Fire is a pure element with special theological and ritual status in the Zoroastrian religion since its origins. However, the sacred character of fire, as that of other elements, did not hinder its practical use in daily life, thus leaving Zoroastrians with the dilemma of how to deal with its eventual contamination. When dealing therewith, ancient Zoroastrian texts discussed how fire could be stained not only by things believers considered impure but also originally pure things that turned into residues in the process of human activities, such as metallurgy, glass blowing, brick firing, or cooking.
The contamination of fire was a main concern of several passages of the Young Avestan (YAv.) text Wīdēwdād (V), composed in southern Central Asia during the first millennium BCE.Footnote 1 Its chapters 8.81–96 delved more particularly into the non-ritual uses of fire in daily life and, in so doing, provided us with valuable information about the material culture linked to the Young Avestan-speaking population of that region and period.Footnote 2 In this contribution, I focus on how certain terms attested in this text and referring to material culture may not only shed more light on the historical context of ancient Central Asia but also trace the passages’ composition back to the Achaemenid period.Footnote 3
In the Young Avestan text V 8.81–96, Zaraϑuštra asks Ahura Mazdā about the spiritual reward for bringing fires stained in a variety of daily practices and professional activities to their right place. Zaraϑuštra’s question is preceded by the Avestan formula yō. ātrəm. X dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. “if one (/whoever) brings to the right place a fire X.” The X is filled in by sixteen different cases of decreasing impurity, starting from the most extreme, caused by the cremation of a corpse (V 8.81), and finishing with the least contaminated, that produced in a hearth (V 8.96).Footnote 4 According to Ahura Mazdā’s answer, the more damage caused to that fire, the more the religious merit will be for whomever removes this sacred element from the source of impurity.
I reproduce the Avestan texts according to my still unpublished critical edition, based on the manuscripts 4000, 4600 (L4), and 4610 (K1), and I abbreviate the repetitions, only explaining the most relevant terms related to material culture:
A fire for cremation
8.81. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. nasupākəm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. baēuuarə. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| yō. aēsmą. aṣ̌aiia. baraṯ. spitama. zaraϑuštra. uruuāsnaiiå. vā. vohu.gaonahe. vā. vohu.kərətōiš. vā. haδānaēpataiiå. vā. kąmciṯ. vā. hubaoiδitəmanąm. uruuaranąm. |e| yam̨āṯ. kam̨āiciṯ. naēmanąm. vātō. āϑrō. baoiδīm. vībaraiti. am̨āṯ. kam̨āiciṯ. naēmanąm. hazaŋraγna. paiti.jasaiti. ātarš. mazdå. ahurahe. |f| daēuuanąm. mainiiauuanąm. təmasciϑranąm. druuatąm. bižuuaṯ. yātunąmca. pairikanąmca.
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire for cremation, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life he brings to the right place ten thousand firebrands.Footnote 5 |d| If he brings according to Righteousness, Spitama Zaraϑuštra, firewood of uruuāsnā-, or vohu.gaona-, or vohu.kərəti-, or haδānaēpatā-,Footnote 6 or of any other of the most aromatic plants, |e| from whatever direction from which the Wind spreads the fragrance of the Fire, from that direction whatsoever the Fire of Mazdā AhuraFootnote 7 comes killing a thousand |f| of spiritual demons, of liars of gloomy appearance, twice as much of yātu- and pairikā-.”Footnote 8
YAv. nasupāka- (cremation) literally means “(in which a) corpse (is being) cooked.” The corpse represented the highest degree of impurity in ancient Zoroastrianism, and the Wīdēwdād and later texts based on it abound in prescriptions regarding how to avoid any direct or indirect contact with dead matter. As fire was one of the purest elements and the corpse was a key source of contamination, cremation was considered a sacrilege. As such, it makes perfect sense that a list in decreasing order of fires exposed to impurity begins with the most polluted one, that of cremation.
A fire on which (textiles/fur/hides) have been soaked to be dyed
8.82. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. uruzdipākəm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. hazaŋrəm. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| (…)Footnote 9
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire on which (textiles/fur/hides) have been soaked to be dyed, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life he brings to the right place one thousand firebrands. |d| (…).”
YAv. uruzdipāka-, which translates as “on which (textiles/fur/hides) have been soaked to be dyed,” has no clear etymology. Spiegel translated this as “das Unreinigkeiten kocht” (which cooks impurities), deriving the Avestan (Av.) uruzdi° from the verbal root rudh- “to flow.”Footnote 10 Darmesteter translated uruzdipāka- as “où l’on a brûlé les liquides impurs” (in which one has boiled impure liquids) based on a comparison with the Pahlavi explanation ātaxš ī nasā-pāg (…) ātaxš ī hixr-pāg, “a fire for cremation (…), a fire on which bodily refuse has been cooked,” in Dēnkard 8.44.46, which resumes V 8.81–82.Footnote 11 Bartholomae followed Darmesteter in his translation, producing “Flüssigkeiten kochend” (cooking liquids), which the former mistakenly linked with the verbal root 3raod-, “to hinder,” instead of 4raod-, “to flow.”Footnote 12 Herzfeld criticized these above translations, opting to instead follow the Pahlavi translation rang-pāg, which he rendered as “fire for color-boiling.”Footnote 13 According to Herzfeld, Av. uruzdi° is etymologically related to Av. raoiδita- “red.” Although Herzfeld never mentioned this, Aspandiarji had already proposed this interpretation, as noted by Darmesteter.Footnote 14 In my opinion, the Parsi scholars were on the right track.
None of the three Proto-Iranian (PIr.) verbal roots—*(H)rau̯d- (to tear, to break), *Hrau̯d- (to grow), and *(H)rau̯d(H)- (to moan, to bewail)—reconstructed by Cheung provide a satisfactory explanation of YAv. uruzdi°.Footnote 15 A fourth option, however, may solve the problem.
YAv. raoiδita-, “red,” cognate of Vedic (Ved.) róhita-, “idem,” goes back to the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) *h1reu̯dh-, “to be red.”Footnote 16 From its zero grade plus a suffix *-ti°, the first element of compound YAv. uruzdi° can be formed (PIE *h1rudh-ti° > Proto-Indo-Iranian (PIIr.) *Hruddhi° > PIr. *Hrudzdi° > YAv. uruzdi°). YAv. uruzdipāka-, literally “cooking red,” most likely designates the process of soaking textiles, fur, or hides to be dyed in red color. Since red, in any of its shades, was one of the most frequently extracted colors from different types of dyes in antiquity, “cooking red” or rather “cooking (textiles/fur/hides) in red (color)” might easily have developed into the general meaning of soaking textiles, fur, or hides in this or any other color to be dyed. If so, the Pahlavi translation rang-pāg, “cooking dye,” for YAv. uruzdipāka- perfectly matches the original. Not only does the etymology of the Young Avestan compound and its Pahlavi translation point to this interpretation, but the ancient technique behind the process points to it as well. As is well known, dyes did not easily adhere to textiles, fur, or hides without the help of mordants, which often consisted of urine in ancient times.Footnote 17 For a Zoroastrian, as such, a fire on which textiles, fur, or hides were dyed was unquestionably a fire exposed to a high degree of impurity in the form of urine, which is a bodily refuse and therefore considered filthy. Moreover, the degree of impurity could increase if the materials to be dyed were fur or hides, which could still have remains of flesh even when dried. This double source of impurity may also explain why YAv. uruzdipāka was interpreted as hixr-pāg, “cooking bodily refuse,” in Dēnkard 8.44.46. Moreover, from a compositional point of view, it makes perfect sense that a fire exposed to urine (and eventually also remains of flesh) was listed immediately after a fire polluted by a corpse in a cremation, the highest degree of contamination. If my interpretation is right, V 8.82 provides relevant information about the material culture of the Young Avestan period, insofar as it may imply the use of urine as mordant in a specific technique for dying textiles, fur, or hides.
A fire into which cream has boiled over/curdled
8.83. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. +sairiiehiiaṯ. haca. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. paṇca. sata. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire into which cream has boiled over/curdled, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life he brings to its right place five hundred firebrands. |d| (…).”
YAv. +sairiiehiiaṯ, written sairehiiaṯ in most manuscripts, is a hápax legómenon of unclear meaning and no satisfactory etymology. The Pahlavi translators did not understand it or consider it a technical term, so they left it untranslated. As a result, most scholars dealing with this passage have resorted to traditional New Persian (NP) translations, which interpreted this term as “dung.” For instance, the Pahlavi Wīdēwdād manuscript 4700 renders YAv. sairiiehiiaṯ and its Pahlavi (Phl.) translation as NP az sargin, “from dung,” in folio (f.) 184r, l. 12, and transcribes Phl. <slhyyc> as NP sarāgic “?” in f. 184v, l. 12. Anquetil-Duperron followed these New Persian translations and rendered YAv. sairiiehiiaṯ as “dans lequel on a brûlé des excrémens” (in which one has boiled excrements); Spiegel and Bartholomae translated it as “Unrath” (debris) and “Vorrichtung zum Dörren von Mist” (setup for drying dung) respectively, the latter translation being followed by Wolff’s “Mistdarre” (kiln for drying dung); Darmesteter rendered it as “wherein cowdung has been burnt” and “où l’on a brûlé du fumier” (idem); Scheftelowitz gave the translation “Misthaufen” (dungheap); Anklesaria and Kapadia read its Pahlavi translation as sarîyê-icha and rendered it as “dung” as well, while Moazami, following Darmesteter and Scheftelowitz, read it as sarāsp and translated as “dung.”Footnote 18
Only de Vaan deviated from this traditional interpretation and translated YAv. +sairiiehiia- as “(pile of) reeds” based on its possible Vedic cognate śárya-, “arrow.”Footnote 19 Moreover, de Vaan transliterated the Pahlavi translation as <slʾs-c>, transcribed it as sarāh-az, and considered it a mechanical transcription of YAv. +sairiiehiiaṯ. I agree with de Vaan’s interpretation of the Pahlavi translation of YAv. +sairiiehiia- as an attempt to transcribe it in Pahlavi script.Footnote 20 However, I disagree with his interpretation of YAv. +sairiiehiia- as “(pile of) reeds” and propose a different etymology.
In my opinion, YAv. sairehiiaṯ is a corruption of +sairiiehiiaṯ, the ablative singular masculine or neuter of a compound, the first element of which is YAv. sairi° and the second element is YAv. °iahiia- > °iehiia-. The first element of the compound in –i° is part of a Caland system together with Ved. śáras-, “cream, curdled milk,” which is related to Ved. śar-, “to break, to curdle,” and stems from PIE *ḱerh2-, “to break.”Footnote 21 The second element of the compound has as a cognate in Ved. yas-, “to boil,” and goes back to PIE *i̯es-, “to boil.”Footnote 22 If my analysis of this Young Avestan compound is correct, YAv. sairi-iehiia- would designate a fire “into which cream has boiled over/curdled,” probably meaning that the cream boiled over from its container during heating. Milk and cream are produced by pure animals, such as cows and goats, so they are not impure themselves; if they boil over from heating, however, milk and cream can be burned to a residue.Footnote 23 In such a case, it makes perfect sense for this to be placed on the list after a fire on which textiles have been soaked to be dyed, as the technique implied boiling liquids that could eventually pollute the fire in both instances.
A fire from the potter’s kiln, a fire from a glass kiln
8.84. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. xumbaṯ. haca. zəmaini.pacikāṯ. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. caϑβārō. sata. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire from the potter’s kiln, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life he brings to its right place four hundred firebrands. |d| (…).”
8.85. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. xumbaṯ. haca. yāmō.pacikāṯ. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yauuaṯ. am̨āi. yāmanąm. paitinąm. sairinąm. aētauuaṯ. ātrə.saokanąm. hąm.bərəta. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire from a glass kiln, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much for this as if he brings to the right place in a bunch as many firebrands as separate (broken) pieces of glass. |d| (…).”
YAv. xumba- “vessel,” attested in both V 8.84 and 85, is probably related to Ved. kumbhá-, “idem.”Footnote 24 YAv. xumba- designates a specific type of kiln used for both pottery (YAv. zəmaini.pacikāṯ, literally “baking in clay,” in V 8.84) and glass blowing (YAv. yāmō.pacikāṯ, literally “baking glass,” in V 8.85).Footnote 25 Despite Harmatta’s important remarks on the possible technique behind this kiln, I do not think the Young Avestan syntagms formed with YAv. xumba- provide enough information to precisely match it with a concrete type of kiln from among the archaeological remains of first millennium BCE southern Central Asia.Footnote 26
A fire from an oven for roasting grain
8.86. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. aoniiaṯ. haca. parō.bərəjiiāṯ. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yauuaṯ. am̨āi. paitinąm. uruuaranąm. aētauuaṯ. ātrə.saokanąm. hąm.bərəta. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to its right place a fire from an oven for roasting grain, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much for this as if he brings to the right place in a bunch as many firebrands as separate plants. |d| (…).”
Scholars have interpreted YAv. aoniiaṯ. haca. parō.bərəjiiāṯ., “from an oven for roasting grain,” in different ways. Anquetil-Duperron translated the syntagm altogether as “ceux qui travaillent en étain” (those who work with tin) and Spiegel as “Erz(e)” (ore).Footnote 27 As regards YAv. aoniia-, the latter was unsure about connecting it with either Ved. aváni- “riverbed” or Hebrew (Hebr.) oni, oniyāh, “vessel.” Bartholomae rendered YAv. aoniia- as “Feuerungs- oder Heizverrichtung” (firing equipment or heater), without specifying which one, and did not venture any etymology; Scheftelowitz opted to link it with Ved. aváni-, “riverbed,” but rendered the Young Avestan word as “Platz” (place).Footnote 28 Mayrhofer doubted this connection and de Vaan denied it, translating YAv. aoniia- as “oven.”Footnote 29 On the other hand, Herzfeld derived YAv. aoniia- from YAv. unā-, “cavity, hole,” attested in V 17.2 and Nērangestān (N) 82.2, and considered it a possible loanword from Semitic, citing Old Babylonian anā, unūtu and Hebr. oni, oniyāh, “vessel.”Footnote 30 Although the link with YAv. unā-, “cavity, hole,” is likely, I would not rule out the possibility of a Semitic origin for YAv. aoniia-, as already advanced by Spiegel.Footnote 31
As far as YAv. parō.bərəjiia- is concerned, Bartholomae left it untranslated.Footnote 32 Scheftelowitz understood °bərəjiia- as “grain.”Footnote 33 Bailey interpreted the compound as “which roasts the food” and linked the Young Avestan first element of the compound parō° with the second element of the Khotanese (Khot.) compound aś-para-, “horse-fodder, lucerne,” and the second element of the Young Avestan compound °bərəjiiāṯ with Ved. bhrajj-, “to roast.”Footnote 34
In my opinion, Scheftelowitz and Bailey were on the right track, but perhaps we can go a bit further. The cognates Khot. aś-para-, “horse-fodder, lucerne,” and Sanskrit (Skr.) bharuja-, “roasted barley,” point not to the general meaning of “which roasts the food” but to a more concrete meaning, “roasting grain.” On the one hand, V 8.86c equates the meritorious action with bringing “as many firebrands as separate plants,” making it clear that YAv. parō.bərəjiiāṯ refers to plants. On the other hand, the Pahlavi translation bē pēš [arzan] brēzān, “before the [millet] roasters,” of YAv. parō.bərəjiiāṯ also indicates that the translators understood this not as food in general but as plants, and, more concretely, as millet. While the Pahlavi translators correctly identified the Young Avestan second element of compound °bərəjiiāṯ, “roasting,” and rendered it appropriately with Pahlavi brēzān, “roasters,” they mistook the Young Avestan first element of compound parō° as the Avestan adverb parō, “before,” subsequently rendering it in Pahlavi as bē pēš, “before.” However, a Pahlavi commentator noticed the mistake and added the gloss arzan, “millet.” As we see, both the Khotanese and Sanskrit cognates as well as the Pahlavi commentary indicate that the Young Avestan compound may refer to roasting grain. If so, YAv. aoniiaṯ. haca. parō.bərəjiiāṯ. would designate a specific type of vessel or oven for roasting grain. It is pure speculation to think that such a vessel or oven may have been metallic, but then V 8.86 would perfectly serve as a link with the next passages, which deal with forges for smelting different metals.
A fire from a forge for smelting gold, silver, bronze/iron, and iron/steel
8.87. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. pisraṯ. haca. zaraniiō.saēpāṯ. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. satəm. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire from a forge for smelting gold, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life he brings to the right place one hundred firebrands. |d| (…).”
8.88. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. pisraṯ. haca. ərəzatō.saēpāṯ. dāitīm. <gātūm.> auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. |d| nauuaitīm. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |e| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire from a forge for smelting silver, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life |d| he brings to the right place ninety firebrands. |e| (…).”
8.89. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. pisraṯ. haca. aiiō.saēpāṯ. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. aštāitīm. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire from a forge for smelting bronze/iron, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life he brings to the right place eighty firebrands. |d| (…).”
8.90. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. pisraṯ. haca. haosafnaēnō.saēpāṯ. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. haptāitīm. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire from a forge for smelting iron/steel, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life he brings to the right place seventy firebrands. |d| (…).”
These passages list fires used in forges for smelting four different metals in decreasing order of economic value: YAv. zaraniia-, “gold”; ərəzata-, “silver”; aiiah-, “bronze/iron”; and haosafnaēna-, “iron/steel.”Footnote 35 The meaning of the two former Avestan terms is considered established, but that of the two latter remains debated.
YAv. aiiah- and haosafnaēna- have been interpreted by Anquetil-Duperron as “steel” and “copper” respectively; by Spiegel as “iron” and “stone”; by Darmesteter and Bartholomae as “iron” and “steel”; by Scheftelowitz as “iron” and “copper”; and by Herzfeld as “bronze” and Spanish (sic!) “steel.”Footnote 36 However, Herzfeld noted that YAv. aiiah- can be interpreted as either “bronze” or “iron.”Footnote 37
Etymology does not help much in clearly identifying the metals intended by the Young Avestan terms aiiah- and haosafnaēna-. The former has a Vedic cognate in áyas-, but the term experienced a semantic shift. Footnote 38 While the Ṛgvedic passages in which the term is attested do not help us establish a clear meaning, the metal was qualified as black and likely designated iron in the Black Yajurveda, as Chakrabarti noted.Footnote 39 The Pahlavi translators rendered YAv. aiiō.saēpa- as Phl. āhanēn dazīdārān, “ironsmiths,” and added the explanation āhangarān ud arzīzkarān, “ironsmiths and tinsmiths.” However, this Pahlavi translation and commentary alone are not a proof enough to simply transfer the meaning “iron” to YAv. aiiah-.
As regards YAv. haosafnaēna-, it was rendered into Pahlavi as pōlāwad dazīdārān, “steelsmiths,” and glossed as āhangarān <ud> cēlāngarān, “ironsmiths and swordsmiths,” but again we cannot uncritically transfer the Pahlavi meaning to the Young Avestan original. Spiegel proposed an etymology for YAv. haosafnaēna-, relating it to YAv. safa-, “hoof (of horses).”Footnote 40 Ognibene proposed a metathesis from Old Iranian (OIr.) *spana-, “iron,” to *safna-, “idem,” in YAv. haosafnaēna- and rendered it as “good iron.”Footnote 41 More recently, Peyrot, Dragoni, and Bernard, quoting a personal communication by Lubotsky, considered this Young Avestan word to be an inner-Iranian borrowing from a Skythian dialect, eventually going back to a form *ham-tsu̯ana- < *ham-ću̯ana-, “iron.”Footnote 42 Taking into account that the development of PIr. *ham° as Av. hao° is an ad hoc explanation with no parallel in Avestan, to my knowledge, and that PIr. *ću̯a- would yield Av. spa-, I consider that reconstruction unlikely. In my opinion, the first element of the compound in YAv. haosafnaēna- is derived from the full grade of hu-, “good” (Av. hao°), of which there are several parallels in Avestan, and its second element is an adjectival derivation in –na- from YAv. saf(a)-, “hoof (of horses),” plus the suffix -aēna- with the meaning “characterized by/made of.” If this is correct, YAv. haosafnaēna- would designate a kind of metal, perhaps iron, to make horseshoes.
A fire from a baking oven
8.91. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. tanūraṯ. haca. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. |d| xšuuaštīm. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |e| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire from a baking oven, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life |d| he brings to the right place sixty firebrands. |e| (…).”
As regards YAv. tanūr(a)-, “baking oven,” Spiegel was the first to propose that the term may derive from Semitic and be related to Hebr. tannūr.Footnote 43 Geiger, followed by Darmesteter, reproduced a communication by Halévy at the Société de linguistique of Paris, according to whom YAv. tanūra- was a loanword from Aramaic and related to the Hebrew and Arabic tannūr.Footnote 44 Nevertheless, Geiger argued that both the Young Avestan and Semitic word may go back to a common word inherited from an older “türanische Kultur” (Turanian culture), without ruling out that a word from Mesopotamia might have entered the Avestan language prior to the Median period. Scheftelowitz and Herzfeld also proposed that the Avestan term was a loanword from Semitic.Footnote 45
The Pahlavi translators rendered YAv. tanūr(a)- into Phl. tanūr, “oven,” and added the gloss nān-pāg, “baking bread,” to make it clear that it was a specific type of oven.
A fire from (an oven for firing) bricks
8.92. Av. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. dištaṯ. haca. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. paṇcāsatəm. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire from (an oven for firing) bricks, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life he brings to the right place fifty firebrands. |d| (…).”
YAv. dišta-, “(an oven for firing) bricks,” has been differently interpreted by scholars. Anquetil-Duperron understood the term as “deserts”; Spiegel translated the word as “hearth,” derived from the verbal root daēz-, “to build, to heap (up)”; Darmesteter, followed by Scheftelowitz, Bartholomae, and de Vaan, interpreted it as “cauldron,” probably guided by the Pahlavi translation dēg, “idem,” of this word; and Herzfeld understood it as “funeral pyre” and, later, as “charcoal pile.”Footnote 46
However, while YAv. dišta- derives from the verbal root daēz-, “to build, to heap (up),” it does not designate a funeral pyre, which was already mentioned at the beginning of the list of fires in V 8.81, but rather the material heaped up (YAv. dišta-) to build, i.e., bricks. Therefore, the professional activity referred to in this passage may be the firing of bricks for construction. The same meaning “brick(s)” applies to YAv. dištā- in V 8.74 a well: āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. auua. aētəm. nasupākəm. janaēta. auua. hē. janaiiən. apa. aētąm. dištąm. baraiiən. (And Ahura Mazdā said: “One must extinguish this [fire] in which a corpse is being cooked. They must extinguish it. They must remove these bricks”).
A fire from an oven for preparing buttermilk
8.93. Av. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. aoniiaṯ. haca. taxriiāṯ. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. caϑβarəsatəm. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire from an oven for preparing buttermilk, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life he brings to the right place forty firebrands. |d| (…).”
The meaning of YAv. taxriiāṯ, written as taxairiiāṯ in most manuscripts, has been debated as well. Anquetil-Duperron translated YAv. aoniiaṯ. haca. taxriiāṯ as “ceux qui gardent les champs” (those who guard the fields); Spiegel translated the term as “flüssigen Erdarten” (fluid types of soil) and linked it with the verbal root tax-, “to flow”; Bartholomae left this word untranslated without proposing any etymology; Scheftelowitz read it as taxairiia-, etymologically connected it with the Greek τέφρα “ash,” and translated it as “sandiger platz” (sandy place).Footnote 47 However, the Young Avestan word cannot be related to the Greek one, as the latter goes back to the PIE root *dhegu̯h-, “to burn,” which would yield Ved. dah- and Av. daž-, “to burn.”Footnote 48 Herzfeld understood this word as a bitter infusion or tisane, and emended it as *saxariia-, which he interpreted as a Young Avestan mention of sugar.Footnote 49 The Pahlavi translators rendered the Young Avestan word into Phl. payādagīgān, “foot-soldiers.”
In a later article, Scheftelowitz related the reading taxairiia-, which he interpreted in this instance as an adjective derived from the noun *taxara-, to Gothic þaho, “clay,” thus translating it as “Lehmboden” (clay soil).Footnote 50 In my opinion, the connection with PIE *tenk-, “to thicken,” is correct, but it would imply that -ai- in the reading of tax(ai)riia- in several Wīdēwdād Sāde manuscripts is the result of an anaptyctic -a- and an epenthetic -i- from YAv. taxriia-.Footnote 51 If the latter is the original form and is indeed an adjective derived from PIr. *taxra- (not *taxara-), it would find its exact Vedic cognate in takra-, “buttermilk mixed with water.”Footnote 52 If so, it may be translated as “related to (the preparation of) buttermilk,” a suitable epithet for an oven, and would perfectly connect to the next type of fire, which is linked to a path frequented by cowherds.
A fire from a path frequented by herders
8.94. Av. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. paṇtaṯ. haca. staorō.paiiāṯ. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. ϑrisatəm. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire from a path frequented by cowherds, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life he brings to the right place thirty firebrands. |d| (…).”
YAv. staorō.paiia-, “guarding cattle, cowherd,” is a transparent compound with the first element of YAv. staora-, “cattle,” and the second element an adjective from the Proto-Indo-European verbal root *peh2-, “to guard, to protect,” > PIIr./PIr. *paH-, “idem.”Footnote 53
A fire from a charcoal burner
8.95. Av. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. skairiiaṯ. haca. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. vīsaiti. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |d| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire from a charcoal burner, |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life he brings to the right place twenty firebrands. |d| (…).”
The meaning of YAv. skairiia- was also problematic. The Pahlavi translators simply copied the Young Avestan word and explained it with the gloss šubān, “shepherd.” Anquetil-Duperron understood this term as referring to “night watchmen”; Spiegel, followed by Darmesteter, interpreted the word as “campground,” without proposing any etymology for it; Scheftelowitz referred to it as “dried dung,” but also ascribing to Geldner, without further reference, a connection of the Young Avestan word with NP sikār, “charcoal”; Bartholomae left the word untranslated and offered no etymology; and Herzfeld, who translated the term as “hunter,” linked it with YAv. skāraiiaṯ.raϑa-, “hunting in a chariot,” in Yašt 13.108 and NP šikār, “hunt.”Footnote 54
Hasandoust retook the connection made by Geldner apud Scheftelowitz of YAv. skairiia- with NP sikār, “charcoal,” and added to it YAv. garəmō.skarana-, a hápax legómenon of unknown meaning that designates a tool to remove the fire from an oven, according to its Pahlavi commentary in V 14.7b.Footnote 55 I agree with Geldner and Hasandoust, and I consider that YAv. skairiia- might designate charcoal or a charcoal burner. In my opinion, it falls almost at the end of the list because producing a charcoal burner would imply a very low degree of potential impurity, for instance, if the logs were not dry enough due to being exposed to open air conditions, or eventually none.
A fire from the nearest (place)
8.96. Av. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. astuuaitinąm. aṣ̌āum. yō. ātrəm. nazdištaṯ. haca. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |b| cuuaṯ. am̨āi. naire. miždəm. aŋhaṯ. pasca. astasca. baoδaŋhasca. vī.uruuīštīm. |c| āaṯ. mraoṯ. ahurō. mazdå. yaϑa. aētam̨i. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. |d| dasa. ātrə.saokanąm. dāitīm. gātūm. auui. auua.baraiti. |e-g| (…)
|a| “Maker of the material creatures, Righteous one, if one brings to the right place a fire from the nearest (place), |b| how much will the reward be for this man after the separation of his bones and his spirit?” |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “as much as if in this material life |d| he brings to the right place ten firebrands. |e-g| (…).”
The Pahlavi commentators explained YAv. nazdišta-, “nearest (place),” with the gloss šabestān, “private apartment,” which means that the last fire in the list refers to the one kindled at home, i.e., a domestic hearth.
Conclusion
The Young Avestan text of V 8.81–96 lists the use of fire in the following activities: 1) cremation; 2) dying of textiles, fur, or hides; 3) boiling or curdling cream; 4) a potter’s kiln; 5) a glass kiln; 6) an oven for roasting grain; 7) a forge for smelting gold; 8) a forge for smelting silver; 9) a forge for smelting bronze or iron; 10) a forge for smelting iron or steel; 11) a baking oven; 12) an oven for firing bricks; 13) an oven for preparing buttermilk; 14) a fire used in pastoral activities (path frequented by cowherds); 15) a charcoal burner; and 16) a domestic hearth.
The industries and material culture mentioned in the Young Avestan text of V 8.81–96 are compatible with the archaeological remains of different populations of ancient Central Asia. There is no strong argument to ascribe these remains to a specific region or period, except for the mention of YAv. tanūr(a)- in V 8.91, which might help establish a relative chronology.Footnote 56 If, by means of this word, the Young Avestan composer(s) of V 8.91 designated the tanūr baking oven broadly used in the Near East and Central Asia, a note on its chronology is needed.
In archaeological contexts, the tanūr baking oven is found across a broad geographical range, spanning from Turkey to India, such as at the site of Kenan Tepe (in southern Turkey) since the Late Chalcolitic Period (3600–3100 BCE) or the site of Kalibangan I (Rajasthan, India) since the Early Harappan Period (3500–2500 BCE).Footnote 57 This oven is also attested in southern Central Asia, for instance, in the citadel of Dzharkutan in Uzbekistan since the Yaz I culture of the Early Iron Age (1500–1000 BCE).Footnote 58 Because this type of oven is not a distinctive feature of the material culture of southern Central Asia in the first millennium BCE, its archaeological presence does not help to date the composition of V 8.91 to a narrower time frame or ascribe it to a more specific region.
The word tanūr(a)- is not exclusive to Young Avestan either. It is firstly attested in the second millennium BCE in Old Babylonian tinūru(m), tenūru and was taken on by other Semitic languages of later periods, such as Old Aramaic tnwr, Biblical Hebrew and Arabic tannūr, and Jewish Aramaic tannūrā.Footnote 59 Although contacts between Mesopotamia and Central Asia are evidenced by material culture from the Bronze age, we should propose a likely scenario in which not only the type of oven but also its specific name might have reached southern Central Asian regions.
As the Old Babylonian word predates the first millennium BCE, when Young Avestan was spoken, the latter must have borrowed it from either Old Babylonian, a different Semitic language, or another language that took the word from any of these. If, eventually, that other language was implied in the borrowing, we have no way of knowing, so we must try with those that attest to the word. If the borrowing was from Old Babylonian, apart from the problem of the geographical distance between speakers of the two languages, the Young Avestan word should rather be *tinūr(a)- or *tenūr(a)-. If, on the other hand, the word was borrowed from another Semitic language, we should find a likely candidate that fits the chronological and geographical frame of Young Avestan.
It is well known that Aramaic was the main, though not the only, language of the Achaemenid administration, also in the eastern part of the empire.Footnote 60 As a Semitic language with a long tradition and geographically wide use, could Aramaic have been the source of the Young Avestan word in question? In my opinion, this is a likely possibility.
Old Aramaic tnwr, “baking oven,” is attested in two Aramaic inscriptions, that of Hadd-yiṯ‘ī found in Tell Fekherye (Syria) and another found in Bukān (Azerbaijan), dated to the ninth and eighth centuries BCE respectively.Footnote 61 Therefore, it is clear that either the Old Babylonian term entered the Old Aramaic lexicon as early as the beginning of the first millennium BCE or was simply inherited from their common Semitic origin but attested for the first time in that early period. Such a chronology is not at odds with the standard dating of Young Avestan texts in the first half of the first millennium BCE, which solves the problem of the chronological gap. However, what about the geographical gap?
Assuming, alongside Grenet, that the Young Avestan-speaking population might have been located mainly in southern Central Asia, a borrowing of YAv. tanūr(a)- directly from Old Babylonian in the second millennium BCE can hardly be supported due to the geographical distance between speakers of both languages. Footnote 62 Aramaic, on the other hand, was attested in eastern regions during the first millennium BCE, but it did not reach the distant lands of southern Central Asia until the Achaemenid rule, between the sixth and fourth centuries BCE. Apart from some inscriptions, Aramaic is attested in documents from ancient Bactria of the fourth century BCE.Footnote 63 If this language was the source of the Young Avestan borrowing of the word tanūr(a)- in southern Central Asia, that must necessarily have happened during the Achaemenid period.
Summing up, references to the material culture of Central Asia during the first millennium BCE in the examined Young Avestan texts can contribute to dating them. The Young Avestan word tanūr(a)-, “baking oven,” of V 8.91, likely borrowed from Aramaic in the Achaemenid period, is an excellent example of how linguistic data put in its historical and archaeological context can help disentangle some of the still unsolved problems of research on ancient Central Asia and the relative chronology of some Young Avestan texts.