China's military exercises in the Taiwan Strait in 1995–96 accentuated concerns among states in the Asia-Pacific region about what kind of great power China will become if its economic growth continues at present rates and if its domestic political system does not change appreciably. In most respects many Chinese internal post-mortems on the crisis were quite similar to those in other states: coercive diplomacy led to an increase in voter support for Beijing's nemesis, Lee Teng-hui, and it increased worries among surrounding states about how China might handle bilateral disputes with them; but it also showed just how seriously the Chinese regime takes threats to the related interests of territorial integrity and domestic legitimacy.

Criminal procedure in China had been governed by the 1979 Criminal Procedure Law (CPL 1979). This was amended in 1996 (the Amendment). In many aspects, the Amendment introduces important changes to the previous procedures and significantly redistributes the existing division of powers within the criminal justice system. It restricts police power and the prosecution's discretion. It enhances the position of the court and differentiates the role of judges. It also offers more protection for the rights of the accused and enhances the position of defence lawyers in the criminal process in substantive and procedural aspects. Consequently criminal lawyers are expected to play a more active and meaningful role in criminal defence.

The Literary Association (Wenxue yanjiu hui) was established on 4 December 1920 by 12 founder members and officially inaugurated during a meeting in Beijing's Central Park (now Zhongshan Park) on 4 January 1921. In the following years more than 100 members joined and at least two branch societies were established. Under its aegis a number of literary supplements, magazines and series of books were published. It was the largest literary society of the 1920s. The exact date of its demise is unknown.

During the “high tide” of the Cultural Revolution between 1966 and 1968, almost every urban school and work unit erupted in dissension and factionalism, very often spiralling into violence. Amidst exaggerated charges, a great many basic-level leaders were toppled from below and humiliated – or worse. In every city, so-called Rebel and Conservative factions emerged from the mêlée and fought each other in the streets.

China scholars agree that there was a leadership transition in China in the 1980s, with old revolutionary guards being replaced by a generation of young, better educated Communist officials. This leadership transition has been a subject of intensive scholarly research in the West. However, few have paid attention to ethnic representation in the post-Mao Chinese leadership. This may be a result of data limitations. Are there cadres of ethnic background in the current Chinese leadership? Who are they? Do they differ from their predecessors in Mao's China and from their Han counterparts in post-Mao China? Have the selection criteria been changed over time?

The relationship between the PRC and the Vatican formally broke down in 1951 with the expulsion of the Papal Nuncio Archbishop Ribieri. Given Mao's emphasis on class struggle and his intolerant approach to ideological issues, no prospect of a dialogue emerged during his lifetime that could have led to a rapprochement. However, after Deng Xiaoping initiated the policy of “openness” as a component of his modernization programme, the Vatican saw the opportunity to try and begin a dialogue in order to establish a Sino-Vatican concordat.