1 See The New History of Florida, ed. Michael Gannon (Gainesville, FL, 1996); Jane Landers, Black Society in Spanish Florida (Urbana, IL, 1999); The Oldest City: Saint Augustine, Saga of Survival, ed. Jean Parker Waterbury (St Augustine, FL, 1983); also see the bibliography in Wiley L. Housewright, A History of Music and Dance in Florida, 1565–1865 (Tuscaloosa, AL, 1991).Google Scholar

2 Vida y hechos de Pe[d]ro Menéndez de Avilés, cauallero de la hordem de Sanctiago, adelantado de la Florida (Mexico City, 1902), 92, 94. ‘Otro dia siguiente sale el adelantado con docientos arcabuceros y una bandera y dos piphanos y tanbores, tres trompetas y una harpa, una bihuela de arco y un salterio y un enano muy chiquito, buen danzador. Manda traer la comida, donde ubo muchos generos de pescados muy buenos, cocidos y asados, ostiones, sin lo que el adelantado hizo desenbarcar, que fue un quintal de bizchocho y una botija de bino y otra de miel, azucar, y repartio por todos los yndios: dioles alguna confitura y carne de membrillo: quando trageron la comida, tocaron las trompetas que estauan de fuera, y en quanto comio el adelantado, tocaron los instrumentos y danzauba el enano: despues cantaron cinco o seys gentiles hombres que tenian muy buenas boces, porque como el adelantado era amigo de musica, siempre traya consigo buen recaudo: contentó nuestra musica a los indios en tal manera, que el cacique dijo a las mozas que estauan de fuera cantando, que callasen, porque los cristianos sauian mucho.’ The translation above is my own.Google Scholar

3 For information about music in Spanish Florida, see Housewright, A History of Music and Dance in Florida; John L. TePaske, ‘Funerals and Fiestas in Early Eighteenth-Century St. Augustine’, Florida Historical Quarterly, 44 (1965), 97–104.Google Scholar

4 Though the Franciscans were active in Florida throughout the Spanish colonial period, the Jesuits were the first order to establish a presence in Florida (1566–72). There they taught the local people to sing the doctrina and the litanies. See Juan Sánchez Baquero, Fundación de la Compañia de Jesús en Nueva España, 1571–1580 (Mexico City, 1945), 167.Google Scholar

5 Pensacola was of great strategic military and political value to the Spanish crown. Bense estimates that the Spanish government spent more than 4,500,000 pesos on its defence between 1698 and 1763 (when it was ceded to Britain). She also remarks about Pensacola's social life and notes that while billiards were extremely popular, musical entertainments and dances were given regularly at the Tivoli Theater during the second Spanish period (1781–1821). Bense gives evidence of European and Indian musical interaction in the form of mouth harps, musical instruments which were commonly exchanged in trade between the Spanish (and French) and their Indian counterparts. A mouth harp was found recently in archaeological diggings in the historic area of Pensacola. (They have also been found in other excavations of colonial sites.) See Archaeology of Colonial Pensacola, ed. Judith A. Bense (Gainesville, FL, 1999), 22, 44, 139.Google Scholar

6 Housewright, , A History of Music and Dance in Florida, 23–4.Google Scholar

7 Deegan, Kathleen, Spanish St Augustine: The Archaeology of a Colonial Creole Community (New York, 1983), 44.Google Scholar

8 Spell, Lota M., ‘Music Teaching in New Mexico in the Seventeenth Century’, New Mexico Historical Review, 2 (1927), 27–36 (p. 29).Google Scholar

9 Essential studies of colonial New Mexico and the Southwest include: Thomas C. Barnes, Thomas H. Naylor and Charles W. Polzer, Northern New Spain: A Research Guide (Tucson, AZ, 1981); Fray Angélico Chávez, Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe (Washington, DC, 1957); Henry Putney Beers, Spanish and Mexican Records of the American Southwest: A Bibliographical Guide to Archive and Manuscript Sources (Tucson, AZ, 1979); Bernard L. Fontana, Entrada: The Legacy of Spain and Mexico in the United States (Tucson, AZ, 1994); David J. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven, CT, 1992).Google Scholar

10 For information about music in colonial New Mexico, see Spell, ‘Music Teaching in New Mexico'; Lincoln B. Spiess, ‘A Group of Books from Colonial New Mexico’, Hispanic Arts and Ethnohistory in the Southwest: New Papers Inspired by the Work of E. Boyd, ed. Marta Weigle and Claudia Larcombe (Santa Fe, NM, 1983), 358–77; idem, ‘Church Music in Seventeenth-Century New Mexico’, New Mexico Historical Review, 40 (1965), 5–21; idem, ‘Instruments in the Missions of New Mexico’, Essays in Musicology: A Birthday Offering for Willi Apel, ed. Hans Tischler (Bloomington, IN, 1968), 131–6; idem, ‘Benavides and Church Music in New Mexico in the Early Seventeenth Century’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 17 (1964), 144–56.Google Scholar

11 See Kubler, George, The Religious Architecture of New Mexico in the Colonial Period and since the American Occupation (Colorado Springs, CO, 1940; repr. Albuquerque, NM, 1990).Google Scholar

12 Franciscans active in early colonial New Mexico are profiled in France V. Scholes and Lansing B. Bloom, ‘Friar Personnel and Mission Chronology, 1598–1629’, New Mexico Historical Review, 19 (1944), 319–36; 20 (1945), 38–82.Google Scholar

13 The Franciscan Province of the Holy Gospel was one of several Franciscan provinces in New Spain. The Custody of the Conversion of St Paul, responsible for the administration of the New Mexican missions, was under its jurisdiction.Google Scholar

14 'Fray Christobal de Quiñones, hijo de esta Provincia del Santo Evangelio; fervoroso varon en la conversion de los infieles; con este desseo fue a la Custodia del Nuevo Mexico; aprendio el idioma de los Queres en que fue erudito; bautizó muchos infieles; fue Custodio; y con la charidad que tuvo compasiba solicitó el alivio, y cura de los enfermos; hizo la iglesia y convento de S. Phelipe, donde puso botica, y le señaló para enfermeria, por ser el temple acomodado; solicitó para el Culto Divino organos, y musica, y por su diligencia aprendieron los naturales, y salieron para el Officio Divino diestros cantores, lleno de virtudes, y de trabajos; murio en S. Phelipe en 27 de Abril del año de 1609.’ Agustín de Vetancourt, Menologio franciscano de los varones mas senalados, repr. with Teatro mexicano: Descripción breve de los sucesos ejemplares históricos y religiosos del nuevo mundo de las indias (facsimile edn, Mexico City, 1971), Part 4, 43. France V. Scholes cast doubt on Quiñones's activity in New Mexico. He believed that Vetancourt may have confused Quiñones with Fray Cristóbal Quirós, also active in New Mexico. See Scholes and Bloom, ‘Friar Personnel and Mission Chronology’, 329.Google Scholar

15 'Fray Bernardo de Marta de nacion Catalan, hermano del V. P. Fray Juan de Marta … Tomaron el habito en el Convento de Zamora en la Provincia de Santiago el año de 1597; ordenados de sacerdotes se concentraron de passar a las Indias, con desseo del martyrio … el año 1605 se embarcaron; Fray Bernardo le mandó la obediencia; fuesse al Nuevo Mexico, donde ilustró aquella custodia con su exemplo, y doctrina; era muy dado a la oracion, donde recivió favores del Señor. En el Coro de la Puebla fue visto de algunos Religiosos en extasis levantado, y que con el Niño que esta sobre el Fasistol tenia particulares coloquios; fue gran musico, y le llamaban el Organista del Cielo; enseñó a tocar, y cantar a los Naturales en muchos Pueblos. Su hermano Juan fue crucificado el año de 1618 en 16 de Agosto en Meaco despues de quatro anõs y medio de carcel. El V. Fray Bernardo [murió] en el Convento de Zia en el Nuevo Mexico el anõ de 1635 en 18 de Septiembre.’ Vetancourt, Menologio franciscano, Part 4, 103.Google Scholar

16 Fray Alonso de Benavides’ Revised Memorial of 1634, ed. Frederick Webb Hodge, George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey (Albuquerque, NM, 1945), 215, 220; Lansing B. Bloom, ‘Fray Esteban de Perea's Relación’, New Mexico Historical Review, 8 (1933), 211–35 (pp. 226, 229–30, 232–4).Google Scholar

17 Fray Alonso de Benavides’ Revised Memorial, ed. Hodge, Hammond and Rey, 74–5.Google Scholar

18 Bloom, ‘Fray Esteban de Perea's Relación'.Google Scholar

19 Spiess speculated that these five antiphonaries ('libros antifonarios') might have been individual polyphonic partbooks bound in one volume. See Spiess, ‘Church Music in Seventeenth-Century New Mexico’, 13. This speculation is still open to debate, however, and Fray Gerónimo Ciruelo, the author, compiler, or copyist of these libros antifonarios, remains a shadowy figure.Google Scholar

20 Fray Alonso de Benavides’ Revised Memorial, ed. Hodge, Hammond and Rey, 115, 118–19.Google Scholar

21 Benavides’ Memorial of 1630, ed. Peter P. Forrestal, CSC, and Cyprian J. Lynch, OFM (Washington, DC, 1954), xv.Google Scholar

22 Fray Alonso de Benavides, Memorial que Fray Juan de Santander de la Orden de San Francisco, Comissario General de Indias, presenta a la Magestad Catolica del Rey don Felipe Quarto Nuestro Señor (Madrid, 1630).Google Scholar

23 Benavides's first report of 1630 was published in Spanish (1630), French (1631), Dutch (1631), Latin (1634) and German (1634) editions or translations. He later revised and expanded it in 1634. Various extracts, editions and translations have appeared since the nineteenth century. A number of these contain serious errors in the translation of musical terms. A problem has been the incorrect translation of canto de órgano (= part-singing/polyphony) as ‘organ’ or ‘organ song'. Proper translations of other musical terms have also eluded the editors and translators of these editions. For example, references to the chirimía (shawm) have been incorrectly translated as ‘flageolet’ or ‘clarion'. For a bibliographical study of the various editions of Benavides's important report, see Fray Alonso de Benavides’ Revised Memorial, ed. Hodge, Hammond and Rey, 19–33. For a summary of the musical coverage in Benavides's memorials, see Spiess, ‘Benavides and Church Music in New Mexico in the Early Seventeenth Century’, 152–6.Google Scholar

24 For information about Pecos Pueblo, see Kessell, John L., Kiva, Cross, and Crown: The Pecos Indians of New Mexico, 1540–1840 (Albuquerque, NM, 1987; repr. 1995).Google Scholar

25 Fray Alonso de Benavides’ Revised Memorial, ed. Hodge, Hammond and Rey, 71.Google Scholar

26 Scholes, France V., ‘The Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century’, New Mexico Historical Review, 5 (1930), 93–115, 186–210, 386–404.Google Scholar

27 Ibid., 100–2.Google Scholar

28 Ibid., 102–3.Google Scholar

29 Spell, ‘Music Teaching in New Mexico’, 33–4.Google Scholar

30 The presence of organs was noted at the following New Mexican pueblos: San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, Nambé, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Pecos, Galisteo, Chilili, Tajique, Cuarac (Quarái), Abó, Jémez, Zia, Sandia, Isleta, Alameda and Ácoma. France V. Scholes, ‘Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century’, New Mexico Historical Review, 4 (1929), 45–59, 105–202 (pp. 47–50).Google Scholar

31 Fray José de Espeletta, ‘Memoria y relación de algunas cosas sacadas fiel y legalmente del libro en que están escritas las cosas pertenecientes a la iglesia y sacristía de Orahui, ultimo poblado del mundo, y de Xongopaui’, 21 August 1672; Archivo Franciscano, Biblioteca Nacional de México, 19/423.1, ff. 1–2. See France V. Scholes and Eleanor B. Adams, ‘Inventories of Church Furnishings in Some of the New Mexico Missions, 1672’, Dargan Historical Essays: Historical Studies Presented to Marion Dargan by his Colleagues and Former Students, ed. William M. Dabney and Josiah C. Russell (Albuquerque, NM, 1952), 27–38; Ignacio del Río, Guía del Archivo Franciscano de la Biblioteca Nacional de México (Mexico City, 1975).Google Scholar

32 Fray Lucas Maldonado, ‘Memoria y relación de las cosas que pertenecen al culto divino, así del templo como de la sacristía, sacadas fielmente del libro del convento de San Esteban de Acoma’, 25 August 1672; Archivo Franciscano, Biblioteca Nacional de México, 19/422.6, ff. 6–7^v.Google Scholar

33 Fray Francisco Gómez de la Cadena, ‘Memoria de las alhajas que tienen en la iglesia y sacristía los conventos de San Miguel de Baxique y da la Natividad de Chilili’, 20 August 1672; Archivo Franciscano, Biblioteca Nacional de México, 19/422.5, ff. 5–5^v. ‘Tienen ambas iglesias sus ternos de trompetas, chirimias, y todos ynstrumentos de musica con que se celebran las fiestas con grandissima consonancia de bosses, y instrumentos.’Google Scholar

34 Galdo, Fray Juan, ‘Memoria de lo que tiene este convento de Nuestra Señora de la Purificación y Limpia Concepción del pueblo de Alona, provincia de Zuñi … y memoria de lo que tiene … del pueblo de Aguico’, 19 September 1672; Archivo Franciscano, Biblioteca Nacional de México, 19/422.12, ff. 14–15.Google Scholar

35 Fray Fernando de Velasco, ‘Memoria de los precios de las alhajas y ornamentos ricos que los religiosos ministros han puesto en esta sacristía e iglesia de Nuestra Señora del Socorro’, 26 August 1672; Archivo Franciscano, Biblioteca Nacional de México, 19/422.9, ff. 10–11.Google Scholar

36 See The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents, ed. J. Manuel Espinosa (Norman, OK, 1988).Google Scholar

37 Domínguez, Francisco Atanasio, The Missions of New Mexico, 1776: A Description by Fray Francisco Atanasio Domínguez with Other Contemporary Documents, ed. Angélico Chávez, OFM, and Eleanor B. Adams (Albuquerque, NM, 1956), 107, 131, 178.Google Scholar

38 References to music in New Mexico after Domínguez's visitation in 1776 are included in John L. Kessell, The Missions of New Mexico since 1776 (Albuquerque, NM, 1980), passim.Google Scholar

39 Domínguez, The Missions of New Mexico, 1776, ed. Chávez and Adams, 220–33.Google Scholar

40 Several liturgical imprints are bound together in one volume, including Missae propriae sanctorum hispanorum (Antwerp: Typographia Plantiniana, 1725) and Missae propriae sanctorum trium ordinum fratrum minorum S. P. N. Francisci (Antwerp: Typographia Plantiniana, 1724). This volume is reportedly on loan to the Museum of New Mexico from the Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe. After service in an unidentified mission church during the Spanish period, it was used in the early nineteenth century at the church in the Hispanic village of Santa Cruz de la Cañada. See Boyd, E., ‘A Roman Missal from Santa Cruz Mission’, El Palacio, 64 (1957), 233–7; Spiess, ‘A Group of Books from Colonial New Mexico'.Google Scholar

41 Adams, Eleanor B., ‘Viva el Rey?’, New Mexico Historical Review, 35 (1960), 284–92. The original document is in the Archivo Franciscano, Biblioteca Nacional de México, 28/529.3, f. 3.Google Scholar

42 Domínguez, The Missions of New Mexico, 1776, ed. Chávez and Adams, 18.Google Scholar

43 Ibid., 309, 311.Google Scholar

44 The Jesuits established a presence in central Sonora, among the Névome (the Pima Bajo or southern Pima people) as early as 1619. Pennington notes: ‘An early reference to the teaching of singing among the Pima Bajo is in a letter written by [Diego Martínez de] Hurdaide in 1623. He wrote that he was sending a man to the land of the Névome, who, under Diego Vandersipe's [Jacques Van der Zype] (1585–1651) direction, would teach the Indians to sing.’ The Material Culture of the Pima Bajo of Central Sonora, Mexico, ed. Campbell W. Pennington (Salt Lake City, UT, 1980), i, 71. Pennington notes repeated references in early Jesuit accounts to Indian singers in the Pima Bajo missions; he also found that the mission at Ures possessed one of the finest singers in the land, and that chirimías, bajones (translated incorrectly as ‘flageolets’ and ‘basses'), harps and guitars were used in the Pima Bajo missions.Google Scholar

45 For information about northern Sonora and the Pimería Alta, see Kessell, John L., Friars, Soldiers, and Reformers: Hispanic Arizona and the Sonora Mission Frontier, 1767–1856 (Tucson, AZ, 1976); McCarty, Kieran, OFM, A Spanish Frontier in the Enlightened Age: Franciscan Beginnings in Sonora and Arizona, 1767–1770 (Washington, DC, 1981); Officer, James E., Hispanic Arizona, 1536–1856 (Tucson, AZ, 1987); The Pimería Alta: Missions and More, ed. James E. Officer, Mardith Schuetz-Miller and Bernard L. Fontana (Tucson, AZ, 1996).Google Scholar

46 For information about Jesuit musical activities throughout Spanish America, see Lemmon, Alfred E., ‘Jesuit Chroniclers and Historians of Colonial Spanish America: Sources for the Ethno-musicologist’, Inter-American Music Review, 10 (1989), 119–29.Google Scholar

47 Inventories of the former Jesuit churches and church goods were taken after their expulsion from New Spain in 1767. For example, detailed inventories of mission libraries were taken in Baja California in 1773 by the Franciscans, who were then about to turn over to the Dominicans the former Jesuit mission territory they had inherited. Mathes has transcribed and interpreted these 1773 Baja California inventories, which also include references to liturgical books; see Mathes, Michael, ‘Oasis culturales en la Antigua California: Las bibliotecas de las misiones de Baja California en 1773’, Estudios de historia novohispana, 10 (1991), 369–442.Google Scholar

48 For information about Jesuit activities in Sonora, see Polzer, Charles W., SJ, Rules and Precepts of the Jesuit Missions of Northwestern New Spain (Tucson, AZ, 1976).Google Scholar

49 Pfefferkorn, Ignaz, Sonora: A Description of the Province, ed. Theodore E. Treutlein (Albuquerque, NM, 1949), 246–7. Pfefferkorn's account was first published in German as Beschreibung der Landschaft Sonora (Cologne, 1795).Google Scholar

50 Ibid., 269.Google Scholar

51 Ibid., 289.Google Scholar

52 Kessell, John L., Mission of Sorrows: Jesuit Guevavi and the Pimas, 1691–1767 (Tucson, AZ, 1970), 93, 95. Philipp Segesser entered the Society of Jesus in 1708 and professed in 1726. See Kessell, Mission of Sorrows, 53–4, 93–5 and passim; ‘The Relation of Philipp Segesser: The Pimas and Other Indians [1737]’, ed. Theodore E. Treutlein, Mid-America, 27 (1945), 139–87, 257–60; Pennington, The Material Culture, i, 382. Some missionaries were also associated with the visual arts. The important Segesser hide-paintings vividly portray the ambush of the Spanish expedition led by the New Mexican commander Pedro de Villasur by the French and their Pawnee allies in 1720. Two of the Segesser hide-paintings are reproduced in Thomas E. Chávez, An Illustrated History of New Mexico (Niwot, CO, 1992), 62.Google Scholar

53 The Apostolic College of Santa Cruz de Querétaro (patent issued 1682) was the mother of all Franciscan missionary colleges in the Americas. By the eighteenth century, three missionary colleges had been founded in New Spain: Santa Cruz de Querétaro, Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Zacatecas (1706) and San Fernando de México (1734). Fray Antonio Margil de Jesús (1657–1729) and his role in the establishment of the Apostolic colleges in Querétaro and Zacatecas, as well as his missionary activities in Texas, New Spain and Guatemala, are chronicled in Juan Domingo Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle of Juan Domingo Arricivita: The Franciscan Mission Frontier in the Eighteenth Century in Arizona, Texas, and the Californias, ed. and trans. George P. Hammond, Agapito Rey, Vivian C. Fisher and W. Michael Mathes, 2 vols. (Berkeley, CA, 1996).Google Scholar

54 See The Missions of Northern Sonora: A 1935 Field Documentation, ed. Buford Pickens (Tucson, AZ, 1993); George B. Eckhart and James S. Griffith, Temples in the Wilderness: The Spanish Churches of Northern Sonora (Tucson, AZ, 1975).Google Scholar

55 Geiger, Maynard, Franciscan Missionaries in Hispanic California, 1769–1848 (San Marino, CA, 1969), 276–8.Google Scholar

56 Lemmon, Alfred E., ‘Preliminary Investigation: Music in the Jesuit Missions of Baja California (1698–1767)’, Journal of San Diego History, 25 (1979), 287–97.Google Scholar

57 Crosby, Harry W., Antigua California: Mission and Colony on the Peninsular Frontier, 1697–1768 (Albuquerque, NM, 1994), 205.Google Scholar

58 Salvatierra referred to his musical interests in a letter written in Genoa to Jesuit General Gian Paolo Oliva on 8 June 1671. This letter appears in Pietro Tacchi Venturi, SJ, ‘Per la biografia del P. Gianmaria Salvaterra: Tre nuove lettere’, Archivum historicum S.J., 5 (1936), 76–83 (pp. 81–2); cited in Juan María de Salvatierra, S.J.: Selected Letters about Lower California, ed. Ernest J. Burrus, SJ (Los Angeles, CA, 1971), 19.Google Scholar

59 Crosby, , Antigua California, 237–8.Google Scholar

60 Ibid., 291.Google Scholar

61 Crosby, , Antigua California, 272.Google Scholar

62 Ibid.Google Scholar

63 Ibid., 144–5, 480.Google Scholar

64 See Kessell, , Mission of Sorrows, passim.Google Scholar

65 Helen Simons and Cathryn A. Hoyt, Hispanic Texas: A Historical Guide (Austin, TX, 1992); María Esther Domínguez, San Antonio, Tejas, en la época colonial (1718–1821) (Madrid, 1989); Tejano Origins in Eighteenth-Century San Antonio, ed. Gerald E. Poyo and Gilberto M. Hinojosa (Austin, TX, 1991); Jesús F. de la Teja, San Antonio de Béxar: A Community on New Spain's Northern Frontier (Albuquerque, NM, 1995); Félix D. Almaráz, Jr, The San Antonio Missions and their System of Land Tenure (Austin, TX, 1989).Google Scholar

66 Sister Joan of Arc, CDP, Catholic Musicians in Texas (San Antonio, TX, 1936).Google Scholar

67 Juan Agustín Morfí, History of Texas, 1673–1779, ed. Carlos E. Castañeda (Albuquerque, NM, 1935), 97–8.Google Scholar

68 Silva, Fray Manuel, 23, 29 June 1795; Bexar Archives, Barker Texas History, University of Texas, Austin. See Adán Benavides, The Bexar Archives (1717–1836): A Name Guide (Austin, TX, 1989).Google Scholar

69 Forrestal, Peter P., ‘The Solis Diary of 1767’, Preliminary Studies of the Texas Catholic Historical Society, 1/6 (1931), 1–42 (p. 11).Google Scholar

70 Ibid., 17.Google Scholar

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72 Morfí, History of Texas, ed. Castañeda, 97–8.Google Scholar

73 'La noche de la Vigilia de Navidad o Nochebuena sacan los yndios su danza de Matachines, y se estan baylando en el portal del convento todo el tiempo que el ministro les permite, quien suele darles su refresco acostumbrado, si la frasquera lo permite; y el primer dia de Pascua se van a baylar al presidio a casa del Governador y otros particulares. En algunas misiones tienen sus vestidos a proposito para estas fiestas, en esta y en donde no lo hay, se acomodan con los paños de rebozo, y camisas de mugeres. Tambien es regular salga esta danza en la procession del Corpus por suplemento de los Gigantes. Sobre la licitud del bayle, que usan los yndios llamado mitote quidquid sit de ello, lo cierto es, que ellos lo tienen por malo y por esto lo hacen a escusas del Ministro … yo no tengo por ilicito el mitote quando lo hacen por mera diversion, porque es entre los yndios lo mismo, que entre los españoles los fandangos. Todos los dias que se dice misa al pueblo havra sea dia de fiesta … al tiempo de la misa estan los musicos tocando sus instrumentos en el coro; y los sabados en la tarde al rosario tambien acostumbraban para los Misterios tocar el violin y la guitarra.’ Documents Relating to the Old Spanish Missions of Texas, i: Guidelines for a Texas Mission: Instructions for the Missionary at Mission Concepción in San Antonio, ed. Howard Benoist and María Eva Flores, CDP (San Antonio, TX, 1994), 34, 36.Google Scholar

74 Frank, Ross Harold, ‘From Settler to Citizen: Economic Development and Cultural Change in Late Colonial New Mexico, 1750–1820’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1992), 437.Google Scholar

75 Adams, Eleanor B., ‘Bishop Tamaron's Visitation of New Mexico, 1760’, New Mexico Historical Review, 28 (1953), 81–114, 192–221 (p. 201); 29 (1954), 41–7.Google Scholar

76 The Durango Cathedral archives mainly contain musical manuscripts from the eighteenth century, by such luminaries as Mexico City chapelmasters Ignacio de Jerusalem and Manuel de Sumaya. It also retains some nineteenth-century scores. See Francisco Antúnez, La capilla de música de la catedral de Durango, México, siglos XVII y XVIII (Aguascalientes, Mexico, 1970).Google Scholar

77 Geiger, Maynard, OFM, ‘The Internal Organization and Activities of San Fernando College, Mexico City (1734–1858)’, The Americas, 6 (1949), 3–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

78 For fine pictorial overviews of the Alta California and south-western missions, see Thomas A. Drain and David Wakely, A Sense of Mission: Historic Churches of the Southwest (San Francisco, CA, 1994); The California Missions: A Pictorial History, ed. Dorothy Krell (Menlo Park, CA, 1991).Google Scholar

79 Mardith K. Schuetz-Miller, Building and Builders in Hispanic California, 1769–1850 (Tucson, AZ, 1994).Google Scholar

80 Since the mission music repertory from Alta California has been thoroughly studied by William Summers, it is not considered in great detail here. Among his other writings, see Summers, William John, ‘Music of the California Missions: An Inventory and Discussion of Selected Printed Music Books Used in Hispanic California, 1769–1836’, Soundings: University of California Libraries, Santa Barbara, 9 (1977), 13–29; ‘New and Little Known Sources of Hispanic Music from California’, Inter-American Music Review, 11 (1991), 13–24; ‘Opera Seria in Spanish California: A Newly-Identified Manuscript Source’, Music in Performance and Society: Essays in Honor of Roland Jackson, ed. Malcolm Cole and John Koegel (Warren, MI, 1997), 269–90; ‘Orígenes hispanos de la música misional de California’, Revista musical chilena, 149–50 (1980), 34–48; ‘Recently Recovered Manuscript Sources of Sacred Polyphonic Music from Hispanic California’, Revista de musicología, 16 (1993), 2842–55; ‘Spanish Music in California, 1769–1840: A Reassessment’, Report of the Twelfth Congress [of the International Musicological Society], Berkeley 1977, ed. Daniel Heartz and Bonnie Wade (Kassel, 1981), 360–80.Google Scholar

81 Fray Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta transcribed songs in the Mutsun language and compiled a ‘Vocabulary and Phrase Book of the Mutsun Language of Mission San Juan Bautista’ and a ‘Confesionario’, also in Mutsun. See Stevenson, Robert, ‘Written Sources for Indian Music until 1882’, Ethnomusicology, 17 (1973), 1–40. Fray Gerónimo Boscano (1775–1831) left Chinigchinich, an account of the customs, origins and traditions of the native population at Mission San Juan Capistrano. See Geiger, Franciscan Missionaries in Hispanic California, 9–32; Stevenson, ‘Written Sources for Indian Music’, 7–13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

82 Geiger, , Franciscan Missionaries in Hispanic California, 1969.Google Scholar

83 These sources have been examined by Summers and other writers. See Owen da Silva, OFM, Mission Music of California (Santa Barbara, CA, 1941); Maynard Geiger, OFM, ‘Harmonious Notes in Spanish California’, Southern California Quarterly, 57 (1975), 243–50; idem, As the Padres Saw Them: California Indian Life and Customs as Reported by the Franciscan Missionaries, 1813–1815 (Los Angeles, CA, 1976); Theodor Göllner, ‘Two Polyphonic Passions from California's Mission Period’, Anuario (Yearbook of the Interamerican Institute for Musical Research), 6 (1970), 67–76; Joseph Halpin, ‘Musical Activities and Ceremonies at Mission Santa Clara de Asís’, California Historical Quarterly, 50 (1971), 35–42; Sister Mary Dominic Ray, OP, and Joseph H. Engbeck, Jr, Gloria dei: The Story of California Mission Music (Sacramento, CA, 1974); Norman Benson, ‘Mission Music in the California Missions: 1602–1848’, Student Musicologists at Minnesota, 3 (1968–9), 128–67; 4 (1969–70), 104–25.Google Scholar

84 A photograph of an eighteenth-century Venetian altar card with music notation used in the mission period at Mission San José is included in Norman Neuerberg, ‘The Function of Prints in the California Missions’, Southern California's Spanish Heritage: An Anthology, ed. Doyce B. Nunis, Jr (Los Angeles, CA, 1992), 263–78 (p. 265).Google Scholar

85 See Summers, ‘Music of the California Missions'.Google Scholar

86 Ibid.Google Scholar

87 See Russell, Craig H., ‘Newly Discovered Treasures from Colonial California: The Masses at the San Fernando Mission’, Inter-American Music Review, 13 (1992), 5–9; George A. Harshbarger, ‘The Mass in G by Ignacio Jerusalem and its Place in the California Mission Music Repertory’ (D.M.A. dissertation, University of Washington, 1985); J. Adam, ‘Rare Old Books in the Bishop's Library’, Publications of the Historical Society of Southern California, 5 (1897), 154–6.Google Scholar

88 See Ahlborn, Richard E., The Mission San Antonio Prayer and Song Board (Santa Barbara, CA, 1993), repr. from Southern California Quarterly, 74 (1992), 1–17.Google Scholar

89 See Summers, ‘Opera Seria in Spanish California'.Google Scholar

90 See Koegel, John, ‘Spanish Mission Music from California: Past, Present and Future Research’, American Music Research Center Journal, 3 (1993), 78–111. For information about musical life in California after the Spanish and Mexican periods, see idem, ‘Canciones del país: Mexican Musical Life in California after the Gold Rush’, California History, 78 (1999), 160–87, 215–19.Google Scholar

91 Kaskaskia was founded by the Jesuit explorer Padre Jacques Marquette in 1675 in northern Illinois. In 1678, Jesuit missionary Padre Claude Allouez counted 351 dwellings erected by the Kaskaskia Illinois. It is estimated that at about this time the population of the Indian village of Kaskaskia was about 5,700, making it larger than the French town of Quebec. The site of Kaskaskia changed several times before a final move in 1703 to southern Illinois, on the eastern side of the Mississippi river. The Jesuits served there until their expulsion in the 1760s. Jesuit missionary Pierre Gabriel Marest (1662–1714) was eulogized in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610–1791, ed. Ruben Thwaites, 73 vols. (Cleveland, OH, 1896–1901), lxv, 265: ‘Gabriel Marest devoted himself to the civilization as well as the religious instruction of the Kaskaskia.’ Presumably Marest also taught the Kaskaskia European music. Kaskaskia (and the other French territory on the eastern side of the Mississippi) passed in 1765 to British control after the Seven Years War. During the early American period, Kaskaskia served as the capital of the territory (1809–18) and state (1818) of Illinois. It later declined in importance and was damaged by floods in the 1880s. See Margaret Kimball Brown and Lawrie Cena Dean, The French Colony in the Mid-Mississippi Valley (Carbondale, IL, 1995). Many of the colonial records from the French and Spanish periods in the Illinois Country are located at the Randolph County Museum and Archives in Chester, Illinois. See Lawrie Cena Dean and Margaret Kimball Brown, ‘The Kaskaskia Manuscripts, 1714–1816: A Calendar of Civil Documents in Colonial Illinois’ (microfilm). Wills, inventories and other documents reveal important information about music-making in the Illinois Country.Google Scholar

92 Cahokia is the site of Mississippian Indian mounds. Three missionaries from the Seminary of the Foreign Missions in Quebec established the Mission of the Holy Family in 1699 among the Illinois at Cahokia at a site on the eastern side of the Mississippi (across the river from St Louis, Missouri). The Church of the Holy Family, erected in 1799 by the French-speaking villagers of Cahokia (then part of the vast United States Northwest Territory), still stands in Cahokia, Illinois. See Old Cahokia: A Narrative and Documents Illustrating the First Century of its History, ed. James Francis McDermott (St Louis, MO, 1949); Charles E. Peterson, Notes on Old Cahokia (Cahokia, IL, 1999).Google Scholar

93 The first site of Ste Genevieve was founded during the French regime and was later abandoned. The present-day city of Ste Genevieve, Missouri, is one of the best-preserved French towns established during the Spanish colonial period in North America. See Carl J. Ekberg, Colonial Ste. Genevieve: An Adventure on the Mississippi Frontier (Gerald, MO, 1985).Google Scholar

94 St Louis was planned in 1764 by Pierre de Laclède Liguest, of Maxent, Laclède & Co., as a fur-trading outpost. Though settled by French-speaking inhabitants, it was officially under Spanish control. It later became the capital of Spanish Upper Louisiana. See Primm, James Neal, Lion of the Valley: St. Louis, Missouri, 1764–1980 (3rd edn, St Louis, MO, 1998); Charles E. Peterson, Colonial St Louis: Building a Creole Capital (Tucson, AZ, 1993); The Early Histories of St. Louis, ed. James Francis McDermott (St Louis, MO, 1952); Charles van Ravenswaay, Saint Louis: An Informal History of the City and its People, 1764–1865 (St Louis, MO, 1991).Google Scholar

95 Significant information about French sacred and secular musical activities and indigenous musical practices in New France and Louisiana is to be found in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, ed. Thwaites. The extensive indices in vols. lxxii–lxxiii contain very valuable references to musical activities. Also see Relations des Jésuites 1632–1673 (Quebec, 1858); Index to the Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610–1791 (Ville Platte, LA, 1999); and David E. Crawford, ‘The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: Early Sources for an Ethnography of Music among American Indians’, Ethnomusicology, 11 (1967), 199–206.Google Scholar

96 The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, ed. Thwaites, lxix, 75–9.Google Scholar

97 For information about music in New France, see Amtmann, Willy, La musique au Québec, 1600–1875 (Montreal, 1976); Le livre d'orgue de Montréal, ed. Elisabeth Gallat-Morin (Montreal, 1981); eadem, Jean Girard, musicien en Nouvelle-France: Bourges 1696–Montréal 1765 (Quebec, 1993); Erich Paul Schwandt, ‘Le motet classique français en Nouvelle France: Cent années d'adaptation (1652–1755)’, Actes du colloque international de musicologie sur le grand motet français, 1663–1792, ed. Jean Mongrédien and Yves Ferraton (Paris, 1987), 199–213; idem, ‘Some Motets in Honour of St Joseph in the Archives of the Ursulines of Quebec’, Canadian University Music Review/Revue de musique des universités canadiennes, 17 (1996), 57–71; idem, ‘Some 17th-Century French Unica in Canada: Notes for RISM’, Fontes artis musicae, 27 (1980), 172–4; idem, ‘The Motet in New France: Some 17th- and 18th-Century Manuscripts in Quebec’, Fontes artis musicae, 28 (1981), 194–219. Also see Répertoire numérique détaillé de la série Musique [Archives of the Ursulines of Quebec] (Quebec, 1994).Google Scholar

98 For information about music in French and Spanish New Orleans, see Kmen, Henry A., Music in New Orleans: The Formative Years, 1791–1841 (Baton Rouge, LA, 1966); Alfred Lemmon, ‘Te deum laudamus: Music in St Louis Cathedral from 1725 to 1844’, Cross, Crozier, and Crucible: A Volume Celebrating the Bicentennial of a Catholic Diocese in Louisiana, ed. Glenn R. Conrad and Earl F. Niehaus (Lafayette, LA, 1993), 489–504; Lemmon, ‘Music and Art in Spanish Colonial Louisiana’, The Spanish Presence in Louisiana, 1763–1803, ed. Gilbert C. Din (Lafayette, LA, 1996), 433–45; John Baron, ‘Music in New Orleans, 1718–1792’, American Music, 5 (1987), 282–90; The French Experience in Louisiana, ed. Glenn R. Conrad (Lafayette, LA, 1995).Google Scholar

99 Ekberg, Carl J., French Roots in the Illinois Country: The Mississippi Frontier in Colonial Times (Urbana, IL, 1998); The Spanish in the Mississippi Valley, 1762–1804, ed. John Francis McDermott (Urbana, IL, 1974); Nicolas de Finiels, An Account of Upper Louisiana, ed. Carl J. Ekberg and William E. Foley (Columbia, MO, 1989).Google Scholar

100 McDermott, John Francis, A Glossary of Mississippi French, 1673–1850 (St Louis, MO, 1941); Ward Allen Dorrance, The Survival of French in the Old District of Sainte Genevieve (Columbia, MO, 1935).Google Scholar

101 Houck, Louis, The Spanish Regime in Missouri (Chicago, IL, 1909), i, 42.Google Scholar

102 McDermott, John Francis, ‘The Myth of the “Imbecile Governor”: Captain Fernando de Leyba and the Defense of St Louis in 1780’, The Spanish in the Mississippi Valley, ed. McDermott, 314–405 (pp. 374, 385).Google Scholar

103 Houck, , The Spanish Regime, i, 88, 90, 94–8.Google Scholar

104 Because bells continued in use long after the Spanish period, many survive today throughout the Southwest and northern Mexico. However, other Spanish colonial-era musical instruments are relatively scarce in the United States, and seem to survive only in the Alta California missions. Collections of instruments used in California during the Spanish and Mexican periods are found today at Mission San Carlos Borromeo (Carmel), Mission San Juan Bautista and elsewhere. See Ray, Gloria dei, for pictures of surviving instruments. While many colonial organs survive in central Mexico, I do not know if any of the northern Mexican mission churches have retained their colonial organs or other musical instruments.Google Scholar

105 Moorhead, Max L., The Presidio: Bastion of the Spanish Borderlands (Norman, OK, 1991); Thomas H. Naylor and Charles W. Polzer, SJ, Pedro de Rivera and the Military Regulations for Northern New Spain, 1724–1729 (Tucson, AZ, 1988); Sidney B. Brinckerhoff and Odie B. Faulk, Lancers for the King: A Study of the Frontier Military System of Northern New Spain, with a Translation of the Royal Regulation of 1772 (Phoenix, AZ, 1965).Google Scholar

106 Historical Documents relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, ed. Charles Wilson Hackett (Washington, DC, 1937), iii, 213.Google Scholar

107 Gaspar Pérez de Villagrá, Historia de la Nueva México, 1610, ed. Miguel Encinias, Alfred Rodríguez and Joseph P. Sánchez (Albuquerque, NM, 1992).Google Scholar

108 Ibid., 55.Google Scholar

109 Villagrá, Historia de la Nueva México, ed. Encinias, Rodríguez and Sánchez, 166.Google Scholar

110 Ibid., 236.Google Scholar

111 Mateo Moreno's master had been Mateo Montero, a resident of Puebla, who purchased him from Alonso de la Torre, a resident of the mines of Pachuca. Mateo Moreno accompanied the soldier Juan Bautista Ruano to New Mexico. He was described as ‘Mateo, twenty years of age, a tall man branded on the face as a slave and with other letters not well outlined.’ Angélico Chávez, ‘Pohé-Yemo's Representative and the Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1680’, New Mexico Historical Review, 42 (1967), 85–126 (pp. 96–7).Google Scholar

112 Ibid.Google Scholar

113 Diego de Vargas's extensive commentary on the re-establishment of Spanish hegemony in New Mexico in the 1690s is vividly documented in his own words in the series The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, ed. John L. Kessell et al. (Albuquerque, NM, 1988–).Google Scholar

114 See Chávez, Angélico, Origins of New Mexico Families: A Genealogy of the Spanish Colonial Period (Santa Fe, NM, 1982), 270; idem, ‘De Vargas’ Negro Drummer’, El Palacio, 56 (1949), 131–8.Google Scholar

115 For an example of Rodríguez Brito's duties as pregonero, see Bernardo P. Gallegos, Literacy, Education, and Society in New Mexico, 1693–1821 (Albuquerque, NM, 1992), 78.Google Scholar

116 Twitchell, Ralph Emerson, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico (Cedar Rapids, IA, 1914), 235.Google Scholar

117 Ibid., 252.Google Scholar

118 Ibid., 308.Google Scholar

119 For information about musical traditions in Hispanic villages in early New Mexico, see Koegel, John, ‘Village Musical Life along the Río Grande: Tomé, New Mexico since 1739’, Latin-American Music Review, 18 (1997), 171–248.CrossRefGoogle Scholar