2.1.1 Slang and Dialects

One way that slang may be distinguished from dialects of a language is that slang refers only to vocabulary, and in some cases pronunciation, rather than to syntax, because people generally use slang words following the grammatical rules of the language in which they are inserted (Coleman, Reference Coleman2012). For example, African American English (AAE) is a dialect of English that includes differences in morphology and syntax in addition to differences in vocabulary (Pittman et al., Reference Pittman, O’Neal, Wright and White2024). In linguistics, morphology refers to the structure of words in terms of how they are formed from basic units of meaning called morphemes, while syntax refers to the rules for arranging linguistic units into sentences. Although we will encounter examples of influences of AAE on slang vocabulary used by English speakers who are not using AAE, it is a dialect rather than a form of slang. However, we will see that AAE continues to contribute slang vocabulary to other dialects (see Section 5.2). It is important to note that AAE is used as an umbrella term for a dialect that can take on more specific forms. Although AAE is sometimes used interchangeably with African American Vernacular English, a form of AAE that was also historically referred to as Ebonics (Pittman et al., Reference Pittman, O’Neal, Wright and White2024), AAE is the broader term for the dialect.

The existence of slang requires a standard version of the language, for example, Standard English, from which the slang deviates. Prior to a language taking on a standard form (as a result of a national school system, printing, and other media), it is not clear how one would even define slang (Coleman, Reference Coleman2012). An interesting example relates to nationalized dialects. English has standard dialects that are nationality-specific, including British English, Australian English, Indian English, and American English. Although one dialect might be perceived as slang by speakers of a different dialect, each of these versions of English is standard for its speakers (Coleman, Reference Coleman2012).

Aleksic (Reference Aleksic2025) notes that slang is increasingly global and increasingly based on English. These trends are a result of the historical primacy of English in commerce and later as one of the predominant languages on the internet. These historical trends have resulted in a sort of feedback loop in which the increasing need to use English to communicate for economic purposes, and later for social media purposes, has led to more people using English, which further increases the need for others to communicate using English. Consequently, slang usages from English find their way into the conversations of people speaking other languages.

2.1.2 Is Slang Incorrect?

Labeling a usage as slang sometimes carries negative connotations, including the ideas that slang usage does not follow rules of the language, reflects laziness on the part of the language producer, or is inferior to some version of the language that is considered correct. These connotations are problematic because they reflect a lack of understanding of the role of slang in language. Slang words are not simply incorrect usages of words in the language; if they were, as Coleman (Reference Coleman2012) points out, usages like prostrate for prostate would be considered slang instead of simply being mistakes.

The idea that slang is a lesser version of a language is based on the idea that a language, such as English, has a standard form that is correct. To understand why it is problematic to assume that a standard dialect is the correct one, some historical perspective is needed. Aleksic (Reference Aleksic2025) notes that slang did not exist prior to languages having a centralized, standard form. During the time of Middle English, each city or region had its own dialect, and there was no centralized version of the English language; therefore, there could be no slang. Slang emerged only when certain dialects became recognized as the standard form, allowing those in the upper class to identify that form as correct (Aleksic, Reference Aleksic2025). The word slang emerged during the 1750s to represent the “non-standard words used by the lower class” (p. 49). In other words, had a different dialect been designated by those in power to be the standard one, deviations from that dialect would be considered slang.

Criticisms of errors in usage are not equivalent to criticisms of the use of slang. In a critique of American English during the 1950s, Britain’s Lord Conesford (Reference Conesford1957) acknowledged that slang can be useful in helping a language “grow in strength, beauty, and variety (p. 71)” but criticized the misuse of words, that is, using them to carry different meanings than those that have become standardized. For example, Conesford argued that using the word alibi to mean excuse, instead of referring to evidence that a person could not have committed an act, is a misuse of the language that ultimately degrades it rather than enriches it. In other words, using alibi to mean excuse is not slang, but simply a mistake in usage.

We should keep in mind, however, that there is not always a clear distinction between an error in usage and a developing slang sense of a word or phrase. Using a word to mean something different may be only a mistake, but if it serves the functions of slang (see Section 3), that usage may also be slang, and may even eventually become accepted as standard. Using existing words to carry meaning other than the currently accepted definition may also be an intentional act of wordplay or a marker of a boundary between social groups. Just as with unintentional uses, such variations in how words are used may be temporary and localized or may eventually become slang or even accepted senses of words in a standard dialect (see Section 2.3).

2.1.3 Slangs, Jargons, and Argots

It turns out to be difficult or impossible to determine whether a word is slang based only on the word or on the meaning. Coleman (Reference Coleman2012) makes the point that, “Words don’t have slanghood: there’s no state of slangness inherent in a word or even in a sense of a word. It’s only possible to identify an individual use of a word in a given context as slang (p. 23).” Similarly, Adams (Reference Adams2009) argues that slang is not just a particular category of words; it is instead a “linguistic practice, rooted in social needs and behaviors” (Adams, Reference Adams2009, p. 6).

Whether an expression is slang depends on how it is being used. There are linguistic distinctions among slangs, jargons, and argots. Although each of these language forms stands in contrast with the standard dialect of a language, they have in common that they are defined in terms of linguistic function (Adams, Reference Adams2009). A jargon refers to the vocabulary used by members of a particular profession or specialty field. The words contained in a jargon are technical ones, serving the function of communicating specific information that is helpful in the field of the jargon. For example, educators use phrases such as formative assessment that have a specific meaning; this phrase is unlikely to be used in conversation outside the context of education. A notable example of jargon is military jargon, which is used by members of the military to communicate specific information in an abbreviated way (Hashimova & Sattorov, Reference Hashimova and Sattorov2021). In some cases, military jargon also appears in the slang of language users outside the military as a way of achieving functions of slang such as wordplay and group identification (see Section 3). For example, the American military expression SNAFU is an abbreviation that translates to situation normal, all fucked up and is used by civilians as a slang expression rather than as jargon (Hashimova & Sattorov, Reference Hashimova and Sattorov2021).

An argot is used for the purpose of concealing information from others; historically, argot referred to a vocabulary used by criminals, but argots are also used in other situations when a group wants to communicate without sharing information with outsiders (Adams, Reference Adams2009). An example from a criminal argot is the phrase Adam tiler to refer to a pickpocket’s accomplice. Note that there is necessarily some overlap between jargon and argot, as speakers may have more than one purpose. For example, a group of pickpockets may both intend to communicate technical information about how to commit a crime (jargon) and to keep their intentions concealed from others (argot).

Slang, in contrast, is informal language that has a key purpose of identifying membership, or lack of membership, in a particular social group. Adams (Reference Adams2009, p. 17) notes that “slang is language of a group with a shared interest but not a shared purpose.” Further, whether we perceive language to be slang depends on the assumptions we make about the people conversing. The same words may be perceived as slang or not depending on what we assume about the social group of the speaker (Adams, Reference Adams2009).

2.2.1 Five Characteristics of Slang

Now that we have a basic description of slang as a form of language, we will explore characteristics of slang. Damirjian (Reference Damirjian2024) identifies five characteristics of slang vocabulary:

1. (1) It is nonstandard, meaning it is not part of the formal vocabulary of language. Note that the concept of a formal vocabulary requires the existence of a standard version of the language and implies that different vocabularies are appropriate for use in different situations. The term nonstandard also implies that slang words and senses will not be included in dictionaries of formal vocabulary, or if they are, that they will be distinguished in some way from formal vocabulary and senses of words.

2. (2) It is informal, meaning that it is not considered appropriate for use in formal contexts. For example, slang words may be considered inappropriate for use in work settings, as compared to the technical jargon that may be used in a particular work setting and which may not only be accepted but expected. The informal nature of slang is a key characteristic for understanding the use of slang in educational settings, as in teacher–student communication. We will return to this point in Section 7.

3. (3) The vocabulary of slang is nontechnical, meaning that it is not used to communicate specific information relevant to a profession or hobby. This characteristic distinguishes slang from jargon.

4. (4) Slang is group-related because its usage helps to define social groups and promote their cohesiveness. We will explore this characteristic further in Section 3.

5. (5) Slang is norm-violating. This means that the use of slang sometimes violates social expectations or norms about how language should be used in a particular setting. Again, this characteristic is relevant to educational settings in which there may be expectations for the use of formal vs. informal language.

To illustrate these characteristics of slang, Damirjian uses the example of bussin, which is English slang mainly used by younger people (Generations Alpha and Z) to mean great, as in reference to a food. Bussin is a nonstandard word, distinct from the conventional sense of transportation on a bus. It is informal; children may use the word when conversing with each other, but it would be considered inappropriate for a formal context, such as in a written assignment for school. Bussin is not technical vocabulary as in a jargon or argot; the expression Lunch today is bussin carries no specific meaning about the lunch other than that it was very good. Children use slang words like bussin to communicate their membership in the social group that understands the slang of their generation. If a student were to use bussin while speaking with a teacher during class, that usage would be surprising or amusing if it violated the norm for that setting.

2.2.2 Slang Meanings

Slang words do not simply carry random meanings that are unrelated to standard usages. Senses of slang words may be closely related to the standard meanings of the words, but in some cases the slang sense may be opposite of the standard meaning, as when bad has the slang meaning of very good (Coleman, Reference Coleman2012). Slang usages may also differ in syntactic role compared to their standard usages, for example, the transformation of beef from a noun to a verb, as in beefin with you to indicate disagreement, or the movement of bad from an adjective to a noun, as in my bad, meaning my mistake. Slang may also borrow words from other languages, such as uber (meaning above), which was borrowed from German to mean very or super in English slang, and also changed from a preposition to an adjective in its slang use (Coleman, Reference Coleman2012).

Sun et al. (Reference Sun, Zemel and Xu2021) developed a machine-learning model of slang word usage. They noted that language models that are trained on text databases tend not to do well in predicting the generation of slang usages because the text on which they are trained includes mainly standard usages. Sun et al. built their model based on the overlap between conventional and informal meanings of words, highlighting the point that slang usages can be related in meaning to standard usages. They tested their model by comparing its output to entries in three slang dictionaries and also tested whether the model could predict the emergence of future senses of slang words. The model outperformed previous computational models that did not include semantic overlap (i.e., similarity in meaning) between slang and non-slang words, both in predicting entries in slang dictionaries and also in predicting the emergence of slang usages over the decades from the 1960s to the 2000s. This computational approach provides evidence that the meanings of slang words have some overlap with the meanings of standard vocabulary.

We should not overlook the aesthetic features of slang vocabulary. Adams (Reference Adams2009) compares the features of slang to that of poetry, including wordplay and sound features such as rhythmic patterns and prosody. Zhou and Fan (Reference Zhou and Fan2013), in an analysis of general American English slang, provide examples of some of the aesthetic qualities. Some slang expressions use phonetic features to communicate humor or playfulness, as in the expression bee’s knees (outstanding). Zhou and Fan note that slang expressions are sometimes more concise than standard language, as in the use of veep for vice president. We will see more examples of humor and concision in Section 5 as we examine the slang of current younger generations, including abbreviations that originated in online communication and carried over to slang in face-to-face conversations.

3.4.1 Slang as a Marker of Group Boundaries

It is especially important for our exploration of generational slang in relationship to university teaching to understand how slang helps to establish group membership. Slang can be interpreted as a personal code for a social group (Syafa’ah & Haryanto, Reference Syafa’ah and Haryanto2024). Almost like a “secret handshake,” correct use of that group’s slang implies that a person is genuinely a member of the group. Each social group determines what vocabulary is appropriate for within-group communication. In this way, slang is a form of in-group language (Damirjian, Reference Damirjian2024). The slang of a social group typically refers to vocabulary rather than a language or dialect, which would also include syntactic differences from the language or dialect that group members use in other contexts.

Group slang not only helps to establish the speaker’s membership in the group; it also serves to establish the borders of group membership. Whether or not a conversational partner is competent in the usage of the slang provides information about whether that person should be considered to be a member of the group (Damirjian, Reference Damirjian2024). A lack of competence in using the group’s slang may indicate both that the person is attempting to establish some kind of association with the group and that the person is not a genuine member.

Slang is also important for increasing cohesiveness within a social group. Use of slang within a group tends to strengthen social bonds between group members, for example, by denoting the boundaries of group membership. An example of this function in higher education is that university students who use generational slang may be signaling a social boundary between themselves and their instructors who are not competent in the use of their slang. Coleman (Reference Coleman2012) uses the example of military slang to illustrate how a group’s use of slang may represent resistance against authority or against the standard version of the language that is expected by authority figures. Individuals in the military often use their own group slang in place of official military slang or jargon.

Social boundaries can be strengthened by the use of indirection in slang. In cases where members of a group wish to be vague or to obscure their meaning from people outside the group, they may use their group’s slang to prevent those in other social groups from understanding their in-group communication or decoding their intentions (Adams, Reference Adams2009; Coleman, Reference Coleman2012). Note that this function overlaps with the concept of an argot.

3.4.2 Adoption of Slang by Another Group

Some specific examples of how groups use their slang will help to illustrate these social functions. Reyes (Reference Reyes2005) analyzed the adoption of AAE slang by Asian American teenagers. Examples of this slang include the terms aite (for all right) and na mean? (for know what I mean?). Reyes notes that these expressions are slang usages because the phrases are used for the social purpose of group identification and for indicating informality. Reyes reported that, in some cases, Asian American teenagers used these slang expressions while acknowledging the terms’ status as AAE slang; in these cases, the speakers may have intended to represent an experienced connection with that racial group. The Asian American teenagers in Reyes’s study indicated that they felt a shared identity with African American youth because they shared the geographic characteristic of living in South Philadelphia (USA). In other cases, the Asian American speakers were attempting to authenticate themselves as members of the group using that slang. In other words, they used the slang to represent their membership in a group of urban youth (rather than members of a particular racial group) and to distinguish themselves from adults. Reyes’s analysis, then, reflects how slang can be used to signal shared identity and the boundaries of group membership. In this case, the Asian American youth used slang to distinguish themselves from adults and from people who did not live in the same geographic area while simultaneously signaling a desire to be affiliated with another racial group.

3.4.3 Gamer Slang

Damirjian (Reference Damirjian2024) studied slang used by gamers, individuals who are invested identity-wise in playing video games. An example of gamer slang is the word poggers, which is roughly equivalent to amazing. A gamer might use the word poggers to describe something – whether the something is related to video games or anything else – in order to show that the speaker is a member of the group (gamers) and shares interests and values with the group. This type of usage can strengthen the speaker’s identity as a member of the in-group. Note that the term poggers could be replaced with the standard amazing or any number of other synonyms. Its use reflects social functions rather than communicating specific information as might be done in a jargon (including gamer jargon, in which words or abbreviations do carry specific information that would not be communicated otherwise).

Damirjian notes that the use of in-group slang may sometimes fail to meet the speaker’s goals. For example, if the listeners do not already accept the speaker as a member of that social group, the use of the slang could be perceived as inappropriate. A non-gamer describing an especially enjoyable movie as poggers may come across as inauthentic, attempting to show an affiliation with the group that is, to members of the group, obviously not genuine. This example nicely illustrates the use of slang to delineate group membership. It is not just the use of group-specific slang that communicates membership in that group, but the authentic use of that slang. Damirjian also notes that if a slang word can be understood by too many people outside the in-group, it loses its usefulness as a way of identifying in-group members. This phenomenon helps to explain how slang expressions can cease to function as group-specific slang, either disappearing from usage in general or becoming so widespread that they are no longer slang.

3.4.4 Slang in a Multilingual Setting

The particular social, cultural, economic, and political context in which young people converse is important in understanding how the slang of a group functions, and the final two examples in this section will illustrate this point. Ugot (Reference Ugot2014) observed the natural speech of students at a university in Nigeria (natural speech meaning ordinary conversations rather than formal delivery of a speech). Ugot’s sample included 100 students ranging from sixteen to twenty-two years of age. Approximately thirty-seven different languages were spoken at the university, many of them Indigenous languages, and they included multiple dialects. All students at the university spoke English, as a minimum level of proficiency was required for admission. English is Nigeria’s official language and is the default language for formal functions such as education and business in Nigeria (Ugot, Reference Ugot2014).

Ugot described the use of Nigerian Pidgin (NP) that resulted from speakers of different languages interacting with each other at the university. NP includes vocabulary from English and from various local Nigerian languages. Ugot noted that the influence of Nigerian musicians on the NP slang was substantial. Further, the students used terms from American rap music as part of NP. The influence of music on slang indicates an aesthetic function in addition to the practical function of allowing diverse groups of students to communicate with each other (reflecting the meaning function of slang). It would be possible for students to develop a pidgin that did not include terms from popular music, but doing so likely appealed to the aesthetic values of the students. Some slang usages documented in Ugot’s study were specific to particular groups of students, illustrating how slang represents boundaries between groups and establishes identity within a group.

Ugot reported that the students also used technology-related slang terms, for example, log in for please join me. In this usage, log in is not used as technical jargon but more broadly as an invitation (illustrating the social function of slang) that does not require any use of technology (such as logging into an application). Ugot noted that students sometimes accidentally used NP in situations that called for Standard English. This type of use is essentially the inverse of an individual (say, an instructor) using the slang of an outside group (e.g., students of a younger generation), as the usage is accidental and therefore not intended to establish shared identity. The accidental use of slang in these situations is an example of a cross-cultural communication issue that is highly relevant in educational contexts.

3.4.5 War-Talk and Solidarity

A striking example of the use of slang by a group of young people was described by Kimari (Reference Kimari2020), who reported on slang developed by young people in Nairobi, Kenya. Kimari termed this slang “war-talk” because the vocabulary reflects the feeling among this group that they live in war-like conditions as a result of being under siege by the police. The slang makes heavy use of military expressions, such as camouflaging: “In order to save your life you need to be dirty or drunk because if you are clean and you wear fashionable clothes they will say you are a thief” (p. 10). Similarly, Kimari noted that youth in Kinshasha (Democratic Republic of the Congo) incorporate the use of war-associated place names (e.g., Afghanistan, Kosovo) to indicate locations in their city.

War-talk in the group of youth in Nairobi promotes solidarity among the speakers and provides a sense of agency under conditions that challenge that agency. Kimari notes that the slang simultaneously represents two aspects of identity: marginalization and the resilience of the speakers. The youth in Nairobi have a dual identity as both “sufferers” of the economic, social, and political conditions, and as “people of the ghetto” who take pride in their resilience in the face of challenging conditions. War-talk helps to represent membership in this group while communicating meaning that is functional for the speakers, and it also supports the cohesiveness of the group.

Slang, then, can serve aesthetic, communication, and social functions, often simultaneously. We have focused on slang used by groups of young people, as this will provide a basis for exploring the slang used by Generations Z and Alpha as they pursue higher education.

5.1.1 Slang and Technology

Wahid and Farooq (Reference Wahid and Farooq2022) described Netspeak, which refers to slang frequently used in internet communications. Netspeak includes abbreviations and initialisms, such as admin for administration; idk for I don’t know; and bcz for because. While admin can be used in Netspeak slang to refer to the administrator of a social media forum, it is not unusual for the admin abbreviation to be used in speech or writing outside the context of social media. For example, admin can be used to refer to an administration in general or to a particular employee or occupational position. A university faculty member may refer to the administration of the university using this abbreviation, for example, Let’s see if the admin gives us guidance about how to evaluate these writing assignments. A usage such as this could occur in spoken or written form and possibly even in more formal communications such as memos or professional emails.

Wahid and Farooq note that there is a concern in educational contexts that students may inappropriately use Netspeak in their formal writing. Initialisms such as idk and bcz are less likely to occur in speech because it may not be clear how to pronounce them, although other examples of internet-influenced language, like lol for laughing out loud, can be pronounced easily. However, a student who is accustomed to using an abbreviation may write it without consciously evaluating its appropriateness in a written assignment or email to a faculty member, for example, I chose this topic bcz it is personally meaningful to me.

Communication using technology such as text messaging or social media creates a different linguistic context from handwritten or face-to-face situations. Accordingly, expectations for how people communicate may differ and thereby affect how the communication is perceived. For example, Gunraj et al. (Reference Gunraj, Drumm-Hewitt, Dashow, Upadhyay and Klin2016) manipulated whether a message ended with a period or a question mark, for example, “Sure.” or “Sure!” in response to a request. Their results indicated that undergraduate students rated the sender as less sincere when the response concluded with a period.

Because people who communicate online are inherently making use of technology, it should not be surprising to find that their slang includes references to technology. Leet refers to an alternative way of spelling words in English that has been used for internet-based communication, such as in chatrooms (Thurairaj et al., Reference Thurairaj, Hoon, Roy and Fong2015). An example is spelling the word leet as l33 t. However, in their study of Malaysian university students, Thurairaj et al. found that leet was a relatively uncommon type of slang expression. Consistent with the above description of Netspeak abbreviations, such as admin, online slang expressions do sometimes refer to technology, such as using abbreviations like wa for WhatsApp (Conny et al., Reference Conny, Yultisa, Wahyudin Sagala and Indah Rezeki2024). Conny et al. point out that this use of technological shorthand is not just about reducing the number of characters but also reflects informality. This observation is consistent with the social functions of slang (Section 3). As discussed in Section 2, expressions that originate in a jargon or slang of a particular group sometimes spread beyond that group or setting and become accepted more broadly, some even becoming standard usages. The influence of Netspeak on spoken and written communication in multiple contexts exemplifies this pattern.

Azhari et al. (Reference Azhari, Sahputri, Kurniawati and Rizki2024) explored the impact of social media use on English skills in Generation Z students. They noted that members of Generation Z use social media for “socialization, information, entertainment, education, and shopping” (Azhari et al., Reference Azhari, Sahputri, Kurniawati and Rizki2024, p. 264). The literature indicates both positive and negative effects of social media use on language skills. A positive effect is that social media usage provides opportunities for students to engage in textual communications and learn language skills informally. For students learning English as an additional language, communications on social media can provide practice and experience with authentic English usage (Azhari et al., Reference Azhari, Sahputri, Kurniawati and Rizki2024). A drawback is that social media use can “lead to distractions and reduced attention span” (Azhari et al., Reference Azhari, Sahputri, Kurniawati and Rizki2024, p. 265), and, depending on the nature of the social media interaction, may have undesirable psychological effects such as negative affect and decreased self-esteem, both of which can interfere with language learning. Azhari et al. also noted that students may imitate inappropriate or vulgar language that they are exposed to via video platforms like YouTube, and these habits could interfere with their language use in formal settings such as at school.

Yusuf et al. (Reference Yusuf, Fata and Aini2023) conducted a content analysis of the use of slang in WhatsApp by seventy-two Indonesian Generation Z university students. They concluded that a key purpose for using slang was to increase intimacy in the students’ conversations. The most frequent function of slang usage was to begin an informal conversation, while the use of slang for abuse was the least frequent function. An example of the use of slang for the purpose of establishing intimacy was Gottchu okelah for I have got you, okay, communicating empathy and understanding. In a similar study, Tufail et al. (Reference Tufail, Asgher and Ali2024) did a content analysis of communications by thirty Generation Z-aged university students concerning their use of slang on the apps WhatsApp and Instagram. The most frequent type of slang usage was acronyms, for example, NGL for not going to lie. The least frequent was clipping, for example, collab for collaboration. Tufail et al. also investigated what users of these apps indicated as their purposes in using slang. The most frequently reported purposes were to start casual conversations (e.g., Sup? for What’s up?); create an intimate atmosphere (e.g., Gottchu to indicate I understand and denote a good relationship with the other person); and express impressions (e.g., low-key to indicate liking something but with the intention to show the opinion discreetly).

These uses are consistent with several of the functions we encountered in Section 3. Using slang to start a casual conversation is consistent with the function of communicating meaning, as is the use of phrases like low-key to indicate a particular type of opinion. Notice that, in the latter example, the particular shade of meaning may be more easily communicated with the slang term, although the usage may also reflect an aesthetic goal and can simultaneously serve a social function by representing membership in a group that uses that sort of expression. Creating an intimate atmosphere and increasing the intimacy of conversations are consistent with the social function of improving group cohesion and possibly helping to establish the boundaries of the group. The conversation may be perceived as intimate when the language used reflects slang expressions that the group members assume to be well understood within the group but that are less likely to be understood outside the group.

Communication on social media is not confined to simple textual communications or postings. Many students in the age ranges corresponding to Generations Z and Alpha are accustomed to consuming and creating content via apps such as TikTok and YouTube (Aleksic, Reference Aleksic2025), which provide simultaneous visual and auditory information in the form of short videos. Syafa’ah and Haryanto (Reference Syafa’ah and Haryanto2024) analyzed the use of slang by TikTok users. In this study, a sample of Generation Z-aged TikTok users indicated via survey responses that they both viewed and created content on the platform. They indicated that slang words were commonly used both on TikTok and in their daily lives.

5.1.2 The Engagement Treadmill and Slang

Aleksic (Reference Aleksic2025) has written about the algorithms that social media apps use to increase user engagement. Aleksic describes how the “engagement treadmill” of social media algorithms interacts with language use, such that slang terms increase in popularity because social media algorithms increase the popularity of videos using those terms. For example, a content creator on YouTube or TikTok is likely to use generational slang (e.g., rizz, used to describe someone who is popular and charming). Content creators make these choices, both unconsciously and consciously, because those specific content choices can have dramatic effects on user engagement, which is particularly important because content creators can earn income based on the amount of user engagement. When content creators fail to use the relevant generational slang, their content gets fewer views, which results in the app’s algorithm making the content less likely to appear in users’ feeds. Conversely, using relevant slang can result in more users viewing the content, causing it to be promoted more by the app’s algorithm and thereby creating a cycle of increasing popularity (and income for the content creator). One might wonder why users are more likely to view content that contains these slang expressions; the answer appears to be that it is more popular, and by virtue of being more popular, the algorithm ensures that users are more likely to encounter that content.

Aleksic (Reference Aleksic2025) introduced the term algospeak to refer to the shaping of the language by social media algorithms. An interesting side effect of the algospeak phenomenon is that its existence generates slang usages that users create to avoid the content moderation rules on social media apps. One example that Aleksic described is the use of unalive to mean kill. This usage arose because social media algorithms censored the use of the word kill, meaning that content containing the banned word is not shared with other users, presumably for safety reasons. Content creators are aware when the app they are using will prevent their content from being shared due to the use of banned language. They solve the problem by using a word or phrase that communicates the same meaning, for example, I was worried that my friend might unalive himself.

Modern social media apps are an engine of slang generation and perpetuation as a result of how algorithms influence the popularity of content and how they attempt to censor content. The fictional character Ian Malcolm in the movie Jurassic Park comments that “life will find a way” (Spielberg, Reference Spielberg1993). The corollary for slang might be that “language will find a way.”

5.1.3 Social Media Slang as a Global Phenomenon

Because social media use is a global phenomenon, and because English is a frequently used language in online and educational contexts globally, it is informative to consider characteristics of slang used on social media by speakers of various languages in conjunction with English. Wahid and Farooq (Reference Wahid and Farooq2022) note that, because English is a preferred language for internet communication worldwide, the use of slang on the internet has had substantial influence on English language use in general, including in offline communications.

Jeresano and Carretero (Reference Jeresano and Carretero2022) analyzed Facebook posts and instant messages of Grade 10 students in a school in the Philippines. Their analysis identified a wide range of slang expressions. One type of expression was clipping, or the shortening of a word into a slang expression, as in charot, meaning just kidding, which was shortened to char. Similarly, Wedananta et al. (Reference Wedananta, Padmadewi, Artini and Budasi2023), in a study of Instagram communications by a sample of Balinese Generation Z individuals, described the use of a fragment of a word to represent the whole word, for example, beb for baby (loved one). Thurairaj et al. (Reference Thurairaj, Hoon, Roy and Fong2015) administered a survey to 235 university students in Malaysia in which they asked participants about their language use on social networking sites such as Facebook. Examples of internet slang from this study included similar examples of shortening, such as using the single letter u for the word you. Similar to the Netspeak initialisms described above (Tufail et al., Reference Tufail, Asgher and Ali2024; Wahid & Farooq, Reference Wahid and Farooq2022), Jeresano and Carretero (Reference Jeresano and Carretero2022) provided examples of initialisms formed by either using the first letter of each word in a phrase (e.g., OTW for on the way) or by using a subset of letters to represent the entire word (e.g., nf for notification). Thurairaj et al. (Reference Thurairaj, Hoon, Roy and Fong2015) reported the use of acronyms such as lol and other examples of shortening words by using only some of the letters (e.g., msg for message).

Slang use on social media often combines verbal information with the use of emojis (e.g., the heart emoji), which carry nonverbal information such as emotional content (Conny et al., Reference Conny, Yultisa, Wahyudin Sagala and Indah Rezeki2024). The literature suggests that members of Generation Z are more likely than those in previous generations to communicate using emoticons and acronyms, which can help to express emotions (in written communication) and with communicating more efficiently (Azhari et al., Reference Azhari, Sahputri, Kurniawati and Rizki2024).

Some slang expressions used on social media have been created by reversing the letters to create a pronounceable but alternative word, as in sakalam, which is a reversal of the word malakas, meaning strong (Jeresano & Carretero, Reference Jeresano and Carretero2022). Wedananta et al. (Reference Wedananta, Padmadewi, Artini and Budasi2023) found that a common type of slang involved the creation of new words through various types of wordplay. Similar to the sakalam example above, Wedananta et al. reported that users sometimes created a slang word by spelling an existing word in reverse, for example, wols for slow or kuy for yuk (Indonesian for let’s go). Thurairaj et al. indicated that misspellings (e.g., dun for don’t) can also be used to create new slang words. Another type of slang expression involved the use of onomatopoeia, such as woohoo. The above examples of wordplay reflect the aesthetic function of slang. Conny et al. (Reference Conny, Yultisa, Wahyudin Sagala and Indah Rezeki2024) note the influence of pop culture on internet slang, for example, bestie (best friend), which may have become popular due to the use of the term by celebrities. Wedananta et al. (Reference Wedananta, Padmadewi, Artini and Budasi2023), in their study of Balinese slang use on Instagram, found that acronyms were the most common type of slang. Wedananta et al. noted that many of the acronyms were based on English, for example, VC for video call, meaning a request for a video call, although some acronyms were from Balinese or Indonesian words, for example, PHP for pemberi harapan paslu (giving false hope). Another type of slang is compounding, meaning the joining of words to create a new expression, as in happy pill to indicate someone who brings joy to a situation. Compounding can also include creating phrases by joining words from different languages (Jeresano & Carretero, Reference Jeresano and Carretero2022).

Blending of different languages in slang usage on social media is not unusual. This may be because many social media users who are of Generation Z and Generation Alpha age are more internationally connected as compared to previous generations, so they tend to be comfortable using multiple languages (Wedananta et al., Reference Wedananta, Padmadewi, Artini and Budasi2023). Of course, the widespread use of social media is itself a likely factor in why these users are more internationally connected. Conny et al. (Reference Conny, Yultisa, Wahyudin Sagala and Indah Rezeki2024) analyzed Instagram posts to characterize language patterns of Generation Z students (although the researchers did not know the specific ages of the users) who spoke English and Indonesian. They noted that users sometimes blended words and phrases across different languages. An example of this blending is the slang bestieku for best friend, with bestie coming from American English slang and ku as an Indonesian suffix representing my, so that the expression means my best friend. In Wedananta et al.’s (Reference Wedananta, Padmadewi, Artini and Budasi2023) study of Balinese Instagram users, some of the slang expressions were imitations of English pronunciations, for example, sori for sorry or asiap for uh, she up, meaning I’m ready. Research on learning English as a second language has indicated that the input students receive via social media influences their learning of English vocabulary (Azhari et al., Reference Azhari, Sahputri, Kurniawati and Rizki2024). However, it is not just that English influences slang on social media in other languages, as Thurairaj et al. (Reference Thurairaj, Hoon, Roy and Fong2015) found that students sometimes mixed Malaysian slang into English messages.

Slang creation includes changes in meaning in addition to the types of structural variation described above. Jeresano and Carretero refer to this type of slang creation as connotation, which happens when a word takes on a slang meaning that is different from the word’s formal meaning. An example is the word kanser (cancer) to indicate someone who is causing trouble. Note that the connotative meaning is still related to the formal meaning, supporting Sun et al.’s (Reference Sun, Zemel and Xu2021) conclusion that it is important to consider semantic overlap between slang words and standard vocabulary.

Juli et al. (Reference Juli, Suci and Esti2024) undertook a scholarly analysis of slang use by Generation Z individuals compared to that of the Millennial generation, both by reviewing existing academic literature and by observing slang usage in a sample of Indonesian social media communications (Facebook, Twitter/X, and Instagram). Juli et al. observed that the advent of social media and messaging apps has made it easier for people of different cultures and geographic areas to exchange slang, consistent with the phenomenon of blending across languages in social media communications (Conny et al., Reference Conny, Yultisa, Wahyudin Sagala and Indah Rezeki2024; Thurairaj et al., Reference Thurairaj, Hoon, Roy and Fong2015; Wedananta et al., Reference Wedananta, Padmadewi, Artini and Budasi2023). Juli et al. provided examples of slang words that combine English and Indonesian vocabulary in morphologically creative ways. Some of the slang words reported by Juli et al. were combinations of morphemes, for example, akhlakless (lacking morals) with -less (lacking) coming from English and akhlak (morals) from Indonesian. Further, Juli et al. reported examples of creating slang phrases by combining words from different languages, such as join bareng (join together, as when joining a conversation), with join from English combined with the Indonesian word bareng (together). In addition, some slang words were created as abbreviations of words from both languages, for example, kudet, short for kurang update (outdated) from the Indonesian kurang (lacking) and the English update.

Juli et al. conclude that Millennials tend to use slang online and in other informal situations, while Generation Z individuals tend to use slang more broadly, including in some formal situations. Juli et al. suggest that Generation Z slang is more creative. However, we should keep in mind that evaluations of creativity across generations are probably confounded with the tendency for usages to become more widespread and standardized over the years. Thus, Millennial slang may appear to be more conventional even if it was equally creative at the time that the slang was generated.

5.1.4 Brainrot

Brainrot is a slang word that arose from social media as a descriptor of content on social media. This term is associated with Generation Alpha slang, consistent with the tendency for individuals in that generation to have grown up with social media as part of their lives. Oxford University Press announced that brainrot was added to the Oxford English Dictionary (Heaton, Reference Heaton2025) and is defined as “a perceived loss of intelligence or critical thinking skills, esp. (in later use) as attributed to the overconsumption of unchallenging or inane content or material. Now also: content or material that is perceived to have this effect.” While this definition refers to the consumption of online content in general, brainrot is sometimes used specifically in reference to the slang vocabulary, implying that the use of social media-related slang (like the word brainrot) is problematic (Aleksic, Reference Aleksic2025).

Vocabulary such as brainrot has arisen through the same processes that have affected language over many generations. Consider the Generation Alpha word skibidi, which is a nonsense word without any particular meaning and that was used as the name of a toilet in a series of viral animated videos. Aleksic (Reference Aleksic2025) points out that the development of skibidi was similar to the development of the name Scooby-Doo (a cartoon dog), which originated from syllables used in scat singing. However, the use of the name Scooby-Doo does not carry a negative implication of contributing to brainrot. We should be careful about evaluating slang use as unhealthy or lazy. As described in Section 2, slang is not an incorrect or lesser version of a standard dialect, whether or not the slang is associated with activities that may be unhealthy, such as continual consumption of short-form videos or social media feeds.

5.2.1 Historical Roots of Generational Slang

People generally learn slang from their own age groups, likely because of the amount of socializing done with similar-aged children during the school years (Coleman, Reference Coleman2012). For this reason, it is particularly informative to examine the slang of the current younger generations. Although each generation invents and incorporates slang, one way that Generations Z and Alpha differ from previous generations is in the interplay between spoken and written communication. Historically, slang first appeared in spoken language, with a delay before some of it appeared in print. As a result, the slang of previous generations may be less fully represented in writing; in the absence of recorded speech, it is temporary, and the slang that finds its way into writing may differ from what was earlier spoken. The written records of slang from previous generations were often in the form of dramatic representations, for example, movie scripts, which may or may not accurately reflect actual usage. Therefore, it has been historically difficult to document exactly when a slang word came into use or later disappeared from use. When a slang word makes its way into written form, there may be a period of time during which it is spelled in various ways before the spelling becomes standardized (Coleman, Reference Coleman2012).

This progression from spoken to written slang does not apply in the same way to how young people currently learn slang from each other. With the advent and popularity of electronic communications such as social media and text messaging, slang may appear in written form before or at the same time that it is used in spoken form. In reference to online communication, Coleman (Reference Coleman2012, p. 268) notes that “the barrier between written and spoken English has become more permeable: it no longer represents a reliable basis for determining what is or isn’t slang” (p. 268). A slang expression may now originate in written form on social media apps or in spoken form (either in person or via videos on social media).

For any generation, slang expressions do not simply arise out of thin air; changes in a language’s vocabulary always have roots in linguistic history. The slang of the soldiers returning home to the USA after World War II had a large effect on American youth slang, as many of the veterans pursued a college education as a result of the GI Bill. The slang of these veterans was a major influence on the slang of university students during the postwar years and led up to the “hippy” slang of the 1960s (Coleman, Reference Coleman2012). Another historically important influence on both American slang and international English slang continues to be AAE slang. Youth slang in American English has historically been influenced in particular by exposure to popular music in genres including jazz, blues, soul, rock, disco, and hip-hop, all of which incorporated and popularized AAE slang (Coleman, Reference Coleman2012). Slang may also arise from a specific subculture, as in the case of the slang expression ate that, which arose from American Black and Hispanic Ballroom culture, and indicates superior performance (Ate (and Left No Crumbs), n.d.).

We should keep in mind that the stories language users tell about the origins of a slang expression are not always historically accurate. In some cases, false etymologies arise about slang expressions that obscure their actual origin. For example, gyat is a current slang term used by Generation Z and Generation Alpha English speakers that means butt (as in the anatomical part), with the word coming from AAE. An example of a false etymology is the claim that gyat is an abbreviation of girl you ate that (Aleksic, Reference Aleksic2025). Aleksic identifies this etymology as a “backronym,” meaning that the explanation for the slang word was developed after the slang word originated; it is an acronym that is applied backwards in time.

5.2.2 Examples of Generational Slang

We will now consider examples of slang vocabulary used by Generations Z and Alpha. How do we know what slang is currently in use, especially if we are not ourselves members of the generation or social group using that slang? As we learned in Section 2, slang words do sometimes become standardized and find their way into dictionaries. That process, however, takes time, and therefore dictionaries are unlikely to fully represent the slang used by current younger generations. One additional source of information is research that has recorded and analyzed slang used by particular groups; we have explored some examples of those research studies above. Below, we will describe examples from popular forums for sharing language, such as the Urban Dictionary, and connect those examples to what we have learned about slang from the research described above.

Perhaps the most well-known of these forums is the Urban Dictionary. Smith (Reference Smith2011) notes that the Urban Dictionary “promotes itself as a democratic, descriptive dictionary authored by the people for the people” (p. 45). In a descriptivist approach to language, the goal is to describe how people are using the language, that is, what words they are using and what those words mean. In contrast, a prescriptivist approach specifies how language should be used according to some set of rules (Smith, Reference Smith2011). As an example of the prescriptivist approach, an English teacher may explain the differences between affect and effect and expect students to learn to use the words correctly, that is, following the rules.

Following a prescriptivist approach, early lexicographers attempted to standardize the meanings of words in order to “create cultural unity” (Smith, Reference Smith2011, p. 44). The Urban Dictionary includes standard words with standard definitions; standard words with nonstandard definitions, for example, internet to mean a web of confusion; and new words constructed from existing morphemes, for example, sacrelicious, a combination of sacrilegious and delicious. Entries and their definitions are crowdsourced on the Urban Dictionary website, as any user can post a definition. Thus, there is no editing or filtering, but there are also no lexicographers doing research to differentiate between what a user suggests about a word and how it might actually be used in authentic conversation. Some of the entries in the Urban Dictionary (and in other sources of information about slang) are new words that are not based on existing morphemes in the language, such meep.

Smith (Reference Smith2011) described a situation in which a principal at a high school in Boston (USA) attempted to ban a slang word that students had begun to use, the word meep. Students were using meep in a flexible way; one student indicated that it “doesn’t mean anything in particular” (p. 43). The Urban Dictionary, according to Smith’s article, indicates that meep can mean anything, and lists examples of how it can be used, such as: a greeting; a curse word; an exclamation similar to ouch; or an indication of confusion. The principal’s attempted ban resulted in increasingly wide use of the word in more contexts, and with increasing morphological variety, for example, meepalicious. The case of meep is consistent with our discussion in Section 3 about the multiple functions of slang; language choices are not always in service of the communication of meaning. This case also suggests that attempts to prescriptively regulate slang usage are likely to fail. Creative use of slang is sometimes used by younger people as a way to “differentiate themselves from previous generations” (Puspita & Ardianto, Reference Puspita and Ardianto2024, p. 79).

Consistent with Aleksic’s (Reference Aleksic2025) conclusions, interest in Generation Z and Generation Alpha slang is self-perpetuating, as content reporting on slang expressions creates more interest, which results in more content. Lucas (Reference Lucas2024) compiled a list of popular slang words used by Generations Z and Alpha, using the Urban Dictionary, the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, and personal reports from middle school teachers. For example, Lucas reported that skibidi does not have a particular definition and can be used in a variety of ways (as we learned above in the discussion of social media influences). The existence of such lists makes the slang accessible to a wider range of language users.

Many of the expressions reported by Lucas relate to social status, consistent with the social functions of slang. For example, sigma is a descriptor of someone who has high status or is considered the best in some way, especially with regard to a male. Aura indicates a high level of confidence, suggesting a high status or at least a desire to display high status. Fashionable clothing can be described as drip, which can be both an indication of acceptance and status in the group and also a reflection of the aesthetic function of slang. If an individual is especially skilled at something, a group member may say let them cook, meaning let them show their skill. For example, a group of students working on a project may recognize that one group member is artistically skilled and ask that person to create an illustration. This use of slang recognizes the person’s status in the group and also helps the group advance toward their goal. Another example of the use of youth slang in the service of social interaction is the term fanum tax, a phrase used before taking a portion of someone’s food, which may reflect either a connection between group members that allows food sharing or a claim to dominance in having the ability to take another person’s food.

The blog Kittl (2024) published a list of examples of Generation Z slang (although many of the examples apply to Generation Alpha as well); these examples demonstrate how slang can support the communication of meaning as well as how slang involves creativity and wordplay. In some cases, slang expressions are near-synonyms for standard vocabulary. Examples include using the word ate to mean did something well, as in She ate that performance. When referring to food, bussin indicates that the food is very good, although bussin may also be applied to things other than food. Cap indicates that something is not true, while no cap means it is the truth: This pie is bussin, no cap.

Boujie or bougie indicates that something is fancy or luxurious, and apparently derives from bourgeois, although some users of the slang may not be aware of the implications related to materialism and wealth. Sus shortens the standard word suspicious but has the same meaning, that is, questionable. Similarly, rizz is a shortening of charisma, indicating charm. Tea refers to gossip, and spill the tea means sharing the gossip. The meaning of tea appears to be a reference to conversing (or gossiping) while having tea, with the tea coming to stand as a metaphor for the conversation. Similarly, take a seat means to calm down or stop talking, suggesting a metaphorical relationship between withdrawing from an interaction and physically sitting down. Take a seat is not literally a request to sit down, as it may be used when the person is already seated. Another metaphorical example is the phrase I’m dead, which indicates that the person found something very funny. Note that in the above cases, the slang makes use of standard vocabulary, but can assign a different meaning (ate, bussin, cap), represent a metaphor (tea, take a seat, I’m dead), or maintain a similar meaning but change the word form (boujie, sus, rizz).

Other slang examples shared on the Kittl blog (and other places, such as Urban Dictionary) indicate variations in meaning that may help users communicate more precisely. The slang word smol means something like small, but also indicates cuteness, as in a smol puppy, while a tiny cockroach would probably not be referred to as smol even though it is smaller than a puppy. Of course, one could refer to the puppy as small and cute, but even that standard language seems to miss the concept of the two adjectives referring to a single characteristic rather than two separate descriptors. Mid is used to refer to something that is average or below average. While mid is related to prefix mid-, the slang usage does not appear to mean exactly the same as in the middle, as it implies that whatever is being described does not meet expectations or is unimpressive. Stan is a slang word that combines two standard words with a resulting meaning that is more than the sum of its parts. Stan combines the words stalker and fan, indicating someone who is especially devoted to a performer, but it has a positive connotation, such that someone might proudly acknowledge status as a Taylor Swift stan.

Thus, although the specific slang vocabulary of Generations Z and Alpha differs from standardized meanings and from the slang of earlier generations, this vocabulary is consistent with what we learned in Section 2 about the nature of slang and what we learned in Section 3 about the various functions of slang. In other words, the slang of the current younger generations is both new and not new.

7.1.1 Slang in Support of Learning

To explore the use of slang in children’s literature, Hinton (Reference Hinton2018) interviewed authors of children’s books and educators who made use of children’s literature in their teaching. Hinton (Reference Hinton2018) concluded that the use of authentic language, which includes dialects and slang forms that are meaningful to readers, can be beneficial for engaging students with the literature. For example, Hinton reported on an author who wrote about young people living in an urban environment; this author attempted to represent the language authentically, using Spanglish and slang in the speech of Latinx characters in her stories, based on the reasoning that students enjoy encountering characters who speak like they do. Hinton pointed out that well-known authors of English literature, such as William Shakespeare and Mark Twain, used slang in their writing, implying that avoidance of slang by teachers is not consistent with teaching students to understand literature. If the instructional goals include helping students develop language proficiency, exposure to slang and multiple dialects can be helpful. There are many more nonnative speakers of English than native speakers (Yang, Reference Yang2017), so it is important to understand how nonstandard forms of English relate to the process of learning English as an additional language.

Prayuda and Pradana (Reference Prayudha and Pradana2023) conducted an analysis of slang usage in sixty-seven Indonesian students learning English online. Data for the study came from transcripts of a WhatsApp learning group, comments from Zoom meetings, and interviews with fifteen of the students. The researchers found that the students made use of both Indonesian and English slang words; in other words, they code-switched. The students often used abbreviations in their communication, similar to the social media slang or Netspeak described in Section 5, such as the use of ANW for anyway. Students indicated that they used slang abbreviations to reduce typing, indicating a practical purpose. However, the students also indicated that using slang made them more understandable to their friends and made them appear to be trendy. These functions are consistent with the use of slang to communicate both meaning and individual identity. Interestingly, students also indicated that using slang made their friends more likely to participate in class, suggesting a potential educational application for instructors who are searching for ways to increase class participation.

Another educational use of slang involves helping students understand the varied and global nature of English. There are many dialects of English around the world, and it is important for language learners to understand that diversity. Dialects of English used in the USA or in the UK, for example, are not the “correct” form of English. Instead, English dialects around the world are pluralistic, and localized dialects of English are important to the cultures in which they are embedded (Yang, Reference Yang2017). Yang (Reference Yang2017) developed a curriculum for helping English language learners at a university in Taiwan learn about the pluralistic nature of English dialects and thereby gain a better understanding of the English language and its relationship to culture. The curriculum specifically focused on teaching the students to compare and contrast New Zealand English (NZE) with General American English (GAE). The students were native speakers of Taiwanese Mandarin who had substantial prior English language learning experience. The ten-week curriculum included interactions with native English speakers from New Zealand as well as a variety of active learning opportunities exploring NZE and the culture of New Zealand. Instruction about NZE included learning about slang expressions. Over the course of the curriculum, the students were able to correct misconceptions and stereotypes they had about New Zealand culture. They also improved their knowledge of the differences between NZE, of which they had very little prior knowledge, and GAE. One student noted, “I originally thought English spoken in New Zealand was not correct, but I came to realize that they just speak differently” (p. 59).

The research reviewed above provides several ideas for how university faculty could incorporate slang in their teaching. When instructional objectives relate to teaching language skills or to teaching about the nature of language (e.g., in a literature or linguistics course), an exploration of varieties of slang could be included as an instructional strategy. Practice with understanding and producing spoken or written slang provides a way to address those types of educational objectives while increasing student engagement. Such exposure could also help students appreciate the diversity of language varieties and better understand that there is not one “correct” version of a language.

When instructional objectives do not directly relate to language concepts, an understanding of the value of slang can be useful in other ways. Consistent with Prayuda and Pradana’s (Reference Prayudha and Pradana2023) findings, an instructor’s tolerance – or even appreciation – of slang usage, abbreviations, and code-switching can help students learn to communicate efficiently. Further, when formal language is not required, students may be more engaged in class and more positive about the course due to their ability to express their identity and to be understandable to their peers.

7.1.2 Slang as a Barrier in Testing

The inclusion of slang in teaching or testing materials may interfere with educational objectives when the population includes students who are less familiar with the specific types of slang used by the instructors. Parker and O’Connell (Reference Parker and O’Connell2024) were concerned that the use of slang words, idioms, and ambiguous words on a nursing licensure exam (the NCLEX-RN) might present a barrier to the performance of students who are not native English speakers. To investigate whether this language issue might present problems for assessing the knowledge of nursing students, the researchers created a revised version of an exam in which they removed wording that might create linguistic bias yet reflected “the original intentions and nursing-related content” (p. 820). The researchers used an experimental design with 169 nursing students, whose primary languages included English, Creole, Spanish, and several other languages, at a private university in the USA. The students had demonstrated the level of English proficiency required by the program and were partway through their coursework in nursing. A review panel of nursing graduates who were preparing for the licensure exam identified potentially problematic language in questions from course test banks. After revision to remove the problematic wording from the questions, a group of nursing instructors reviewed the revised questions to confirm that the intent of the question was still satisfied.

An example of these revisions involved the use of the phrase forms of address in a response option for a multiple-choice exam question. A student who is generally competent in standard dialect vocabulary is unlikely to understand what form of address means if the individual has not previously encountered this wording in an appropriate context, for example, Please indicate your preferred form of address (Ms., Mr., etc.), because the meaning cannot easily be derived from the meaning of each word in the expression. As a result, a student taking the exam may fail to answer the question correctly, not due to a lack of understanding of a nursing concept, but because of a language barrier. In the revised version of the exam, the researchers changed the response choice Ask the client about preferred forms of address to Ask the client what name they would prefer to be called. Similarly, the word off has a nonstandard meaning of not normal or not well. The researchers revised the wording in a question from The nurse notices that a client is off today to The nurse notices that a client is depressed today.

Parker and O’Connell administered the revised exam to the sample of nursing students. The students also responded to a questionnaire that measured their level of linguistic acculturation; this questionnaire included items such as, In which language(s) do you usually think? Overall, the students performed better on the exam that had been modified to remove linguistic bias, with a more pronounced benefit for students who scored lower on the measure of linguistic acculturation. Parker and O’Connell’s experiment demonstrated that the use of nonstandard language can create content-irrelevant difficulty. They concluded that linguistic bias can negatively affect students on high-stakes exams. The researchers recommended creating a database of questions with problematic wording to encourage more research.

It may be helpful for university instructors to consider Parker and O’Connell’s findings more generally. Just as students are members of generations and may use slang associated with their own generation, instructors are also members of generations. Instructors may not be aware when they are using expressions that are not understandable to their students for content-irrelevant reasons. Thus, instructors would be wise to review teaching materials and assessments, or even to ask others to help screen those materials for these issues.

The research findings reviewed above suggest that it would be helpful for instructors to consider how slang usage may impact educational practice. Depending on the context and educational objectives, the use of slang by teachers and students can be helpful or harmful. Thus, instructors should consider how the functions of slang (e.g., for social purposes or for communicating meaning) relate to their goals for students.

7.3.1 Language Etiquette

As we learned in Section 2, the idea that there is a single, correct version of a language is misleading (Aleksic, Reference Aleksic2025). Nevertheless, the existence of beliefs about correct or standard language in contrast to other dialects and to slang is real and has consequences. As Puspita and Ardianto (Reference Puspita and Ardianto2024) note, “Gen Z’s slang captivates and sometimes confounds older generations (p. 77).”

One example of concern about students’ use of slang is the possibility that it violates expectations about appropriate language etiquette. Mudiono (Reference Mudiono2022) examined language etiquette in elementary school students’ social media communications at a school in Indonesia. Mudiono observed 1,200 WhatsApp conversations between the students and tabulated slang expressions used by the students. The slang usages were then categorized as to whether or not they were polite, with impoliteness indicated by features such as making an accusation, indicating annoyance, using profanity, or even using “improper language,” the latter of which included improper use of abbreviations (e.g., nm for name).

Mudiono concluded that the majority of slang expressions were impolite. The definition of impolite in this study appears to have been quite broad, including the use of nonstandard abbreviations and content that was deemed disrespectful. Mudiono recommended that teachers could use social media to help teach students about language etiquette. Thurairaj et al. (Reference Thurairaj, Hoon, Roy and Fong2015), in their study of Malaysian university students, found that the use of internet slang did not affect students’ performance on exams because the students were aware that they should not use informal language or misspellings, suggesting that these (older) students were aware of contexts in which slang was considered appropriate or inappropriate.

When students use slang in assignments for which it is not deemed appropriate (e.g., when the assignment requires students to demonstrate mastery of formal language), teachers may perceive the usage as interfering with instructional goals and oppose it for that reason (Jeresano & Carretero, Reference Jeresano and Carretero2022). Based on interviews with and survey responses from teachers, Jeresano and Carretero concluded that the use of slang can create barriers between students and teachers, although it does not appear to create barriers between students. Note that this conclusion is consistent with the social functions of slang we encountered in Section 3, as students may use slang to reinforce group cohesion and distinguish themselves from individuals outside their social groups (e.g., teachers). However, Jeresano and Carretero found that the use of Generation Z slang helped involve students in conversation and become more confident in using the language. Students were more engaged with writing assignments when they could use slang, although the teachers in the study indicated that the use of slang did not improve students’ writing style.

Again, instructional goals are the key in understanding the impact of slang usage in education. If the educator is attempting to teach students to write in a formal style using a standard dialect, use of slang may be an obstacle, but if the educator’s goal is to engage students in conversation or writing, slang use could help support that goal. It may be particularly helpful for instructors to explicitly address how to tailor language style to a particular purpose. For example, an instructor could teach students to attend to how communication may differ depending on whether an employee is communicating with other employees of the same generation or with a supervisor who is a member of a different generation.

7.3.2 Language-Related Stereotyping

Educators’ beliefs about language and about language users may influence how they perceive and interact with their students. We will consider two examples of stereotyping that can adversely affect education: stereotypes about students who speak AAE and stereotypes about Generation Z students.

Pittman et al. (Reference Pittman, O’Neal, Wright and White2024) suggest that educators may view students’ use of AAE from a “deficit-oriented perspective” (p. 1) rather than understanding it as a difference in dialects. Educators who teach in the English language typically provide instruction in GAE, which differs in multiple linguistic features from AAE (Pittman et al., Reference Pittman, O’Neal, Wright and White2024). These features include differences in phonology, such as mile (AAE) for the GAE word mild. Morphosyntactic features also differ, as in she be talking during class (AAE), corresponding to she is always talking in class (GAE), with be talking representing the “habitual be” verb form. Such differences are most accurately understood as language variation rather than as one form being more correct than the other.

AAE speakers differ in the extent to which they speak AAE exclusively or in combination with GAE. Some speakers are proficient in both dialects and can code-switch effectively (Pittman et al., Reference Pittman, O’Neal, Wright and White2024). Older students tend to be more aware of when it is considered appropriate to use AAE vs. GAE; for example, Pittman et al. noted a study reporting that eighth-graders used less AAE in their writing than did third-graders. As we learned in Section 6, code-switching accomplishes important social and linguistic functions. Nevertheless, the research suggests that many teachers view the use of AAE negatively, believing that students who use AAE will perform worse than those who do not.

Pittman et al. point out that students whose primary dialect is AAE often do not receive the language support that is provided to second-language speakers of English, although a student who is facile with AAE but not GAE may face similar language barriers. An early reader who speaks mainly AAE may be misdiagnosed as having a form of reading difficulty. This misdiagnosis may occur because the educator does not understand that the student’s usage reflects correct AAE, highlighting the need to differentiate between reading difficulties and dialect differences (just as a student may struggle to read in English because it is not the student’s primary language). Due to misunderstandings like these, students’ use of AAE in classrooms tends to be stigmatized by teachers, even though AAE is increasingly used in the media, and as we learned in Section 2, has a history of influencing English language usage. Pittman et al. (Reference Pittman, O’Neal, Wright and White2024) propose that educators need to be more aware of AAE and how it compares to GAE to overcome stereotyped views of students. Yang (Reference Yang2017) argues that greater awareness could have additional educational benefits; teachers can “help their students to cultivate respect and tolerance towards diverse ways of speaking English. English teachers can empower their students to address, expose, challenge, and overcome the social ideology that regards nonstandard/nonnative accents as inherently inferior to SE” (p. 63).

A second example of stereotyping that can negatively impact education relates to beliefs about Generation Z students. Educators may hold negative stereotypes about their Generation Z students, primed by critiques of Generation Z (Camfield & Bayers, Reference Camfield and Bayers2023). Examples of stereotypical characteristics associated with Generation Z students include the beliefs that they lack empathy, are addicted to screens, and are emotionally fragile. Camfield and Bayers pointed out that such beliefs can interfere with developing empathy for students and strong relationships between students and teachers. The generational slang that we encountered in Section 5 may also be stereotypically associated with students who are of a younger generation than their instructors. Further, the use of generational slang by these students may activate other generational stereotypes in their teachers’ minds.

Camfield and Bayers (Reference Camfield and Bayers2023) recommend that educators need to “help students manage cognitive load, utilize their abundant creativity, promote tolerance for ambiguity, experience academic rigor that builds resilience, activate critical empathy, own their own stories, and build relationships” (p. 7). To do this, Camfield and Bayers argue, educators need to be aware of how their language can indicate power relationships with students. Communicating support for students and an openness to suggestions can help instructors engage more effectively with their younger students.

An important lesson to extract from the research reviewed above is that there is a need for educators to examine their attitudes and stereotypes about language varieties. University faculty who are teaching students of a younger generation can benefit from acknowledging that the use of slang by their students can affect instructors’ attitudes – in some cases negatively – about those students. Similar to the risk of assuming that students who use AAE are less competent or lazier than students who do not, faculty should refrain from inferring that students who use the slang of Generation Z or Generation Alpha are less motivated or capable.

7.3.3 Attitudes About Technology

Research exploring attitudes about education-related technology is also relevant to instructor–student relationships. Instructors’ beliefs about the effects of technology, especially those technologies heavily used by younger generations, do not always correspond with reality.

Wray (Reference Wray2015) investigated the perceptions of a sample of primary school teachers in the London area about how text messaging affected their students’ literacy development. Some teachers expressed concern about the negative impacts of text messaging on literacy development, for example, “I feel it has more of a negative impact than it does a positive one as you see it in their speaking as well as their writing” (p. 275). Teachers also mentioned the strengths of students with regard to text messaging, for example, “the high ability children can distinguish between the two, as they can cope with different styles of language and they don’t get them mixed up” (p. 275). The latter comment suggests a recognition of students’ ability to code-switch effectively. In general, the teachers in Wray’s study indicated that textisms (meaning text message abbreviations) had a larger impact on students’ speech than on their writing. Interestingly, the teachers indicated that slang appeared more in students’ writing than did textisms.

Wray notes that previous research did not support the concern that knowledge of textisms interfered with literacy development. For example, Plester et al. (Reference Plester, Wood and Bell2008) found, in a study of schoolchildren in England, that while frequency of texting was negatively correlated with scores on a verbal reasoning test, knowledge of text message abbreviations, measured via a translation task, was positively correlated with verbal reasoning, and facility with textisms was positively related to both writing and spelling ability. Drouin (Reference Drouin2011), in a sample of undergraduate students, found that greater frequency of texting was positively correlated with spelling ability and with reading fluency. Similarly, Kreiner and Davis (Reference Kreiner and Davis2011) reported that a measure of knowledge of text message abbreviations was associated with better spelling ability. However, Drouin also found that greater use of textese in emails to professors and on social media predicted lower levels of reading accuracy.

These findings suggest that knowledge of text messaging-related language may reflect better rather than worse verbal ability, and although we cannot determine from these correlational studies whether there is a causal relationship, it does not appear to be the case that using text message abbreviations reduces language competency. Teachers’ perceptions are sometimes at odds with this conclusion. If teachers recognize that knowledge of nonstandard language (such as textisms) may actually reflect language competence, it may help them to avoid stereotypical thinking about their students. Further, teachers may be able to help their students practice tailoring the type of language they use to the situation, for example, avoiding textisms when writing formally.

Recognizing the importance of technology for students is another helpful strategy for instructors. Professors who perceive social media as important in students’ lives and for their future employment are more likely to incorporate social media into their course assignments. Professors who do not incorporate social media into their teaching tend to be older, less familiar with social media, and see it as less important for student learning (Höfrová et al., Reference Höfrová, Balidemaj and Small2024). One reason faculty may have less positive attitudes about educational use of social media is that it can be difficult to stay up to date with the technology that younger students, such as individuals of Generation Alpha age, use.

Huss (Reference Huss2023) surveyed undergraduate preservice teacher education students, who were mostly of Generation Z age, about their views of online learning. Huss found that about 65 percent of the sample did not “feel connected to their professors when learning online” (p. 102). This is an important issue given what Seemiller et al. (Reference Seemiller, Grace, Campagnolo, Alves and De Borba2021) found about the value that Generation Z students place on the instructor’s enthusiasm. If students do not feel connected to their professor in an online course, they are not likely to get a sense of the instructor’s passion for the topic.

A strategy for adjusting online education with Generation Z students in mind is for the instructor to incorporate humor, as the survey responses in Huss’s study indicated that humor communicates that the instructor cares and is interested in relating to the students. One way to incorporate humor is to selectively use the slang of the students’ generation. As long as the slang is used to convey wordplay and humor rather than as an attempt to appear to be in the same social group as the students, this strategy is likely to engage students. The majority of the students in Huss’s study also indicated that they did not feel connected to other students in online courses, so instructors should consider strategies for improving student-to-student connections. Huss noted that Generation Z students are generally accustomed to using smartphones and the internet; thus, online courses that make use of this familiarity with technology, along with the associated slang, can be helpful.

7.3.4 Communication Across Generations

How might faculty improve their communication with students of different generations? Conny et al. (Reference Conny, Yultisa, Wahyudin Sagala and Indah Rezeki2024) highlight the need to investigate how language changes related to social media affect communication across different generations. A better understanding of generational and internet slang could help instructors appreciate that differences in language use often indicate competence and linguistic flexibility. More research is needed to identify how slang and other language differences may present obstacles for communication between instructors and students as well as strategies for overcoming those obstacles.

Should instructors try to use the slang of their younger-generation students? Attempting to use slang that is not associated with one’s own generation or other sociocultural affiliations can be problematic for several reasons. Because one of the functions of slang is to communicate one’s identity (Damirjian, Reference Damirjian2024), using slang that is not reflective of the instructor’s identity may be perceived by students as attempting to appropriate their identities. Further, students are likely to perceive this slang use as inauthentic. Adams (Reference Adams2009) comments that, “however much adults today emulate adolescents and attempt to appropriate their slang and other elements of teen style, they will not succeed enough to fool adolescents, those who really control cool (p. 89).” Just substituting slang words as if they are synonyms for non-slang words will not come across as authentic, because the language will not reflect that the speaker is of the same social group with the same shared goals. However, it is possible that instructors could effectively use the slang of younger generations for aesthetic purposes, such as wordplay, in order to connect with students via humor, consistent with Huss’s (Reference Huss2023) findings.

Attempting to use the slang of another group is not the same as attempting to understand it. The latter type of effort implies a desire to understand and appreciate, which could be beneficial for the teacher–student relationship. Kay (Reference Kay2019) described the case of a high school teacher in Massachusetts who became interested in slang words students were using that he did not understand. The teacher began keeping records of these words with their definitions (supplied by students) in a spreadsheet. Kay made an analogy to the need for continual software updates to make the point that teachers should update their understanding of students’ “cultures and shifting identities (p. 91).”

There are multiple ways in which generational slang is relevant to educators. We have learned in this section that slang can interfere with or support instructional goals, depending on the goals and the situation. We have seen how a better understanding of the functions of slang can help instructors avoid negative stereotypes about students, including about their language competence and etiquette. Because younger generations represented in the student population are likely to have had different experiences with technology, it is helpful for instructors to understand how they can leverage attitudes about technology to improve relationships with their students.

Instructors may be able to use the slang of the current generation as a topic of current interest, and this topic could be tied to numerous content areas, for example, language, communication, and culture. Within psychology education, generational slang could be connected to courses such as Cognitive Psychology, Psycholinguistics, Multicultural Psychology, Social Psychology, and even Research Methods and Statistics. For example, students in a Research Methods class might generate ideas about how to test hypotheses related to generational slang, allowing them to relate concepts that they might otherwise find less interesting to content that they perceive as relevant to their lives.

8.1.1 Should Instructors Know the Slang Used by Their Students?

It is probably not realistic to expect faculty of older generations to be familiar with all the current slang used by their students, especially given the fluidity of slang expressions over time. However, faculty can gain a deeper understanding of their students through the slang that they use, as it communicates information about students’ identities, group memberships, and desired affiliations (Damirjian, Reference Damirjian2024). In other words, even without understanding exactly what each expression means, if the instructor is able to monitor what forms of slang students are speaking, that effort adds to the instructor’s knowledge of the students’ social identities. The perceptive instructor could then use that understanding to adjust examples and teaching methods based on the mixture of students in a class.

Depending on the context, and especially the learning objectives, an instructor might appreciate and even encourage the use of generational slang as a mechanism for increasing student participation, engagement, and confidence (Jeresano & Carretero, Reference Jeresano and Carretero2022; Prayudha & Pradana, Reference Prayudha and Pradana2023). Further, instructor recognition of how multilingual students blend different languages and slang forms can support the globalization of the curriculum (Conny et al., Reference Conny, Yultisa, Wahyudin Sagala and Indah Rezeki2024; Juli et al., Reference Juli, Suci and Esti2024; Thurairaj et al., Reference Thurairaj, Hoon, Roy and Fong2015; Wedananta et al., Reference Wedananta, Padmadewi, Artini and Budasi2023; Yang, Reference Yang2017).

8.1.2 Should Instructors Try to Use the Slang of Their Students?

Instructors need not feel compelled to learn the slang of younger generations in order to communicate with their students. Slang is not the same as a dialect, and it is likely that faculty can communicate their intended meaning without needing to use slang of the “appropriate” generation(s). A risk for an instructor attempting to use slang of another group (e.g., of a younger generation) is that this usage is likely to be perceived as inauthentic (Damirjian, Reference Damirjian2024) and thereby harm the instructor–student relationship. Slang use indicates the borders of social groups (Coleman, Reference Coleman2012), and students will notice when a member of a different social group is trying to create the appearance of being a member of their own group.

However, instructors may use some of the informal language of their students as a way of indicating common ground or shared status, and doing so on a limited basis may help the instructor gain the attention of the students (Adams, Reference Adams2009). If students perceive that the instructor is using their slang as wordplay, then the fun and humor associated with language may be motivating to them. A limited use of slang by the instructor for the purpose of humor can build connection and communicate that the instructor cares (Huss, Reference Huss2023). Students of Generation Z age tend to value enthusiasm, passion, and humor in education (Seemiller et al., Reference Seemiller, Grace, Campagnolo, Alves and De Borba2021), and the limited use of slang may help instructors display these characteristics.