In the eighteenth century, French Jesuit Pierre Jartoux wore two hats. Louis XIV appointed Jartoux as an envoy to the newly formed Qing Empire, and the Qing emperor, Kangxi, also appointed Jartoux to map the Manchu territory for his empire. While visiting a village in Tartary, a northern region of the Qing, corresponding to parts of present-day Liaoning, Jilin, and Heilongjiang provinces in northeast China, Jartoux became suddenly ill and fell off his horse. Helpless and ill from exhaustion, a Tartar official brought a plant named ginseng to help cure the ailing Jesuit. Jartoux recovered quickly and realized the potential of ginseng as a miracle pharmaceutical for Chinese and Europeans, even though it was rare and costly. While translating Chinese medical theory into French, Jartoux triggered other Jesuit priests to locate ginseng within the French Canadian colonies to expand the production and consumption of ginseng around the Pacific. Jartoux’s fall from his horse and subsequent experience with ginseng’s curative powers changed the course of production and consumption of the Asian plant that brought East and West closer together.
In the “seng” 參 story, we have a remarkable case in which a French encounter with ginseng created a new supply market and promoted the expansion of ginseng consumption, although with several unintended consequences. When, in 1708, Jartoux fell ill mapping Manchuria by order of Louis XIV and the emperor of China, few outside of Asia knew about ginseng. With much precision and scientific analysis, Jartoux captured the qualities of ginseng and its potential as a curative plant in letters to Paris. Detailed drawings of ginseng roots and leaves, as well as the harvesting and collection process, piqued French curiosity for this novel, valuable, and healing plant. Jartoux confidently and boldly predicted that one could only find the elusive ginseng root (Panax quinquefolius) within the boundaries of 39 to 47 degrees north latitude and 10 to 20 degrees east longitude.Footnote 1 There, amid endless mountains, dense forests, and serpentine streams, Jartoux envisioned ginseng thriving in the shadows of the lush wilderness, nourished by dripping dew. Following Jartoux’s prediction in the letter, French Jesuit missionary Joseph-François Lafitau discovered ginseng in New France (present-day Canada) in 1716, leading to a ginseng boom in North America. As word of Lafitau’s discovery spread, it ignited a rush to the north and validated Jartoux’s prediction about ginseng’s potential presence in North America. This discovery quickly caught the attention of French traders, who began exporting Canadian ginseng to Canton as early as 1717. By the 1750s, French commercial enterprises were sending significant shipments to China. American merchants soon followed suit. In 1784, the American commercial ship Empress of China made its landmark voyage to Canton, carrying a substantial cargo of ginseng. This marked the beginning of American participation in the lucrative China trade, with ginseng as a primary export. The influx of North American ginseng through the Canton system, first by French and then predominantly by American traders, significantly impacted the Chinese market. This large-scale importation transformed ginseng from a luxury product monopolized by the Qing government and consumed only by the elite to a more accessible consumer product for the broader population of mainland China.
I argue that Pierre Jartoux’s discovery of ginseng paved the way for a new understanding of the herb and led to the wider range of its production, transforming it from an inland to a maritime commodity, integrating the commercial circuits of Qing Empire, and enabling its widespread consumption. Jartoux’s encounter with ginseng sparked a harvesting boom in New France, which led to a significant expansion of ginseng supply locations in North America. This increase in supply caused a significant drop in the market price of ginseng, making it more widely accessible to the general public and reducing its status as a luxury product primarily enjoyed by the Qing elite. The entry of American ginseng into the market resulted in the collapse of the Qing monopoly system that previously controlled its cultivation and harvesting. The Pacific trade at Canton, though relatively limited in 1700, saw significant growth by the mid-1800s as the Qing Empire’s demand for ginseng and the rapid increase in Pacific ginseng production drove expansion. This growth led to a marked increase in merchant ships from various nations, particularly the Americas, in the port city of Canton. American vessels, such as the famous Empress of China, were prominent in this trade. By 1800, ginseng merchants had established a global presence, meeting market demands in the Qing Empire. Jartoux’s discovery of ginseng set in motion a chain of events that led to the universal consumption of the herb, the expansion of its supply locations, and the emergence of a global ginseng trade.
Both He Bian and Jonathan Schlesinger have explored the complex interplay between power, consumption, and knowledge in the Qing Empire during this period. Bian’s work highlighted the transformation of pharmacies in Qing society and their impact on the use of natural resources.Footnote 2 Schlesinger focused on the increasing demand for frontier products such as ginseng and the environmental consequences thereof.Footnote 3 Their work emphasized mass markets of commodity circulation. Bian examined the interaction of herbal stores, guilds, and the government that produced a new culture of medicine, and Schlesinger argued that public consumption influenced government policy, leading the government to further implement its plan to purify Manchuria.
Other scholars have contributed to the study of ginseng specifically, with Seonmin Kim exploring the Changbai Mountain region of China, where ginseng was a valuable commodity in the Manchu trade.Footnote 4 Kim’s work sheds light on the territorial boundaries and tribute relationship between Qing and Choson Korea and also highlights the cross-border nature of ginseng and its significant political and economic implications. However, his focus is limited to East Asia. Similarly, Van Jay Symons’ analysis of the Qing ginseng monopoly reveals that government regulations benefited the imperial household but negatively impacted private root gatherers.Footnote 5 However, his study does not provide a comprehensive understanding of the global impact of foreign goods on the Chinese monopoly system and the ginseng market. The exchange of foreign goods in international trade may have influenced the ginseng market by introducing new competitors and alternative products, and the historical significance of ginseng in the global economy is, therefore, only partially understood in the works of Kim and Symons.
Addressing these limitations, Heasim Sul offers a crucial framework for understanding the global ginseng trade. Sul’s research extends beyond regional boundaries, tracing ginseng’s journey from a local medicinal herb to a global commodity. Her work contextualizes the findings of Kim and Symons within a larger international framework, demonstrating how ginseng became a crucial commodity in the emerging global economy of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Sul’s analysis provides valuable insight into how the exchange of foreign goods in international trade influenced the ginseng market by introducing new competitors and alternative products. She examines how various powers, including China, Korea, Russia, and Western nations, sought to control and profit from the ginseng trade, offering a more comprehensive understanding of how global demand for ginseng influenced local policies and economic structures across multiple empires.Footnote 6
Although there is still a lack of research specifically on the global exchange of ginseng, scholars have provided insights into scientific exchanges between China and Europe, thereby shedding light on the broader context of this trade. Florence Hsia and Catherine Jami have addressed scientific exchanges between China and Europe from the perspective of the role of the Jesuit scientist. Hsia’s study shows that their contact with the Chinese shaped the French Jesuits’ scientific personae and contributed to the formation of their scientific identity.Footnote 7 Jami’s study contends that science does not comprise an unchanging system of ideas, and we cannot reduce the process of scientification to a simple dichotomy between China and Europe.Footnote 8
The emergence of the global ginseng trade and its widespread consumption can be contextualized within the broader history of global drug flows, as explored by Londa Schiebinger and Harold Cook. Schiebinger highlighted the cultural negotiations that shaped plant identification in colonial botany,Footnote 9 and Cook explored the search for valuable medicines that drove people and goods around the globe.Footnote 10 As explored by Schiebinger and Cook, the history of global drug circulation provides valuable insights into the factors that contributed to the emergence of the global ginseng trade, highlighting the complex interplay between culture, commerce, and knowledge in shaping the global circulation of medicinal substances.
Drawing on this research, I focus on the global ginseng trade’s genesis, spurred by Jartoux’s findings. However, I argue that the early modern ginseng trade must be considered within a broader framework of intercultural knowledge and the exchange of ideas rather than the East–West dichotomy emphasized by some other scholars.
Continental expedition to China
Pierre Jartoux’s contributions illuminate the evolving role of Jesuits as scientific intermediaries between China and Europe in the early eighteenth century. His work provides a window into the later phases of the Jesuit mission in China, revealing a more nuanced picture of their influence. Despite their waning political power at the Qing court, Jesuits like Jartoux continued to play a crucial role in shaping Sino-European knowledge exchange. By examining Jartoux’s endeavors, we gain fresh insights into the complex interplay of science, religion, and cultural exchange during this pivotal period in East–West relations.Footnote 11 The spread of Enlightenment ideals across Europe in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries further intensified the pursuit of knowledge and science, building upon earlier exchanges initiated by Jesuit missionaries like Matteo Ricci in the late sixteenth century. This continuity underscores the enduring impact of the Jesuit enterprise on the intellectual currents that flowed between East and West during this period. In this context, Louis XIV’s decision to send a new wave of Jesuits to China represented a continuation and expansion of these earlier efforts, further deepening the confluence of Eastern and Western thought. This renewed mission, occurring alongside the establishment of new academic institutions throughout Europe, marked a critical phase in the ongoing exchange of ideas between the two regions. Pierre Jartoux, one of these Jesuits, played a crucial role in developing knowledge and science in China. Jartoux was born in 1688 in Embrun, France, and joined the Society of Jesus when he was eleven years old. Jartoux was highly proficient in analytical geometry, algebra, mechanics, and even clock mechanics.Footnote 12 Jartoux’s intense curiosity and hunger for knowledge prompted him to push science to its limits. He was especially interested in Chinese scientific breakthroughs and keen to learn about fresh findings.
Jartoux came to China in 1701 at the invitation of the Qing Emperor Kangxi, who assigned him the duty of mapping the enormous Tartary region.Footnote 13 An accomplished mathematician, Jartoux made significant contributions by finding the link between circumference and diameter and creating a technique for computing strings and arcs in a circumference. The mission of the Jesuits was critical at a period when the Qing Empire was rising, and new maps of the area were required. One of the Qing’s main goals was mapping the “Tartary” region, which included present-day northeast China. This area was crucial due to its relationship with the Manchus, the emperor’s birthplace, and ginseng cultivation. Along with Father Jean Baptiste Regis and Father Joachim Bouvet, Kangxi chose Jartoux for the mission owing to his proficiency in mathematics.Footnote 14
Jartoux and his colleagues set out in July 1708 to locate the Great Wall, a crucial barrier that separated China from the region historically referred to as “Tartary.” They documented the imperial gates and many fortifications along the path, recording every detail. The following year, Jartoux and Father Regis embarked on a hazardous voyage to investigate Eastern “Tatay.”Footnote 15 The area had been ignored for many years and they lacked the resources needed to complete their mission. Even so, the Emperor’s strong command ensured that the survey did not fall behind schedule. Notwithstanding the difficulties, the crew worked diligently to locate critical locations in Liaodong Province, bounded to the south by the Great Wall. They also surveyed Korea’s northern border, the territories of the “Tatars,” and the whole region of the Mongol ruler, known to the Chinese as the Tibetan Tatars, between 45 and 40 degrees latitude.Footnote 16 The priests turned back at 40 degrees, but their efforts still produced a comprehensive map of China’s enormous span. Jartoux combined the provinces’ projected maps into a general map at a standard size and submitted it to the emperor as the Atlas of the Chinese Empire in 1718, as Figure 1 shows.Footnote 17 Jartoux’s contributions to mathematics and mapping and his curiosity and hunger for knowledge helped shape future generations’ understanding of China’s vast and diverse landscape.
Atlas of the Chinese Empire (康熙全覽圖).Footnote 18
Map of Northeast China (Tatar Region).Footnote 22
The mapping and missionary activities served as the impetus for Jartoux’s search for ginseng. While traveling, Jartoux became unwell and had to rest at the “Tartary” village in northern Qing. There he had his initial first-hand experience with ginseng. Jartoux watched Manchurian troops cultivating ginseng in the Changbai Mountains and had direct experience with its curative benefits. He observed ginseng directly and located it between 39 and 47 degrees north latitude and 10 and 20 degrees east longitude (using the Beijing meridian as a reference). Massive mountain ranges and thick woods make travel across the area difficult. The steep mountainsides and verdant woods were ideal growing conditions for ginseng.
Ginseng as an elite commodity under the monopoly system
The Qing ginseng monopoly evolved through distinct phases, each marked by unique management strategies and structural shifts that reflected the changing priorities of the Qing government. The initial phase, starting from 1644, was characterized by the Eight BannersFootnote 19 monopoly system. During this period, the Qing court sought to consolidate control over ginseng resources by integrating the ginseng trade within the traditional banner system, a key military and administrative structure. The court demarcated specific mountainous regions in Manchuria for different banners, granting only bannermen the exclusive right to gather ginseng within these designated areas. These bannermen, based on their rank, could select and dispatch a limited number of men to collect ginseng. This system was initially effective, as it leveraged the loyalty and organizational capabilities of the banners to ensure that the Imperial Household’s demand for ginseng was met. However, as the years progressed, the banner system began to falter under the weight of high quotas and the challenge of rampant illegal gathering.Footnote 20
In the early eighteenth century, the Qing government significantly transformed its approach to managing ginseng production. The adoption of the ginseng permit monopoly system in 1709 marked a major shift from the previous Eight Banners local monopoly, allowing for greater centralized control over ginseng production. This change addressed the unique challenges posed by ginseng’s natural habitat and scarcity. The new system, implemented following the breakdown of the Eight Banners ginseng system in the late seventeenth century, involved multiple key players with distinct roles. The Imperial Household Department oversaw overall management, the Ministry of Revenue handled financial aspects, the Bannermen collected ginseng in the field, and local generals and managers supervised ticket distribution and collection processes.Footnote 21 This integrated approach balanced systematic resource management with preserving ginseng’s exclusivity and value, aspects long recognized by Qing emperors, including Shunzhi and Kangxi, for both medicinal and economic importance. Consequently, ginseng became a market luxury item, accessible mainly to the wealthy, and fell under the direct jurisdiction of the Imperial Household Department. This centralized control not only ensured the regulation of ginseng’s production and distribution but also reinforced its status as a precious commodity, reflecting the Qing government’s recognition of its significance in both medicinal and economic realms.
The strategic importance of ginseng management and its associated challenges can be further understood by examining the natural environment where this valuable plant was found. The “Tartary” area had an extensive mountain range covered in deep woods that were almost impassable, as Figure 2 shows. Among a wide variety of vegetation inside these forests, Jartoux discovered ginseng. Ginseng’s elite status derives from its scarcity and the unique climatic conditions necessary for its cultivation and harvesting, making it a highly sought-after commodity among discerning consumers. Since it was only found in distant and difficult parts of “Tartary,” characterized by large mountain ranges and dense woods, the plant had high value. Ginseng flourished in certain places, such as near streams and at the roots of trees, but it did not survive on flat plains, valleys, or marshes, and it was sensitive to heat and direct sunshine. This made it challenging to identify and nurture, and it may take up to two or three years to return after a forest fire, making it scarce and more expensive.Footnote 23 Due to its scarcity and value, the Qing Dynasty placed great importance on ginseng and refused to allow ordinary people to farm it.Footnote 24 Ginseng was in high demand during the Qing Dynasty because of its optimal climatic conditions and rarity, establishing it as a luxury item. The Kangxi Emperor of the Qing Empire expressed his deep appreciation and recognition for ginseng in his writings, highlighting the plant’s medicinal properties:
Ginseng is the herb’s emperor. It accesses the lungs and spleen meridians and has a gentle character with a pleasant flavor. The value of ginseng lies in the differences in its place of origin and quality. It only grows naturally in two or three areas in the mountains, and it is as valuable as gold.Footnote 25
With its scarcity and exceptional medicinal properties, it is no wonder that, for centuries, ginseng has captivated the interest of Chinese physicians, who studied and documented its therapeutic advantages extensively. They studied its effects on the human body and discovered that it has the ability to treat a wide range of ailments. These effects include invigorating qi, producing fluids, nourishing the heart, harmonizing the heart and spleen, generating blood, and replenishing the marrow.Footnote 26 The most authoritative Chinese medical literature documented these discoveries. Ginseng’s reputation as a powerful treatment spread well beyond the confines of the Chinese medical community. Ginseng, according to Jartoux, was especially beneficial in easing lung and pleura weakness, dissolving mucus, stimulating the stomach and appetite, and lowering shortness of breath.Footnote 27 The herb’s extensive popularity among Qing China’s elite and its usage in medicinal treatments during the time supported these findings.
During the early Qing Dynasty, the Eight Banners elites in the Manchu region had a local monopoly on the ginseng collecting enterprise. They managed local affairs and the Qing armed forces, protecting Qing authority, and harvested ginseng for the imperial court’s consumption. The Eight Banners system served political, social, and economic purposes. During the reign of Shunzhi between 1648 to 1651, the Qing government implemented various efforts to gather ginseng, as well as other valuable resources such as pearls and the fur of sable rats. One notable strategy involved sending armed men to the Ula areaFootnote 28 for collection purposes.Footnote 29 Recognizing the importance of resource management, the government established a quota system to regulate the number of armed men each bannerman could deploy for ginseng collection. The quota system extended to the harvesting of ginseng. Once armed men passed through the mountain pass, they were allocated a predetermined quota based on their bannermen’s rank. For example, a 親王 qinwang (imperial prince of the first rank) was entitled to 70 jin of ginseng, while a 世子 shizi (heir apparent to a qinwang) could collect 60 jin. Tax duties were exempted from these quotas. Table 1 illustrates the specific quotas for ginseng harvesting assigned to different members of the banners and the number of armed men each bannerman was allowed to deploy for ginseng gathering. This integrated approach highlights the Qing government’s systematic resource management and its efforts to regulate ginseng collection.Footnote 30
Number of armed men to collect ginseng and Ginseng Quota for bannermenFootnote 32
Armed groups who collected ginseng were generally composed of five persons, with one person chosen as the leader and known as the mountain chief. They rode on horseback on land and by water in a single wooden boat, taking the Songhua River to the mouth of the Nenjiang River and then overturning the boat to enter the mountain valley. The leader sat on the peak, pointing to four people who proceeded to peel tree bark and construct shelter. Another person was in charge of cooking, while the remaining three were in charge of cutting wood. They lit fires at night for protection, and each person packed a tiny knife, flint, a four-foot-long chisel, and a leather bag and followed the leader up the mountain to look for ginseng. The leader often stood on the summit shouting at and guiding others below, to prevent them from becoming lost and unable to return to camp. They returned to the shelter at dark, and each individual gave the leader the ginseng they had gathered.Footnote 31
The Qing government not only set the number of ginseng harvesters and quotas for each banner but also enforced regulations and restrictions on the ginseng harvesting area. The government assigned each banner a specific mountain zone for gathering ginseng. It is worth noting that the Eight Banners had 85 mountains available for ginseng collection, as Table 2 shows.
Eight Banners Ginseng MountainsFootnote 33
The Changbai Mountain, where Jartoux arrived, belonged to the then Zhenghuang Banner Ginseng Mountain, known for its abundance of ginseng, which could only be possessed by the elite houses of the Eight Banners. The Qing government set up the Eight Banner ginseng system to control the sources of ginseng in northeast China and generate considerable revenue. This measure brought more profit for the Qing court and bannermen because each banner sent people to certain mountains to collect ginseng, which was then used by the court or kept by the bannermen to trade.
As the profitability of the ginseng trade increased, many officials began engaging in private collection because the depletion of ginseng near Ulan-Ningguta created scarcity, driving up prices and encouraging individuals to seek new sources for personal gain.Footnote 34, Footnote 35 Individuals from various levels within the Shengjing administration, including those under banner officers, prefecture-level officers, and personnel affiliated with bannermen, resorted to diverse smuggling methods, such as secret harvesting, stealing, and exploiting their positions. The high value of ginseng and the strict control exercised by both the Eight Banners and the government over its harvesting and circulation made legal acquisition difficult, further fueling the smuggling.
To counteract the growing illegal ginseng black market trade, Emperor Kangxi issued a decree in 1682. Those caught stealing ginseng faced severe consequences within the various banner jurisdictions under the Shengjing administration. The authorities could dismiss the officers and cavalry instructors involved from their positions and deduct a year’s salary from those who failed to report the crime. For prefecture-level officers, the penalties were the same as for bannerpeople. Even inspectors who caught someone stealing ginseng but did not pursue the matter faced dismissal. Border checkpoints like Shanhaiguan were also under scrutiny. The commanders, governors, and cavalry instructors in charge could also be dismissed from their positions if they did not conduct proper inspections and allowed people to smuggle ginseng into the country.Footnote 36 In 1685, the Guangchusi 廣儲司 (the office managing the medicine warehouse and overseeing tea and salt affairs),Footnote 37 a government agency responsible for the storage and management of ginseng, reported to the Imperial Household Department and the Ministry of Revenue in Shengjing about the issue of mixed personnel: that is, the presence of non-designated individuals, including local people and bannermen not officially assigned to the task among ginseng collectors, as well as the unauthorized digging and harvesting of ginseng. The agency called for the cessation of ginseng collection in the mountains of the Eight Banners because of the deteriorating quality of the ginseng. To ensure the quality and quantity of ginseng, the Guangchusi suggested dispatching officials and servants to collect ginseng in designated locations such as Wusuli. Emperor Kangxi quickly ordered the implementation of the Guangchusi’s proposal, which marked the formal abolition of the system of collecting ginseng in the Eight Banners.Footnote 38 Government officials centralized and regulated the ginseng collection process from that point onwards, ensuring that only authorized personnel collected the medicinal herb.
As a result of Emperor Kangxi’s strict regulations in reaction to the growing illegal ginseng trade, ginseng cultivation in Tatary underwent a considerable shift. It moved from a local Eight Banners monopoly to a central government monopoly by 1709. Because of its inherent medicinal and economic worth, as well as the Qing’s strict monitoring, this shift ensured that ginseng preserved its exclusivity and prestige. As a result, ginseng solidified its place as a valuable and luxurious product.
Ginseng collection, submission and distribution processFootnote 41
To regulate the ginseng monopoly and prevent overuse, the Qing government introduced the ginseng permit system in 1709, after the breakdown of the Eight Banners ginseng system in the late seventeenth century. The process involved multiple key players, including the Imperial Household Department, the Ministry of Revenue, and the bannermen. This integrated approach highlights the Qing government’s focus on systematic resource management and its attempts to regulate ginseng collection.
As Table 3 shows, in 1709 Emperor Kangxi assigned 10,000 Manchu troops from Shengjing, Ningguta, and Butha Ula (Da-sheng Wu-la)Footnote 39 to gather ginseng in groups headed by one commander for every ten soldiers.Footnote 40 The government motivated soldiers to harvest ginseng by distributing ginseng permits and then collecting a share of the ginseng obtained by soldiers. The Imperial Household Department was responsible for collecting ginseng, while the Ministry of Revenue was in charge of purchasing and selling it. To ensure the quality and amount of ginseng harvested, the government set up a one-year trial period and conducted joint inspections with all parties involved during the acquisition. The specific process of collection and distribution was as follows: the government issued ginseng permits to soldiers, with each ticket worth ten taels of silver. Annually, the Ministry of Revenue, under the central government’s authorization, provided 10,000 jin of ginseng permits to generals in Shengjing, Ningguta, and Butha Ula. Manchu general managers and the generals’ offices distributed these tickets, recording the names of the soldiers designated for ginseng harvesting. The Imperial Household Department, overseeing the entire process, set the collection requirements. Soldiers were required to submit 1,000 jin of ginseng annually, comprising 100 jin of top-grade and 900 jin of second-grade ginseng, directly to the Imperial Household Department. This department managed the distribution and utilization of ginseng within the imperial court. The Ministry of Revenue handled the surplus ginseng, converting it into silver and selling it at market value. They also conducted a one-year trial collection period to determine and adjust the number of ginseng permits supplied to soldiers based on the quantity and quality of ginseng gathered. During the submission process, the Ministry of Revenue, in collaboration with the Imperial Household Department, sent five inspectors to examine the ginseng alongside local generals and managers at each collection location. After inspection, authorities documented the information on the ginseng permits, including the silver conversion amounts, and stamped them with the generals’ and managers’ seals. The Imperial Household Department then collected these tickets and submitted the information to the government. This comprehensive procedure, overseen by the Imperial Household Department, ensured efficient ginseng harvesting, maintained high-quality standards, and guaranteed proper delivery, while also allowing the department to manage the distribution of this valuable resource within the imperial court.Footnote 42
The adoption of the ginseng permit monopoly system for ginseng management represented a significant departure from the earlier Eight Banners local monopoly system, enabling the government to exert greater control over ginseng production. Under this system, officials required ginseng diggers to submit their harvest as part of a quota. The Qing Empire’s position on the state monopoly of the ginseng industry changed significantly with the introduction of the new regulatory policy, which effectively granted the government exclusive rights in the ginseng industry. As a result, the Qing court generated greater income, and the ginseng permit system became an important component in China’s ginseng monopoly management.
In 1709, the Kangxi emperor sent Jartoux to map the northern Manchu region of Qing. Coincidentally, he observed the ginseng harvesting process under Kangxi’s newly launched monopoly on ginseng in the same year. Jartoux was fascinated by the meticulous approach of the “Army of Herbalists”Footnote 43 in hunting for ginseng. He documented how the ginseng diggers would divide a certain piece of land among several groups of 100 people each, and each group would carefully search the area to find the precious plant. While they looked for the rare ginseng plant methodically, the troops would form a straight line, with each group of 10 individuals keeping a safe space between them. They would spend many days scouring across the designated region, moving carefully and keeping their line. When the time for collecting was over, the official in charge, who had set up a camp nearby, would send scouts to check on each group. They would give new instructions and make sure the number of people taking part stayed the same. When a member went missing, which often happened because they wandered off or were killed by wild animals, the search team would look for them for a day or two before going back to work. The Army of Herbalists collected a large quantity of ginseng, which was highly valued for its medicinal and aphrodisiac properties using this organized and disciplined method.Footnote 44
Jartoux’s observations of the Army of Herbalists’ organized and disciplined approach to ginseng harvesting were significant in Qing-Dynasty history, as the soldiers and the state monopolized the cultivation and distribution of ginseng. This resulted in periodic shortages and price fluctuations, making ginseng a highly sought-after product accessible mainly to the wealthy. In 1709, Emperor Kangxi instructed to market ginseng in its entirety, including its roots, stems, and leaves, and to transport stored ginseng to Jiangnan for sale.Footnote 45
The government maintained economic control over ginseng by selling the remaining stocks to the Ministry of Revenue, which carefully monitored price variations and allocated them for sale to the southern regions.Footnote 46 In 1718, in a letter to Emperor Kangxi, Li Xu 李煦 (1655–1729), the head of the Imperial Household Department, requested that Cao Lei 曹雷, Li Zhao 李照, Sun Wencheng 孙文成, and others who had participated in the transportation and sale of Northeastern ginseng in 1717 allocate the silver proceeds from the sale to the Imperial Household Department. Cao Lei, Li Zhao, and Sun Wencheng owned a total of 1,024 jin of ginseng, which they split into three sections and sold for a total of 9,887 taels of silver per portion. In all, they obtained 2,863 taels of silver. The Jiangnan and Suzhou treasuries received the silver earned from the selling of ginseng as a safety deposit. To confirm the accuracy of the amount of silver, the Imperial Household Department requested that the Ministry of Revenue transfer the silver acquired from the sale of ginseng by Cao Lei and others in Jiangnan to the Imperial Household Department’s accounts. This step could assure the correctness of the accounts and place the ginseng sale proceeds under the supervision of the Imperial Household Department.Footnote 47
Consequently, ginseng evolved from a regulated medicinal commodity into a luxury item that circulated more widely in the market. During this period its consumption expanded beyond the court and high officials to include wealthy merchants and local elite, who purchased it as a status symbol. At the same time, ginseng came under the direct jurisdiction of the Imperial Household Department, which sought to control its sale and taxation. Literatus Huang Shucan 黄叔灿 (1722–1806) wrote that the most popular provinces for selling ginseng were Zhejiang and Jiangsu, followed by Jiangxi, Hunan, Hubei, Guangdong, Guangxi, and Fujian. Only the capital city was selling ginseng in Zhili Province. Some merchants purchased ginseng from Fengtian and had to look for friends from Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces to sell it at markets in various places.Footnote 48 Ginseng was graded and priced differently depending on color and quality. Ginseng’s color is a major predictor of its grade, determining its price. Ginseng’s weight is another important aspect in determining its price, with the price growing exponentially as the weight rises. Ginseng weighing more than one jin (approximately 600 grams) was especially prized and could be priced up to 10 times higher than regular ginseng, which typically weighed less than one jin. Because of their cultural and therapeutic value, certain rare and extraordinary varieties of ginseng that developed into human-like forms were considered especially precious.Footnote 49 The Qing court charged up to 82 taels of silver per jin for first-class ginseng in 1715; even the lowest grade of low-quality ginseng still required 7 taels per jin. Footnote 50 In comparison, the average price of one jin of rice in Jiangnan in 1715 was about 0.056 taels of silver.Footnote 51 This suggests that ordinary people did not enjoy ginseng, and that it was a luxury reserved for the elite. Table 4 shows the price of ginseng during specific years of the Kangxi period (1714–1722).
Ginseng prices during the Kangxi period (unit: tael)Footnote 52
The price of ginseng throughout the Kangxi period (1714–1722) differed across the five different grades of ginseng; yet, the price of each grade of ginseng continued to increase. Ginseng of the highest quality is substantially more expensive than other grades. This is because high-quality ginseng is more valuable, more scarce, and in higher demand on the market. The greater the grade, the higher the price. Table 4 shows that the price of premium ginseng was 61 taels in 1718, whereas the price of common ginseng was just 29 taels, which was significantly cheaper than premium ginseng. From 1714 to 1722, there was considerable fluctuation in the price of ginseng. This change reflected market supply and demand, the quantity of ginseng, and the Imperial Household Department’s price change. During the reign of Emperor Qianlong, many ginseng merchants from Suzhou and Shanxi journeyed to Changbai Mountain to purchase ginseng, while others traveled to Suzhou to sell it. Liang Zhangju 梁章鉅 (1775–1849), a Qing scholar-official, described in his notes how the price of ginseng increased throughout the Qianlong Dynasty:
Ginseng’s rise to luxury status was primarily because of a supply-demand imbalance. Ginseng’s price remained reasonably constant in the early days of our dynasty. But, as the number of persons selling ginseng grew, so did the supply and the price. In the fiftieth year of the Kangxi reign, sellers could sell one or two ginseng plants for five thousand taels of silver and ten taels of gold. By the fifteenth year of the Qianlong reign, the steady growth in ginseng prices led to an exchange rate of one qian of ginseng for one or two taels of silver. This demonstrates that as time passed, and the ginseng supply and demand relationship altered, the price of ginseng gradually grew, eventually becoming a luxury commodity. Regular families could not afford the high prices of such luxuries, whereas wealthier individuals could. This also emphasizes the significance of timing, place, and people.Footnote 53
Because of the high price of ginseng, the government implemented a series of policies to control its trade, strictly prohibiting private collection and the sale of ginseng. According to the law, authorities would heavily punish those who were caught without receipts, and the ginseng they collected and sold would be called “black ginseng.”Footnote 54 In 1740, Qing Emperor Qianlong proposed the “Manchu Purity”Footnote 55 policy in the Tartary region. One of the key policies was to cut down on unauthorized ginseng harvesting. The policy stipulated that authorities would punish anyone who stole more than 500 taels of ginseng with death, and those who stole less than 500 taels would receive a whipping. Repeat offenders would face increasingly severe penalties.Footnote 56 These punishments aimed to make people aware that unauthorized ginseng gathering was unlawful and would result in severe punishment.
Nevertheless, the continued demand for ginseng as a luxury item is a testament to its cultural and economic importance during the Qing Dynasty. Throughout the eighteenth century, the demand for ginseng remained robust in China, leading to a thriving ginseng trade. The exorbitant cost, scarcity, and cultural value of ginseng, along with strict regulations on its trade, all played a role in shaping this reality.
Globalizing cross-cultural understanding through Jartoux’s letters
Ginseng sparked Jartoux’s interest during his expedition to map Tartary in 1709. His knowledge of Chinese medical practices and ginseng’s importance was acquired through his decade-long residence in China, interactions with Chinese physicians, and personal observations and experiments. Jartoux’s background in mathematics and sciences, combined with his European botanical categorization systems and linguistic skills, as well as his global awareness developed through his missionary work, all influenced his detailed assessment of ginseng.Footnote 57 On April 12, 1711, Jartoux wrote a long letter to France explaining all he had learned about ginseng, from its growth patterns to its therapeutic virtues and harvesting techniques. Jartoux’s description of Chinese ginseng sparked European interest in finding other sources of ginseng, resulting in a broader exchange of knowledge and resources across the world. Moreover, Jartoux’s contributions to the intersection of natural history and missionary activity represented a different perspective on nature, which supported the exchange of ideas and resources between East and West. Jartoux’s legacy shows the power of East–West convergence, highlighting the importance of collaboration as well as the possibilities of mutual understanding and profit. His report also underlines the significance of mapping in the quest for ginseng, since his mapping work provided the tools required to identify and collect this valuable plant. Jartoux’s accomplishment relates to his successful endeavors in the eighteenth century to track the spread of ginseng throughout the Northern Qing Empire. His research serves as a compelling reminder of the potential benefits of cross-cultural integration and information flow, as he gathered knowledge and experience from both Chinese and Western sources to establish a more comprehensive understanding of ginseng’s ecology and distribution. So Jartoux’s letter reveals his dual identity as a Jesuit and a European-trained scholar, a dual identity that caused difficulties in his knowledge of Chinese medicine, prompting Jartoux to build a universalistic understanding via the translation and interpretation of Chinese ginseng theory and the appropriation of European medical knowledge.
Traditional Chinese medicine valued ginseng highly, as it was considered a “superior drug” for combatting physical and mental exhaustion, and it was utilized in treatments provided to the elite due to its wide-ranging medicinal properties.Footnote 58 Chinese herbal medical theory follows the rules of differences and imbalances, classifies drugs as superior, intermediate, or inferior, and requires drugs to interact with the body to produce their effects. The preface to the classic work of Chinese medical theory, the Ben Cao Jing 《本草經》 (Classic of Materia Medica), traditionally attributed to the late Han dynasty (first–second century CE), describes the basic principles of its drug treatments:
The 120 superior drugs are emperors. They dominate the cultivation of life and correspond to the heavenly path. Those who want to lighten their bodies, improve their vitality, prevent aging, and prolong their lives rely on superior drugs.Footnote 59
Ginseng, as an emperor drug, is a primary drug, and the other drugs need to work together with ginseng.Footnote 60 In the most famous medical book in Chinese history, the Ben Cao Gangmu 《本草綱目》 (Compendium of Materia Medica), compiled by Li Shizhen 李時珍 (1518–1593) and first published in 1596, the author describes the function of ginseng:
Ginseng can treat various diseases such as nourishing the five internal organs, stabilizing the mind, and calming the soul. It has the function of stopping palpitations, eliminating evil qi, improving eyesight, opening the heart, and benefiting the brain. Long-term use can also prolong life and lighten the body. Ginseng can treat gastro-intestinal problems, including symptoms such as cold stomach, diarrhea, chest pain, belching, vomiting, cholera, thirst, blood circulation, and breaking up stagnant accumulations. It can also treat the five strains and seven injuries, weak phlegm, vomiting, nourishing the five internal organs, protecting the middle qi, treating phlegm in the chest, treating pulmonary wasting and epilepsy, treating cold-related diseases, and symptoms of typhoid fever caused by cold evil rising and loss of appetite. For physical weakness, restlessness, and insomnia, adding ginseng could relieve pain, aid digestion, and stimulate the middle qi. Ginseng can also treat symptoms such as qi deficiency, shortness of breath, and rapid breathing, regulate the fire evil in the heart and lungs, spleen, and stomach, quench thirst, generate body fluids, and increase vitality. It was considered suitable for both men and women with various deficiency syndromes, such as spontaneous sweating, dizziness, headache, nausea, vomiting, malaria, diarrhea, and chronic dysentery.Footnote 61
The journey of ginseng knowledge from the Compendium of Materia Medica to the scientific circles of Europe illustrates the complex process of cultural translation. Jartoux’s understanding of ginseng’s benefits aligned with these traditional uses in Chinese medicine. His letter thus captures a moment when Chinese medical thought was interpreted through the lens of European science.Footnote 62 In the Compendium, ginseng is imbued with almost mythical properties, described as a plant that can “stabilize the mind and calm the soul.”Footnote 63 Jartoux, recognizing that such concepts might be dismissed by his European peers, reframed these ideas in terms of physical and mental fatigue, digestive health, and respiratory function.Footnote 64 He retained the essence of ginseng’s importance while recasting it in a form palatable to Western scientific thought. In addition, Jartoux bridged the gap between Eastern and Western medical paradigms by employing familiar Western medical concepts such as “pituitous humours” and “vital spirits.”Footnote 65 His letter elaborates on ginseng’s medicinal properties:
They affirm, that it is a sovereign remedy for all weaknesses occasioned by excessive fatigues either of body or mind; that it dissolves pituitous humours; that it cures weakness of the lungs and the pleurisy; that it stops vomiting; that it strengthens the stomach and helps the appetite; that it disperses fumes or vapours; that it fortifies the breast, and is a remedy for short and weak breathing; that it strengthens the vital spirits, and increases nourishing fluids in the blood; in short, that it is good against dizziness of the head and dimness of sight, and that it prolongs life to old age.Footnote 66
This comprehensive description closely aligns with and expands upon the medicinal effects outlined in the Compendium of Materia Medica. Jartoux effectively communicated the wide-ranging health benefits of ginseng, addressing various ailments and promoting overall vitality.
Crucially, Jartoux’s translation bridges the conceptual divide between traditional Chinese medicine and Western medical thought. In traditional Chinese medicine, ginseng was believed to nourish the body’s qi (vital force) and balance yin and yang energies.Footnote 67 Jartoux conveyed these ideas through Western medical concepts, presenting ginseng as a remedy for fatigue, stress, and weak immunity, and promoting longevity and general vigor.Footnote 68 This careful adaptation of knowledge played a pivotal role in introducing ginseng’s potential to Western medicine. By translating the holistic approach of traditional Chinese medicine into terms that resonated with European medical practitioners, Jartoux paved the way for further scientific exploration and cross-cultural medical exchange, demonstrating the power of effective cultural translation in bridging diverse medical traditions.
In addition, the Compendium notes that ginseng can be preserved for years if sealed in a new container like tea, highlighting the importance of proper storage.Footnote 69 Jartoux, however, took a different approach. He focused on the preparation of ginseng for medicinal use, providing detailed instructions that would be familiar to his European readers. By comparing the boiling process to that of tea, a beverage already known in Europe, Jartoux made the concept more accessible. He also emphasized the medicinal “virtue” of the plant, a term that would resonate with European medical traditions. For example, he stated: “As for the Root of this Plant, it is necessary to boil it a little more than Tea, to allow time for extracting its Virtue; as is practised by the Chinese when they give it to sick persons.”Footnote 70 In terms of ginseng use, Jartoux presented ginseng to his European audience using Chinese principles. He advised boiling the root longer than tea to extract all of its curative components, as is common in China. Jartoux recommended at least ten doses of an ounce each for preventative or minor diseases, but not every day. “To cook, finely slice the root and place it in a glazed ceramic saucepan. Add a quarter-pint of water, cover the pot, and gradually simmer over low heat. Once the water has been reduced to a cup, add a small quantity of sugar and take the drink immediately. The remaining root may be boiled with more water to extract all the juice and spirituous components, yielding two doses: one in the morning and one in the evening. The procedure may be repeated with more water to remove any leftover medicinal components.” People commonly used a quarter ounce of dried root.Footnote 71 To demonstrate the universal applicability of ginseng, Jartoux described his own personal use of ginseng:
I checked my pulse to find out what it was, then took half a stick of fresh ginseng. Within an hour, my pulse beat much more fully and more vigorously than before, my hunger grew, I felt energized, and I worked quickly like never before. However, the trial didn’t persuade me, and I felt the shift might be because we had slept well that day. Four days later, I nearly fell off my horse from exhaustion. I got half of a ginseng from a Chinese official on my crew and felt better after an hour. Since then, I have taken ginseng by this method countless times with the same result.Footnote 72
In this dramatic way, Jartoux conveyed the universal value of ginseng to his European readers.
Last but not least, the cultural significance of ginseng underwent a remarkable transformation as it travels from Chinese texts to European understanding. The Compendium of Materia Medica briefly equates ginseng’s importance to that of licorice in Chinese medicine, a comparison rich in meaning for those versed in Eastern herbalism but potentially obscure to Western readers.Footnote 73 Jartoux, in his letter to Europe, reframed ginseng’s importance in terms more resonant with his audience. He emphasized the plant’s prestige, noting the volumes written about it by eminent Chinese physicians. Jartoux also highlighted ginseng’s exclusivity, describing it as a remedy reserved for nobility due to its high cost. This portrayal transformed ginseng from a mere medicinal herb into a symbol of scholarly interest, medical significance, and social status. For example, in Jartoux’s letter, he claimed: “The most eminent physicians in China have written whole volumes upon the virtues and qualities of this plant; and make it an ingredient in almost all remedies which they give to their chief nobility; for it is of too high a price for the common people.”Footnote 74
Jartoux’s letter demonstrates a careful translation and adaptation of information from Chinese sources like the Compendium of Materia Medica. He emphasize aspects that would interest and be comprehensible to a European audience, such as detailed botanical descriptions, scientific observations, and explanations of medicinal properties in Western medical terms. By doing so, Jartoux played a crucial role in introducing ginseng to Europe, not just as an exotic curiosity, but as a potentially valuable medicinal plant worthy of scientific study.
Furthermore, this meticulous approach to translating and adapting Chinese knowledge for a European audience was underpinned by Jartoux’s own rigorous scientific observations of ginseng. Jartoux could offer a thorough description of the ginseng plant’s physical properties because of his careful examination of the plant. As Figure 3 shows through this way of presenting information, Jartoux was able to convince his audience of the importance of ginseng on a worldwide scale, proving the relevance of the herb and its prospective advantages. He observed the color, shape, and texture of the root, stalk, and branches of ginseng, and noted how they varied in different parts. He also described the arrangement of the branches and leaves, and their color and texture. Jartoux applied a scientific approach to studying ginseng, using his powers of observation and logic to develop an accurate and detailed understanding of the plant.
Ginseng picture drawn by Jartoux.Footnote 75
The graphic displays several portions of the plant. The root (A) is white and somewhat rough, comparable to other plant roots. The stalk (B, C, D) is smooth and spherical, with a rich red hue that looks whiter towards the base (B) owing to its closeness to the ground. There is a knot (D) at the top of the stalk where four branches emerge from the same center, separating evenly and at the same height from the ground. The undersides of the branches are green with white highlights, while the top portion is a deep crimson that eventually blends with the green and white on the sides. There are five serrated leaves on each branch. There is a straight and smooth stalk (D, E) that is white from bottom to top and contains a cluster of round fruit with a gorgeous red hue that grows from the middle of the branches (D). Each plant was made up of twenty-four berries, each having a thin and smooth crimson exterior that conceals a white pulpy inside. Each of these berries contains two rough stones that are almost as thick as the rest of the fruit, and are separated from each other. A smooth and delicate sprig, resembling a little red cherry, supports each fruit.Footnote 76
Jartoux described the ginseng plant in depth, noting its different botanical and physical characteristics, such as shape, color, and other unique aspects. While it was highly prized by the Tartars and Chinese for its therapeutic benefits, Jartoux observed that most people looking for ginseng concentrate just on the root and dismiss the rest of the plant as useless. Jartoux’s detailed description of the roots, stems, branches, leaves, and fruit of ginseng demonstrates the feasibility of classifying ginseng according to the European system of botanical classification.Footnote 77
Jartoux’s understanding of ginseng’s medicinal properties was not limited to the European system of botanical classification. He also used Galenism, a universalized medical language, to describe the effects of ginseng on the body. The medical philosophy of Galenism holds that the human body consists of four humors—blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile—that must be balanced to maintain good health.Footnote 78 Physicians thought that the human body had a number of biological humors, such as blood, lymph, and lymphatic fluid, which needed to be in balance in order to avoid sickness. A secretion imbalance may cause a variety of problems. Jartoux used such concepts to elucidate the medicinal effects of ginseng. He proposed that ginseng may help balance the humors, therefore strengthening the body.Footnote 79 The Galenic theory, which explores how bodily humors affect health, provides an explanation for the medicinal benefits of ginseng. According to this theory, ginseng improves digestion and bile flow, ultimately leading to a balance of humors and strengthening of the body. Moreover, the theory of humors bases its core principles on the four fundamental qualities of nature, namely cold/warm and wet/dry.Footnote 80 Chinese medical theory also contends, “Ginseng is warm. It is the supreme medicine of Qi tonic. It can enter the five internal organs and six bowels. So in the case of liver and kidney diseases, it is necessary to use ginseng to nourish the blood.”Footnote 81 Jartoux categorized ginseng as warm and believed that ginseng has the ability to remove stagnation, invigorate blood, increase heat, aid digestion, and have a significant tonic effect. Jartoux’s use of Galenism to promote the benefits of ginseng was crucial in popularizing ginseng as a universal medicine worldwide. According to Jartoux, ginseng was an effective restorative herb that could alleviate a wide range of symptoms related to physical and mental fatigue-induced weakness. These symptoms included respiratory issues such as pleurisy and shortness of breath, as well as nausea, vomiting, chest pain, lightheadedness, and vertigo. Furthermore, Jartoux believed that ginseng could strengthen the stomach, increase appetite, purify the air of harmful gases, and even delay the onset of old age.
By translating Chinese medical philosophy into a Hippocratic-Galenic humoral framework and classifying ginseng’s main properties according to the European system of botanical classification, Jartoux described ginseng using medical terminology familiar to European readers, thereby increasing its appeal and encouraging its cultivation across Europe. Jartoux’s effective use of a universal medical language to promote ginseng expanded its appeal in the European market, resulting in extensive cultivation of the plant. By conveying the herb’s advantages in a way that people from diverse cultural and medical backgrounds could understand and appreciate, Jartoux contributed to ginseng’s global popularity as a medicinal herb. His work serves as a valuable example of the integration of different knowledge systems and the potential benefits of cross-cultural exchange in medicine. Thanks to such exchange, ginseng became a universally recognized plant with applications in medicine worldwide.
Ginseng moves across the borderland
In the letter to the procurator general of the missions of India and China, Jartoux rejected Martino Martini’s view, mentioned in Novus Atlas Sinensis, that ginseng grows in Beijing. He argued that Beijing is only a collection and distribution center for ginseng.Footnote 82 Jartoux revealed the area of China where ginseng grew and predicted that it would also grow in New France:
Regarding the area where this plant grows, we can say that ginseng is located roughly between 39 and 47 degrees north latitude and between 10 and 20 degrees east longitude (based on the Beijing meridian). There are endless mountain ranges, and the dense forests in and around the mountains make it difficult to enter. Ginseng grows on the slopes and in the dense forests: by streams, along cliffs, under trees, and between weeds. I believe that if there is a country in the world where this plant grows, it is mainly New France, where people who have lived there say that the forests and mountains are quite similar to those here.Footnote 83
Jartoux presented a thorough report on ginseng, supported by extensive illustrations, to the procureur general of the missions of the Indies in Peking in April 1711. His letter was published in Lettres édifiantes et curieuses des Jésuites in April 1713.Footnote 84 Jartoux’s botanical letters appealed to intellectuals not just in France, but across Europe, in the early eighteenth century. These publications offered remarkable discoveries that sparked a fever of research among scholars, notably those affiliated with the Royal Society. Josephe François Lafitau (1681–1746), a Jesuit missionary who found American ginseng while exploring new French territory in Canada in 1716, was one such scientist. Lafitau, working among the Mohawk (one of the Iroquois nations) near Montreal, learned that they called ginseng Garent-oguen and, using Jartoux’s description, identified it as the same species as Tartary ginseng. The plant’s amazing features immediately attracted Lafitau as Figure 4 shows, which generated expanding attention and research on the plant.
American Ginseng picture drawn by Lafitau.Footnote 85
Lafitau expanded on Jartoux’s idea of plant universalism in his Mémoire, stating:
These herbs (ginseng) are well-known for their efficacy all over the globe. These plants are almost similar in natural circumstances in Canada and Tartary, with the same soil and climate. As a result, we can conclude that the ginseng cultivated in Canada and the ginseng grown in Tartary are of comparable quality and look.Footnote 86
Several of the text’s universalist arguments, comparing Tartary and Canada’s natural settings, reflect Lafitau’s vision of Tartary and Canada’s natural-historical continuity. He named the plants found in Canada as “Aureliana Canadensis, Sinensibus Ginseng.” “Garent-oguen,” the Mohawk (Iroquois) term for ginseng literally means “resembling human beings,” which parallells the Chinese name 人參 (renshen), in which ren (人) means “human being” and shen (參) refers to the root. Lafitau stated:
My pride was overpowering when I heard an explanation of the Chinese phrase for ‘like a human’ at the conclusion of Father Jartoux’s letter, I discovered that the Iroquois word Garent-oguen has the same meaning. Indeed, Garent-oguen is a compound word made up of Orenta, which means thighs and legs, and Oguen, which means two separate things. Reflecting on the oddity of this name, which was given based on an imperfect resemblance that is not found in several plants of this species, and which is found in several others of a very different species, I could not help but conclude that the same meaning could not have been applied to the Chinese word and the Iroquois word without a communication of ideas, and therefore of people. This confirmed my opinion, based on other prejudices, that America was just one continent with Asia, to which it is connected through Tartary to the north of China.Footnote 87
Lafitau’s map of Eurasia and America.Footnote 88
Lafitau hypothesized that cultural and linguistic similarities established a link across continents. He discovered parallels between the meanings of the ginseng found in the region then known as “Chinese Tartary” (now part of Manchuria and Inner Mongolia) and the Iroquois plant Garent-oguen when he compared them. These similarities suggested a connection between the cultures of China and the Iroquois. As a result, Lafitau concluded that Asia and America were both parts of the same continent, and the peoples inhabiting the northern regions of China provided a link between them.
Lafitau’s hypothesis, which proposed a cultural and linguistic link between Asia and America, received quick notice and generated heated discussion among Royal Society members. The discovery of American ginseng sparked their curiosity even more, and they were eager to find out more about the plant’s qualities and its applications. The Royal Society took an active interest in the medicinal plant ginseng, disseminating knowledge of this herb on a large scale via correspondence, publications, and natural history debates. As Jartoux and Lafitau discovered ginseng, the American ginseng plant joined the colonial system of commerce.
The relationship between American ginseng imports and the Qing ginseng monopoly was a complex, gradual process that spanned several decades. The trade in American ginseng had become well-established within the Canton systemFootnote 89 by the late eighteenth century. William C. Hunter described the detailed customs procedures for foreign vessels as follows:
Upon anchoring at Whampoa, a ship’s arrival was reported to the Hoppo (the chief customs official) through a local branch office. Interestingly, this report identified the vessel not by its name, but by its captain’s name. To ensure compliance with customs regulations and prevent smuggling, two patrol boats were immediately assigned to the newly arrived ship. These boats were strategically positioned, one on each quarter of the vessel, providing continuous surveillance throughout its stay in port.Footnote 90
This procedure illustrates the strict customs control of the Canton trading system, which enabled the integration of American ginseng into China’s regulated markets.
From 1717 North American ginseng became a commodity in Carton through the mediation of French trading enterprises.Footnote 91 In 1750–51, France sent 40 loads of Canadian ginseng to China.Footnote 92 By 1784, the American commercial ship Empress of China had delivered 473 ginseng loads to Canton, earning 80,410 taels.Footnote 93 The Empress of China’s records, titled “Sales in China,” provide a detailed account of the cargo and its value.
Cargo Manifest and Sales Record of the Empress of China in Canton, 1784–1785Footnote 94
The cargo manifest of the Empress of China (Table 5) provides a detailed breakdown of the quantity, unit price, and total value for each item traded. Notably, ginseng emerged as the most valuable single commodity, constituting over 82 percent of the cargo’s total value, excluding species. This underscores the pivotal role of ginseng in early Sino-American trade. The importance of ginseng in this trade relationship continued to grow rapidly. By 1789, just five years after the Empress of China’s pioneering voyage, American participation in the ginseng trade had expanded significantly, with seven American ships delivering 2,055 loads of ginseng to Canton.Footnote 95 In peak years, such as 1824, American ginseng imports reached as high as 6,039 loads.Footnote 96 This substantial increase in volume highlights the swift development of American trade capabilities and the growing demand for American ginseng in the Chinese market. This began to exert significant pressure on the imperial monopoly.
The importation of large quantities of American ginseng significantly impacted the Chinese market, meeting demand but also causing substantial price fluctuations. Historical records reveal a complex pricing trend that ultimately led to a major shift in the ginseng trade. In 1784, when American ginseng first entered the Chinese market in significant volume, it commanded a price of about 1.42 taels of silver per jin. Footnote 97 However, as imports increased, prices began to drop dramatically. By 1790, an American ship carrying 399 loads of ginseng to Canton sold each load for 30 taels.Footnote 98 Given that one load was approximately equivalent to 100 jin, this meant the price had fallen to about 0.3 taels per jin, a significant decrease in just six years. The affordability of American ginseng stood in stark contrast to the exorbitant prices of “Tartary” ginseng. During the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), ordinary imperial ginseng was priced at 2,880 taels per jin, while the highest grade reached an astounding 6,400 taels per jin. Footnote 99 This stark price difference made foreign ginseng increasingly attractive to consumers, gradually eroding the market share of imperial ginseng. Medical texts from the Qianlong period onward increasingly discussed the properties of foreign ginseng, indicating growing acceptance. For example, physician Xu Dachun during the Qianlong period evaluated American ginseng as follows: “It is bitter, cold, and slightly sweet in nature. It replenishes qi and clears the lungs. Its flavor is rich and strong, surpassing the efficacy of pearl ginseng. For those with weak stomachs who cannot tolerate cold, it should be prepared through prolonged processing before use.”Footnote 100 The growing recognition of foreign ginseng’s medicinal properties, combined with its lower price, contributed to its increasing popularity and posed significant challenges to the imperial ginseng monopoly. The affordability of foreign imports allowed “non-elite” consumers to purchase ginseng, effectively expanding the market beyond traditional elite consumers. This shift in market dynamics forced the Qing government to adapt its policies.
In response to these changes, the Qing government adjusted its approach while still attempting to maintain some control over the ginseng trade. The government transitioned from strict monopoly to a system of taxing ginseng dealers, a change reflected in the “Regular Tax Regulations” (常稅則例) published during the Yongzheng period (1723–1735). These regulations recorded a tax rate for American ginseng at 1.5 cents per jin, indicating early official recognition and accommodation of foreign ginseng in the market.Footnote 101
This policy adaptation demonstrates the government’s attempt to balance maintaining control over the ginseng trade with the reality of increasing foreign competition. By instituting a tax on foreign ginseng rather than prohibiting the trade, the Qing government sought to benefit from the expanding market while still preserving aspects of its traditional monopoly system. However, these measures ultimately proved insufficient to prevent the long-term erosion of the imperial ginseng monopoly in the face of cheaper, more widely available foreign alternatives.
The decline of the Qing ginseng monopoly was a gradual process, exacerbated by the increasing presence of American ginseng in the market. By the Daoguang period (1820–1850), the imperial ginseng trade faced severe challenges. The management of ginseng collecting and trading had reached a point where it was difficult to continue providing financial support, and the ginseng monopoly was essentially bankrupt. In 1823, the third year of Daoguang’s reign, all four cities in Jilin Province, excepting Alchuka, failed to meet their prescribed ginseng quotas. Officials overseeing ginseng affairs were criticized for their negligence. The situation did not improve in the subsequent year, with both Jilin and Sanxing falling short of their allocated quotas. Despite this, authorities rejected the officials’ petitions for financial subsidies. The extent of the shortfall varied considerably across locations, ranging from a modest 10 percent to a staggering 40 percent in the most severely affected areas. By 1847, the number of ginseng permits issued in Jilin had been reduced from 200 to 126.Footnote 102 As stated in the Jilin ginseng affairs archives: “In recent years, not only have the ginseng permit holders and diggers been unable to provide any support, but they also have outstanding debts. Due to the need to dig ginseng in remote mountains, the costs have increased, and the permit holders are struggling to continue operations.”Footnote 103
This crisis in the imperial ginseng trade coincided with the increasing availability and affordability of American ginseng. As reported in Canton in 1843, when trying to sell imperial ginseng, officials found that “when seeking merchants to purchase the ginseng, and selling according to market price, the price was not even one-tenth, and moreover, at that time no one was willing to accept it.”Footnote 104 This stark contrast with earlier periods when imperial ginseng sales were smooth and prices continuously rose, demonstrates the cumulative impact of long-term market changes on the monopoly’s viability. The report from Canton officials vividly illustrates how dramatically the market had shifted by the mid-nineteenth century, undermining the once-profitable imperial ginseng monopoly. Later, in 1853 during the Xianfeng reign, imperial ginseng gathering in Jilin, Sanxing, and Ningguta was uniformly prohibited.Footnote 105
This article has demonstrated the significant impact of Pierre Jartoux’s discovery of American ginseng on its transition from a luxury item to a widely consumed, globally traded commodity. This transformation can be observed in the increased availability and reduced market price of ginseng, which made it accessible to the general public rather than solely the Qing elite. Furthermore, Jartoux’s discovery played a pivotal role in the integration of the Qing Empire’s domestic cross-regional trade with maritime trade, ultimately contributing to the development of global commerce. The findings of this research also highlight the collapse of the Qing ginseng monopoly as a direct result of the introduction of American ginseng to the market. This coincided with the rapid growth of Pacific trade between 1700 and the mid-1800s, primarily driven by the Qing Empire’s demand for ginseng and the subsequent increase in Pacific ginseng production. Consequently, this expansion led to a surge in North American merchant ships arriving at the port of Canton and the establishment of a worldwide ginseng trade network by 1800. As such, Pierre Jartoux’s encounter with American ginseng served as the catalyst for a series of events that forever altered the global perception, consumption, and trade of this once exclusive herb.
Competing interests
The author declares none.
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