of plant and animal life due to unintended leaks and spills (Kaunda Reference Kaunda2020, 238–239). It has been recognized that the production, use, and disposal of products containing lithium are globally concerning due to potential environmental contamination (Bolan et al. Reference Bolan, Hoang, Tanveer, Wang, Bolan, Sooriyakumar and Robinson2021). Serbian scholars have also published studies on the risk assessments of mining projects in the Jadar Valley, claiming that the “opening of mines, formation of landfills, exploitation of groundwater, treatment of ore with sulfuric acid, construction of access roads, and permanent change of land use will irreversibly change and degrade the existing landscape and endanger biodiversity” (Ristić et al. Reference Ristić, Malušević, Nešković, Novaković, Polovina and Milčanović2021). They further highlighted potential risks to the aquatic ecosystem from wastewater that is processed and released into the Jadar River (Simonović, Dekić, and Nikolić Reference Simonović, Dekić and Nikolić2022). Additionally, scholars from Macedonia emphasize the potential for pollution throughout Western Serbia and across the border due to Rio Tinto’s lithium mine in Serbia (Trpeski, Šmelcerović, and Jarevski Reference Trpeski, Šmelcerović and Jarevski2021).
Most notably, the research conducted by Đorđević et al. (Reference Đorđević, Tadić, Grgur, Ristić, Sakan, Brezjanović, Stevanović and Šolaja2024) in Western Serbia highlights the significant environmental risks associated with the exploratory drilling activities for a potential lithium mine in the Jadar Valley. The study reveals that these preliminary activities have already caused substantial environmental damage, including the contamination of soil and water with harmful elements such as boron, arsenic, and lithium. The findings suggest that the environmental impact of the mine, if it becomes operational, could be far more devastating, threatening the local ecosystem, water resources, agriculture, and the livelihoods of surrounding communities. This research underscores the potential for widespread ecological destruction and long-term socioenvironmental consequences should the mine proceed, challenging the narrative of sustainable mining practices in populated and fertile agricultural regions.
The link between activism and science is not a new phenomenon, and it is certainly not unique to Serbia or the Balkans. This trend is especially evident in climate-change initiatives. Prominent climate activists like Greta Thunberg and activist groups such as Fridays for Future or Extinction Rebellion not only underscore the importance of scientific knowledge but also use scientific publications to substantiate their claims and ground their campaigns (Rohden Reference Rohden2021). As a result, citizens and ecological movements often collaborate with members of the scientific community to advocate for environmentally friendly solutions.
The battle of narratives over lithium mining in Serbia has extended into the online public realm of social media, demonstrating the diversity and openness to interpretation of references to patriotism. Narratives linking lithium mining to colonial practices are ambiguous. They can suggest anti-Western sentiments by labeling Western political and economic actors as colonizers, or they can reflect a left-wing perspective that views the extraction of rare minerals as a problem extending beyond Serbian borders. Left-wing activism tends to perceive lithium mining as a large-scale issue that transcends national boundaries. Activists employing patriotic narratives, detached from nationalist and anti-Western sentiments, strive to mobilize both local and international audiences. They address a wider international community in search of partners and collaborators from other parts of the world. Thus, activists create protest slogans and hashtags in both Serbian and English. Nevertheless, this strategic decontextualization of the problem does not necessarily equate to a rejection of nationalism. In many instances, elevating the issue to a global level is intended to establish partnerships with like-minded groups or individuals who defend the nationalist interests of other ethnic communities across Europe and the world.
This research has shown that hashtags serve as pivotal narrative building blocks, reshaping discussions around lithium mining to align with distinct ideological orientations, be they left- or right-wing perspectives. Their efficacy lies in integrating the lithium mining issue into broader political narratives, thereby influencing public perception and shaping the ideological discourse. Most importantly, the analysis of the clusters of hashtags shows how ecological issues surrounding lithium mining are escaping polarization and breaking boundaries between opposing groups such as left- and right-wing activists. The examples show how interconnected hashtags manage to shift the narratives from the right to the left side of the political spectrum, indicating that lithium mining is a global rather than a local problem.
Conclusion: Lithium Mining as a Transnational Issue
Ecology activism surrounding lithium mining in Serbia manifests in diverse narratives, each shaped by the distinct political stances of the activists involved. Recent emergence of left-wing ecology activism is a development that is spurred by the increasing global attention to environmental problems. This branch of activism, primarily through online platforms such as the former Twitter, has been instrumental in developing strategies that not only highlight the transnational nature of environmental risks associated with lithium mining but also foster transnational cooperation and global awareness. Research indicates a tendency for left-wing movements to leverage hashtag activism more prominently, whereas right-wing groups may prefer influencing through traditional media channels (Freelon, Marwick, and Kreiss Reference Freelon, Marwick and Kreiss2020). Nonetheless, this study reveals that strategic hashtag use by right-wing factions still conveys their narratives, suggesting that hashtags play a role in right-wing activism, albeit not as their primary strategy. This subtle approach underscores the adaptability of digital platforms in serving diverse political objectives, highlighting the complexity of online activism across the ideological spectrum. Crucially, the research on the digital anti-lithium activism in Serbia shows how environmental issues overshadow other problems and level the playing filed by escaping polarization.
Left-wing ecology activists highlight that pollution transcends national boundaries and should not be considered a solely domestic issue. Their patriotic narratives offer a broader critique of an economic system founded on ideas of growth, progress, and technological advancement. When the term “colonialism” is employed beyond expressing nationalist sentiments and scrutinizing the West as an adversary and colonizing force, it addresses a more complex phenomenon of neocolonialism. Understanding postsocialist environmental struggles in the context of neocolonialism involves positioning neocolonialism within the Global East or semiperipheries. From this vantage point, environmental activism at the semiperiphery or periphery of the capitalist world system is seen through the optics of environmental justice (Pešić and Vukelić Reference Pešić and Vukelić2022).
Serbian ecology activists argue that the green transition imposes burdens on the less-developed Balkan countries, which bear significant environmental costs. They suggest that the so-called green transition entails the establishment of the new “sacrificed zones” for natural resource extraction (Zografos and Robbins Reference Zografos and Robbins2020; Brock, Sovacool, and Hook Reference Brock, Sovacool and Hook2021; Kerr Reference Kerr2022). In this context, Jadar valley is feared to become a “sacrificed zone of the green economy,” bearing the “environmental burden” of transport electrification associated with the “green colonialism,” as Serbia would unlikely see the benefits in terms of the decarbonization of transport, given that lithium and its products are expected to be exported (Pešić and Vukelić Reference Pešić and Vukelić2022).
Lithium mining has evolved into a global problem, with dominant narratives on the green economy often obscuring the true environmental costs of mining and producing electric vehicles. These costs include the establishment of sacrificed zones across the Global North and Global South as well as the East and West (Vidović Reference Vidović2022). This is indicative of a deeper global asymmetry, where the economic growth and sustainability efforts of the Global North are often pursued at the expense of the Global South. This dynamic represents a form of exploitation, wherein the pursuit of green transition along with technological progress in more-developed regions lead to environmental degradation and resource depletion in less-developed areas. Essentially, the Global North’s path to sustainability and economic growth relies heavily on extracting resources from the Global South, without equitable compensation or benefits flowing back to these exploited regions. This paradigm is encapsulated in what is known as the “hegemonic view of sustainability” (Djukanovic Reference Djukanovic2022), where the focus is predominantly on mining and extractivism. Under this view, sustainability is narrowly defined through the lens of the Global North’s interests, overshadowing the detrimental effects on the Global South. This approach not only exacerbates existing inequalities but also undermines global efforts to tackle overarching challenges like climate change and poverty, as it neglects the interconnectedness and mutual dependencies of the global ecosystem.
Extractivism plays a pivotal role as an economic strategy, whether the resources are tangible or intangible, encompassing natural elements like lithium and borate, or personal data extrapolated from individual technology users. The invasive nature of these extraction processes, often entailing various forms of violence, renders this strategy contentious. Couldry and Mejias (Reference Couldry and Mejias2023, 9) discuss the nonphysical violence associated with data extraction, introducing the concept of “data colonialism.” They highlight that the practices of “data appropriation and processing” represent a continuation of traditional colonialism, targeting both immaterial and material resources located not only in the usual sites of colonial extraction but also beyond (10). However, these modern practices of colonialization are not confined to territorial boundaries; they transcend the North–South or East–West divides, manifesting globally. These practices align with what Nikolić (Reference Nikolić2022) describes as the “logic of colonialization” and a “system of large-scale nature resource extraction” (para. 3). The economic thinking focusing on extraction mirrors a colonial framework, where resource-rich but economically less-developed regions in the Global South face exploitation by more developed countries in the Global North. Despite the end of traditional colonialism, this economic approach effectively continues a neocolonial dynamic. Developed countries, striving to achieve their own economic and sustainability objectives, exploit the natural and labor resources of the undeveloped countries in the Global South. This approach exacerbates global inequalities, echoing a colonial mind-set in contemporary economic strategies that benefit one region at the expense of another.
The incorporation of neocolonialism into the intricate fabric of anti-lithium narratives fosters a broader critique of contemporary society, particularly within the context of the digital economy. The logic of extractivism extends beyond the physical realm of nature to the digital world of prosumption. Communication technologies effectively transform individuals into virtual extraction sites, where sensitive personal, behavioral, and biometric data serve as both production means and consumer goods. Rare minerals like lithium and borate, found in the Jadar Valley Basin, are integral in manufacturing both electric transportation devices and communication technologies. The transnational aspect of the anti-lithium movement circles back to the concept of “sufficiency,” a fundamental requirement for genuine environmental sustainability (Gough Reference Gough2017, 60). The main concern of anti-lithium protestors in Serbia revolves around the necessity of mines, batteries, and lithium-powered technologies, especially when weighed against the costs of devastated fertile lands, compromised water and air quality, damaged local agriculture, affected marine life, and jeopardized public health.
Considering the reliance of communication technologies on rare minerals, such as lithium, the involvement of online activists in ecological protests is marked by an inherent paradox. The social media platforms, powered by artificial intelligence, that activists use to criticize the value chain of smart technologies inadvertently draw them back into digital consumerism. In essence, activists find themselves compelled to use the same tools they criticize as part of the problem. Ecological movements protesting lithium extraction often tackle the broader issue of mining rare minerals and depleting natural resources, essential for powering information technologies, electronic cars, solar panels, and other devices designed to reduce CO2 emissions, yet carrying significant environmental costs. As they engage in digital labor on social media to promote environmental preservation, organize protests, or communicate with governments, they inadvertently use the same technologies that drive excessive demand for lithium. Entangled in the complex web of prosumptive labor, they commodify themselves and their eco-activist work (Scholz Reference Scholz2017) while striving for online visibility. The process of selecting effective hashtags and keywords to convey their messages is invariably influenced by algorithmic preferences, which conform to the principles of the digital marketplace.
When Serbian ecology activists speak of neocolonialism, they are not solely referencing the traditional colonial practices of exploiting the undeveloped world. Instead, protesters suggest that in the era of global climate crisis, the concept of colonialism is evolving, becoming increasingly deterritorialized and fluid. New extraction sites are emerging not only within the European continent but also globally, with some of these localities becoming epicentres of resistance (Kerr Reference Kerr2022). They have also observed that extraction sites are proliferating in developed countries, previously not considered for mining activities. While attempting to mobilize the Serbian public through patriotic sentiments, these activists also seek to engage the broader international community, raising awareness of the dangers of lithium mining and garnering external support for their local objectives. Resistance to lithium mining extends beyond mere opposition to government policies, targeting all political and corporate entities involved in lithium mining plans since 2004. This issue has the potential to mobilize citizens for antigovernment protests and motivate opposition parties to form diverse coalitions. Anti-lithium protests have been notably effective in uniting ecological movements, activists, and political parties on the left of the political spectrum. The coalition Moramo (We Must) stands as a prime example, showing how environmental protection has ascended to the point of being a prominent political issue in Serbia.
The narratives on lithium mining in Serbia capture a complex interplay of local and global dynamics. The rise of left-wing narratives marks a significant shift in ecology activism, emphasizing the transnational nature of environmental problems. This evolution in activism reflects a growing awareness of the multifaceted effects of extractive industries, not just on local ecosystems but also on the global stage. The implications of this shift are profound. The increasing focus on transnational cooperation in ecological activism could pave the way for more unified and effective global responses to environmental challenges. As activists in Serbia and elsewhere continue to leverage digital platforms to amplify their message, we may witness the emergence of more coordinated, cross-border initiatives directed at addressing the environmental and social consequences of industries like lithium mining. Furthermore, the evolving narratives in Serbia may serve as a catalyst for reexamining the role of technology in activism. The inherent paradox of using digital tools, which themselves rely on the resources that activists oppose, highlights a critical area for future discussions.
The case of lithium mining in Serbia underscores the need for a more holistic approach to environmental policy making, one that considers the full spectrum of effects, from local communities to global ecosystems. As the world grapples with the challenges of the green transition, the lessons from Serbia offer valuable insights into the complexities of balancing economic development with environmental protection and social justice. The narratives of ecology activists in Serbia not only shed light on a specific local issue but also contribute to the broader discourse on global environmentalism and the future of ecological activism. Experiences and strategies emerging from Serbia could inform and inspire efforts worldwide to create more sustainable solutions for coping with global challenges such as climate change.
Disclosures
None.
Open access
