Usage-Based Approach

The significance of a usage-based approach to analyzing language change was highlighted in the foundational study by Weinreich et al. in Reference Weinreich, Labov, Herzog, Lehmann and Malkiel1968. Backus (Reference Backus and Nicolai2014: 91–92) assumes that the concept of language knowledge differs in formal and usage-based approaches. Usage-based linguistics is not simply about knowledge of structural patterns or individual units; rather, it is based on the interaction of general cognitive abilities (such as generalization, categorization, and comparison) and the requirements of communication. This theory highlights the significance of the frequency and utilization of linguistic patterns in language contact scenarios. It posits that linguistic structures are reinforced through consistent use and exposure (e.g. Barlow and Kemmer Reference Barlow and Kemmer2000; Barlow Reference Barlow2013a; Backus Reference Backus and Nicolai2014, Reference Backus, Stell and Yakpo2015; see also Tomasello Reference Tomasello2003; Glynn Reference Glynn, Schmid and Handl2010). In situations of language contact, structures that are used frequently are assimilated and adopted more rapidly. In her study “English-Estonian Code-Copying in Blogs: Combining a Contact Linguistic and Cognitive Approach,” for instance, Verschik (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019) illustrates the value of a usage-based and cognitive perspective (see Section 2.3 for details).

Activity-oriented Approach

Matras (Reference Matras, Chamoreau and Léglise2012) examines the relationship between linguistic uses and communicative requirements, terming it the “activity-oriented approach.” According to Matras (Reference Matras, Chamoreau and Léglise2012: 18–19), social forces do not always influence language use. For example, the use of conjunctions by a bilingual or multilingual speaker may be triggered by cognitive rather than social forces (Matras Reference Matras, Chamoreau and Léglise2012: 18–19), because a particular element, such as a foreign language conjunction, may be more entrenched in the mind/multilingual repertoire of the individual speaker and may replace another in a particular context where language use is less determined by social norms.

Emergentist Approaches

Emergentist approaches consider language as a dynamic system arising from the interplay of cognitive, social, and cultural elements (e.g. Langacker Reference Langacker and Rudzka-Ostyn1988; MacWhinney Reference MacWhinney1999; Barlow and Kemmer Reference Barlow and Kemmer2000). These methods can be used to investigate the emergence of new linguistic patterns and structures through language contact and the associated cognitive processes. Schmid (Reference Schmid2016: 219) explains that in conceptual blending, for example, a blended space is not only a combination of two “input spaces” but also generates what is termed emergent structure, following certain cognitive principles. Conceptual Blending Theory, proposed by Fauconnier and Turner in Reference 81Fauconnier and Turner2002, investigates how our minds amalgamate disparate concepts to forge novel ideas. This cognitive process enables the creation of intricate thoughts from basic ones by fusing elements from diverse origins. It is also applicable in scenarios of language contact, elucidating how individuals amalgamate components from different languages to construct new, cohesive concepts. Conceptual blending allows multilingual speakers to navigate complex linguistic and cognitive challenges by merging and modifying features from different languages. An example provided by Landmann (Reference 85Landmann2023: 303) is feminazi, which not only combines the concepts of feminist and the German-derived term Nazi, but also conveys an additional derogatory implication, as evidenced by its use as a pejorative term for a person (typically a woman) with radical assumptions (see OED).

Cognitive Grammar

Cognitive Grammar explores how cognitive processes shape linguistic structures and meanings. It aids in understanding the integration and utilization of grammatical structures from various languages in situations of language contact. Traditional approaches to grammar research focus on individual languages, viewed as independent systems with mostly nondynamic or changing structures. This contradicts a usage-based perspective, which demonstrates that there are diverse structural elements that can be viewed as the result of language contact (e.g. Höder Reference Höder2019a). Construction Grammar, in particular Diasystematic Construction Grammar, represents an important cognitive linguistic approach to Language Contact. Diasystematic Construction Grammar assumes that the grammatical knowledge of multilingual speakers and language communities is also structured across languages. Central mechanisms are the recognition of patterns between languages, as well as their generalization, abstraction, and classification. These lead to a multilingual repertoire that includes both constructions restricted to specific uses/contexts of a particular language and cross-linguistic patterns (see also Höder Reference Höder, Braunmüller and Gabriel2012, Reference Höder, Åfarli and Mæhlum2014, Reference Höder, Boas and Höder2018, Reference Höder2019a, Reference Höder2019b).

A specific focus of Section 2.2.3 is on cognitive approaches to word formation, taking into account Langacker’s (Reference Langacker1987) seminal framework of cognitive grammar and concepts like Figure/Ground Alignment. Word formations, from a cognitive standpoint, represent semantic extensions. Meaningful elements, such as lexical units and affixes, merge with basic lexical units to form complex words. Utilizing corpora and cognitive methodologies facilitates an exhaustive analysis of all derivatives of borrowings, consistent with Langacker’s (Reference Langacker1987) typology (see Section 2.2.3 for details).

Borrowing

The study of language contact and word borrowing has evolved dramatically over the past century, shifting from structuralist classifications to nuanced sociolinguistic and pragmatic paradigms. Lexical borrowing has inspired a vast and multifaceted body of research. The seminal works of Betz (Reference Betz1949, Reference Betz, Maurer and Stroh1959) and Haugen (Reference Haugen1950) are widely regarded as foundational contributions to the classification of loan influences, laying the groundwork for numerous studies in the latter half of the twentieth century. Betz’s typology, developed through his investigation of Latin’s impact on Old High German, has exerted a lasting influence on the analysis of language contact phenomena. From a structuralist perspective, lexical borrowings are classified according to their degree of formal integration into the recipient language. For example, Haugen (Reference Haugen1950) distinguishes between loanwords, which preserve both the form and meaning of the source item, and loanblends, which merge native and foreign elements. Betz (Reference Betz1949, Reference Betz, Maurer and Stroh1959) adds loan creations, in which foreign concepts are rendered using native linguistic resources, as seen in calques. These categories exemplify the systematic adaptation of borrowed elements to the structural norms of the recipient language. Broadening the analytical lens, Thomason (Reference Thomason2001), Winford (Reference Winford2005), and Matras (Reference Matras2009) embed the phenomenon within the wider domain of contact linguistics, engaging with central issues such as borrowability, integration, and the sociolinguistic contexts that facilitate borrowing. In addition, Poplack (Reference Poplack2018) adopts a variationist approach, examining borrowing in bilingual communities through empirical data and usage patterns. This marks a shift toward a sociolinguistic paradigm, where borrowing is viewed not just as linguistic transfer but as a socially embedded practice shaped by speaker agency, identity, and prestige (see also Poplack and Dion Reference Poplack and Dion2012).

Bußmann (Reference Bußmann, Trauth and Kazzazi1996: 55) provides the conventional definition of borrowing as the “[a]doption of a linguistic expression from one language into another language, usually when no term exists for the new object, concept, or state of affairs.” Within the broader category of borrowing, scholars frequently distinguish between various types of lexical transfer. A foundational example is Bloomfield’s (Reference Bloomfield1933) distinction between cultural and intimate borrowing. Cultural borrowing involves the adoption of terms for unfamiliar concepts or objects, typically introduced through intercultural contact. In contrast, intimate borrowing arises “when two languages are spoken in what is topographically and politically a single community” (Bloomfield Reference Bloomfield1933: 461), resulting in deeper linguistic exchange – often from a dominant to a subordinate language (see also Kowalczyk Reference Kowalczyk2023: 117).

Myers-Scotton (Reference Myers-Scotton2006: 208–232) builds on Bloomfield’s framework by introducing sociopragmatic dimensions, showing that linguistic necessity is frequently shaped – or even eclipsed – by social factors such as prestige, identity, and group affiliation. The traditional dichotomy between needed and luxury borrowings has likewise come under scrutiny, as pragmatic and sociocultural influences often blur the line between communicative necessity and stylistic choice. Researchers have observed that so-called luxury borrowings may fulfill identity-related functions, signal modernity, and eventually become integral to everyday usage. To assess the success and integration of borrowings more objectively, scholars have proposed corpus-based and concept-driven approaches (e.g. Poplack Reference Poplack2018; see also Matras and Adamou Reference 86Matras, Adamou, Matras and Adamou2021: 237–251), offering empirical tools to evaluate lexical assimilation beyond anecdotal or prescriptive criteria.

Given the metaphorical nature of the term borrowing, alternative conceptualizations have emerged in the literature, such as copying (see Johanson Reference Johanson, Jones and Esch2002) and incorporation (Akmajian Reference Akmajian2001: 573), which aim to more precisely capture the mechanisms underlying lexical transfer. Onysko (Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 38) highlights that, from a cognitive standpoint, neural activation is a routine process arising from patterns of activation that are linked to a specific code. In the words of Onysko (Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 38):

According to Onysko (Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 38), the adaptation of borrowed lexical items in form and sound could indicate patterns of “monolingually active language in the mental network […].” Several borrowings analyzed in the context of the different case studies presented in this Element show no or only minimal orthographic and phonological assimilation to the receiving language. An example of this is fines herbes, whose French spelling has been retained in English. OED offers the pronunciation variants /ˌfiːn(z) ˈɛːb/ for British English and /ˌfin(z) ˈɛrb/ for American English, both of which still show foreign influences, including the French stress pattern. An example of a borrowing that has been completely adapted to English is butler, which goes back to the French word buteler, “servant responsible for supervising the wine cellar or serving wine or other drink, cup-bearer, officer with responsibility for the supply of wine to the royal household” (OED). One may argue that cognitively speaking, butler has become a part of the neural activation mechanism of English as the target language.

Code-Switching

Borrowings typically enter a language gradually, often beginning as code-switches before becoming fully integrated through frequent use (see, for example, Myers-Scotton Reference Myers-Scotton2002; Thomason Reference Thomason, Janda and Joseph2003). However, some argue that distinguishing between code-switching and borrowing is methodologically problematic or even unnecessary (e.g. Johanson Reference Johanson, Extra and Verhoeven1993; Thomason Reference Thomason2001). Others view both as points along a continuum of language contact, making strict separation irrelevant (Myers-Scotton Reference Myers-Scotton2002, Reference Myers-Scotton2006; Clyne Reference Clyne2003; Thomason Reference Thomason, Janda and Joseph2003; Treffers-Daller Reference Treffers-Daller2005; Haspelmath Reference Haspelmath, Haspelmath and Tadmor2009).

Early scholarship often portrayed code-switching as a symptom of linguistic deficiency or confusion (e.g. Weinreich Reference Weinreich1953), and borrowing as evidence of limited proficiency. This deficit-based view, however, has been increasingly contested. Contemporary research underscores that code-switching is not merely strategic but also reflects advanced multilingual competence (e.g. Myers-Scotton Reference Myers-Scotton2002, Reference Myers-Scotton2006; Gardner-Chloros Reference Gardner-Chloros2009; Poplack Reference Poplack2018). The shift from simplistic interpretations to more nuanced, agency-oriented perspectives marks a significant evolution in sociolinguistic thought.

Muysken (Reference Muysken2000) advances the discussion on code-mixing by proposing a nuanced model that identifies three core types of mixing: the insertion of individual elements, the alternation of entire language segments, and the shared use of structurally similar forms (“congruent lexicalization”). This approach moves beyond simplistic dichotomies such as “code-switching vs. borrowing” and instead highlights the structural richness of bilingual utterances. By closely examining how linguistic units are combined, Muysken illustrates the grammatical creativity and flexibility multilingual speakers employ. His framework offers a valuable tool for distinguishing different forms of mixing, particularly with regard to their syntactic and morphological integrations.

Rather than focusing on the mere presence of foreign lexical items, Poplack (Reference Poplack2012, Reference Poplack2018) emphasizes their grammatical integration into the recipient language – highlighting process over product (see also Poplack and Dion Reference Poplack and Dion2012). Her Nonce Borrowing Hypothesis (Reference Poplack and Dion2012; see also Poplack Reference Poplack2018: 122–140) argues that many utterances previously classified as code-switches are, in fact, one-off borrowings that follow systematic patterns of assimilation. Poplack draws a clear distinction: code-switching adheres to the grammatical norms of both languages, whereas borrowing conforms to the structural rules of the recipient language. For example, in Fongbe–French bilingual speech, French borrowings appear without articles, reflecting Fongbe syntax (Poplack and Meechan Reference Poplack, Meechan, Milroy and Muysken1995).

Deuchar and Stammers (Reference Stammers and Deuchar2012, Reference Deuchar and Stammers2016), examining Welsh–English bilingualism, juxtapose Poplack’s integration-based model with Myers-Scotton’s frequency-based approach. According to Myers-Scotton (e.g. Reference Myers-Scotton1993), the frequency of use determines whether a foreign word is perceived as a borrowing rather than a code-switch. Finding the two frameworks incompatible, Deuchar and Stammers propose a theory-neutral method that analyzes donor-language items without pre-classification. Their findings challenge the Nonce Borrowing Hypothesis, revealing that verb integration in Welsh depends not only on frequency but also on dictionary presence. Moreover, they demonstrate that the borrowing/code-switching distinction often hinges on the methodological lens applied.

In addition, metaphorical code-switching, particularly in the representation of direct speech in its original language, has moved into the focus of linguistic concern. Investigating this phenomenon offers insights into how speakers navigate authenticity, identity, and narrative structure. It also highlights the performative and symbolic dimensions of multilingual discourse, which are often overlooked in more structural analyses (e.g. Mazzaggio and Moussaid Reference Mazzaggio and Moussaid2023; see also Sebba Reference Sebba2013). From a cognitive standpoint, code-switching is associated with what Onysko (Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 39) describes as the “multilingual mode,” where the socially and pragmatically sanctioned employment of various linguistic codes forms the foundation for selection within the network of all concurrently activated codes.

The sample of posts collected from German–English blogs contains numerous instances of single-word code-switching, such as “SisterhoodFootnote ² im Businessalltag – Warum sich jede Selbstständige ein Frauennetzwerk suchen sollte”Footnote ³ (Josie Loves: Fashion & Beauty & Travel & Lifestyle, September 9, 2024). Examples of inter-sentential code-switching, as illustrated in “The heat goes on! 10 schnelle Tipps gegen Hitze”Footnote ⁴ (Kiss and Tell, Ein Lifestyle Blog, July 22, 2024), are the minority.

Multilingual speakers can more easily identify the origin of borrowing because of their multilingual repertoires, while monolingual speakers need additional information. In contrast to monolingual speakers, “[m]ultilingual speakers of the borrowing’s source and recipient languages can identify the origin of a borrowing by building associative connections in their multilingual repertoires” (Onysko Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 38). Borrowing differs from codeswitching, not just cognitively but also sociolinguistically. Borrowings are accepted words or grammatical structures in a language community, while codeswitching uses elements from another language. The distinction depends on whether a term is habitually used in the community, though this “habitual use” is a somewhat vague concept (Onysko Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 39).

Transfer/Interference

Transfer/interference occurs when related language units in different codes are activated together in the mind, leading to the influence of one code on another. This coactivation results in language contact, where formal similarities between units in both codes cause meaning and functions to transfer from one to the other (Onysko Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 41). This concept is prevalent in language contact research and is similar to the idea of semantic loan (see Haugen Reference Haugen1950: 214), where a word from one language is adopted by another due to shared mental activation (Onysko Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 41). A semantic loan occurs when an existing native word adopts the specific meaning of a foreign word. New Wave is an example of this. Recorded in English since 1960, it initially referred to a new trend, particularly in the arts. Influenced by the French term nouvelle vague, New Wave broadened its meaning to include “a type of French film movement from the late 1950s to early 1960s” (see OED; see also Landmann Reference 85Landmann2023: 49). Thus, a semantic loan may denote both the process of adopting a meaning from a foreign language and the specific sense acquired in this manner.

The phenomenon of transfer/interference is well documented in second language acquisition and is often referred to as the concept of true or false friends. It occurs when learners use a word in a new language (such as English) in a way that reflects its meaning in their native language (such as German). This process can occur in both monolingual and multilingual contexts. It has been suggested that transfer/interference might be more common in multilingual situations, although this hypothesis requires further evidence (Onysko Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 41).

Replication

When language elements are consciously activated in the brain, a mixture of contact-induced and intrinsic language changes occurs. In this context, the term replication designates either the reuse of concepts from one language in another using native forms or the adoption of a form from another language and its meaning in the receiving language (Onysko Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 41; see also Heine and Kuteva Reference 83Heine and Kuteva2008: 59). Cognitively, the process of replication differs from the direct activation within the mental network. Onysko (Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 41–42) points out that “[i]n this case, a speaker performs a process of transmutation; that is, s/he activates code-specific linguistic units whose conceptual content is then rendered in linguistic units specific to another code.” Conscious attention activates language processes that are not fully automatic. This leads to speakers consciously translating grammatical structures from one language to another (Onysko Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 42).

Loan translations, also known as calques, are prime examples of replication in language contact. Betz (Reference Betz1949) classified calques into loan translations, renditions, and creations based on how literally they are translated. Originally focused on translating complex words from one language to another, this concept also applies to grammatical patterns and paths of grammaticalization. Research has linked loan translations to other language contact processes such as transfer and codeswitching (Onysko Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 42). Onysko (Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 42) draws attention to the fact that

Numerous examples of this type of imitation can be found in the list of Latin proverbs that have been translated into English. Examples are All that glitters is not gold and Like father, like son. The former reflects the Latin Non omne quod nitet aurum est, ‘not all that shines is gold,’ and the latter was translated from the Latin Qualis pater talis filius, ‘as is the father, so is the son’ (ODP).

While calquing – replicating the meaning from one language in another using native linguistic forms – is common, sometimes a form from a foreign language is used in the recipient language with a completely different meaning. This phenomenon is known as a pseudo loan. Users create new meanings for these forms in the recipient language rather than copying the original meanings. Examples include Handy (meaning ‘mobile phone’) in German (see Onysko Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 43).

Figure-Ground Alignment

Figure-ground alignment is a cognitive concept from Gestalt theory that outlines selective information processing within a context. It is frequently applied in psychology and linguistics to elucidate how individuals differentiate the focus (figure) from the background (ground), which is crucial for information perception and processing (see Langacker Reference Langacker1987). In linguistics, it elucidates the structuring and comprehension of information by speakers and listeners. Figure-Ground Alignment is significant in word formation, aiding in the creation and comprehension of new words. It highlights certain elements (figure) while relegating others (ground) to the backdrop, simplifying complex concepts into digestible units. For example, compounds derived from borrowings such as attaché case and matinee idol, emphasize one element as the main component (figure), with another providing contextual support (ground), clarifying the meaning of the new formation (see Landmann Reference 85Landmann2023: 274).

Cognitive Functions of Blending

The cognitive functions of blendings can be analyzed through Conceptual Blending Theory, a framework first introduced by Fauconnier and Turner in 2002. This theory posits that the lexical elements forming the blendings generate mental spaces within the minds of the speakers involved. Fauconnier and Turner (Reference 81Fauconnier and Turner2002: 40) describe mental spaces as “small conceptual packets constructed as we think and talk, intended for the local understanding of actions.”

Conceptual blending involves the fusion of selected conceptual elements from two mental spaces into a novel, unified conceptual space. According to Schmid (Reference Schmid2016: 219), “[…] this blended space not only receives information from the two input spaces but generates what is called emergent structure following certain cognitive principles.” An emergent structure is not simply a combination of two existing concepts; it carries new, specific implications (Schmid Reference Schmid2016: 219). Landmann (Reference 85Landmann2023: 303) points out that gastropub, for instance, “is not a mere combination of pub and the French-derived items gastronomy or gastronomic, but serves as an original term for ‘a pub that is popular for its excellent food.’”

Diasystematic Construction Grammar

Diasystem Construction Grammar (DCxG) represents a groundbreaking framework within cognitive and constructionist approaches to language, designed to systematically address linguistic variation across dialects, sociolects, and multilingual settings. By including diasystematic principles into construction grammar, DCxG offers a systematic approach to illustrating how speakers process language contact situations, integrating multiple linguistic systems within a cohesive cognitive framework. Its importance for cognitive approaches to language contact lies in its capacity to represent dynamic interactions between linguistic varieties, demonstrating how bilingual and multilingual speakers access, activate, and adapt constructions influenced by contextual cognitive factors. Consequently, DCxG provides significant insights into the cognitive mechanisms governing language adaptation, variation, and evolution in contact settings (see Höder Reference Höder, Braunmüller and Gabriel2012, Reference Höder, Åfarli and Mæhlum2014, Reference Höder, Boas and Höder2018, Reference Höder2019a, Reference Höder2019b).

Höder’s work on DCxG offers profound analyses of language contact phenomena, especially within multilingual and dialectal contexts. One example from his studies highlights contact-induced syntactic variation in Scandinavian heritage. In some North American linguistic communities with heritage speakers of Scandinavian languages that interact with English, Höder studies contact-induced word order changes. For example, heritage speakers of Swedish might preferentially use SVO (subject-verb-object) order as a result of long-lasting language contact with English, despite the fact that V2 (verb-second) word order represents a common syntactic structure in Swedish (Höder Reference Höder, Boas and Höder2018). Höder applies DCxG to illustrate how bilingual speakers cognitively process linguistic variation, emphasizing that these developments are not arbitrary but are systematically integrated into diasystematic constructions, enabling speakers to adapt grammar flexibly across languages (e.g. Höder Reference Höder, Åfarli and Mæhlum2014, Reference Höder, Boas and Höder2018, Reference Höder2019a, Reference Höder2019b).

Cognitive Typologies of Semantic Change

The semantic analysis of the various borrowings in Landmann (Reference 85Landmann2023: 357) is based on Blank’s Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999 study, which presents a cognitive typology that takes into account variations at the lexical-semantic level, such as sociocultural changes, close conceptual or factual relationships, and emotionally marked concepts. This typology is presented in more detail in Section 2.2.4, along with a new case study that provides illustrative examples of cognitive approaches to diachronic meaning change.

Within Blank’s Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999 framework, emphasis is placed on metaphorical uses, which have always been a central aspect of cognitive research (e.g. Grady Reference Grady, Geeraerts and Cuyckens2007: 188). The terminological framework of Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT), including concepts such as source and target domains and conceptual mapping, has been influential in various research contexts. Metaphors have been studied from a cross-linguistic perspective (e.g., Kövecses Reference Kövecses1986, Reference Kövecses1990, Reference Kövecses and Radman1995, Reference Kövecses2010, Reference Kövecses, Handl and Schmid2011; Baranov and Dobrovol’skij Reference Baranov and Dobrovol’skij1996; Baldauf Reference Baldauf and Zelinsky-Wibbelt2003; McGlone Reference McGlone2007; Gibbs Reference Gibbs2008) and through a psycholinguistic lens (e.g., Gibbs Reference Gibbs1994, Reference Gibbs1996, Reference Gibbs2006; Kutas and Federmeier Reference Kutas and Federmeier2000; Gibbs and Colston Reference Gibbs and Colston2012). These studies explore how metaphors function across different languages and how they are processed and understood by the human mind.

Data and Methodology

OED is a resource for identifying the multitude of cuisine and art terms that show a French etymon in their etymological description. In all, several hundred French-derived culinary and art terms are currently documented in OED. Of these, 143 cookery terms and 67 art terms are also recorded in EFL (English as a Foreign Language) dictionaries such as LDOCE and/or OALD, which generally contain the most widely used words and meanings currently recorded in English. The borrowings found in these sources can therefore be considered relatively common borrowings. These types of items are the focus of the present study, as the primary goal is to pinpoint words and meanings that have evolved into relatively common expressions in modern English, each with its distinct semantic features.

The sample of culinary terms examined is characterized by a great diversity, including terms for soups and sauces (e.g. bisque, jus), dishes (e.g. fricassee, blanquette, coq au vin), desserts and items of confectionary (e.g. compote, baba), food products (e.g. raisin, margarine), and bread and pastries (e.g. baguette, brioche). In addition, it comprises terms for cheese (e.g. fromage frais), drinks (e.g. absinthe), wine (e.g. cru), and adjectives relating to characteristics of wine (e.g. brut, demi-sec). It also contains terms for kitchen styles (e.g. nouvelle cuisine), kitchen utensils (e.g. casserole, carafe), food manufacture (abattoir), a shop selling food (depanneur), individuals engaged in cuisine (e.g. taster) as well as adjectives and adverbs relating to a manner of preparing food (e.g. au jus). The selection of art terms originating from French is equally diverse; it ranges from terms for artistic creations (e.g. collage) and utensils for creating art (e.g. palette), to art exhibitions (e.g. vernissage) and adjectives that refer to artistic styles and movements (e.g. baroque). A comprehensive list of all the French-derived cuisine and art terms under scrutiny can be found in Tables 1a–1c and 2a–2e in the Appendix.

The various borrowings collected from OED have been classified according to their immediate language of origin. For example, kirsch, the name of a cherry brandy, is classified as a French borrowing, although the French form is ultimately an abbreviation of the German compound Kirschwasser (see OED). OED also documents borrowings with a complex etymology, that is, lexical items that have been influenced by more than one foreign language. For example, this holds for tapioca, which goes back to Portuguese, Spanish, and French (see OED). In addition, OED records lexical items that may or may not be borrowed from French. An example is painting, which may be derived from French peinture (see OED). All different types of French-derived cuisine and art terms, including possible borrowings, have been considered in the present study.

Linguistic information and dating of usages and meanings in OED were used to assess the most common semantic developments of the various borrowings. In order to identify typical illustrative contextual uses in present-day English, corpora such as BNC and COCA as well as newspaper articles from Nexis Uni were used in addition to the linguistic documentary evidence in OED.

The Semantic Development of French-Derived Cuisine and Art Terms

As mentioned previously, the results presented in the case study are based on Blank’s (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999) typology. Drawing on an analysis of a corpus that includes roughly 600 examples from the Romance languages, supplemented by data from English and German, Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999) provides a comprehensive typology of the motivations for lexical semantic change. His 1999 study is a pivotal reference for current research as it covers the main motivations for semantic change from a cognitive perspective and is relevant to the evolution of the meaning of a borrowing after its introduction into the recipient language. Since it currently represents the only existing typology that comprehensively investigates different types of lexical semantic change from a cognitive perspective, Blank’s framework is employed as the primary reference for the case study. Where applicable, references to more recent studies will be incorporated to highlight how individual phenomena are being discussed and reassessed in contemporary research.

Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999) identifies six principal types of semantic change and their subcategories, distinguishing between “linguistic” and “cognitive constellations” (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 70). The proposed categories are reflective of fundamental theoretical notions in cognitive semantics, such as prototype theory (also termed basic-level theory by Blank), and frame semantics (see Blank Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 71). In this case study, prototype theory is prominently exemplified in Section (4b) (see prototypical change), while frame semantics is especially pertinent to the concepts of profiling through metonymic reconceptualization (see frame relation in Section (4a)). Subsequently, Blank’s categories will be delineated with greater specificity and exemplified using instances from the current corpus.

1. (1) New Concept (Need for a New Name)

The first category identified by Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 71) is referred to as new concept (need for a new name). According to Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 71),

Numerous lexical items in the data set under scrutiny show semantic change due to the existence/emergence of a new concept or referent. Most of the borrowings discussed in this study are terms for new concepts, like the French culinary term blanquette, adopted into English due to the absence of an equivalent term. Blanquette is a borrowing that evolved from a particular use of a French word. In English, it specifically refers to a meat dish with a white sauce (OED). However, in French, the original term has a broader semantic scope, also referring to a type of white wine or items in jewelry and silverware. Therefore, it can be concluded that blanquette underwent semantic narrowing in the course of its borrowing, to fill the corresponding semantic gap in the donor language. A perfect parallel to the example of the semantic narrowing of blanquette following its borrowing from French into English can be found in the discussion of the Spanish word sombrero in Winter-Froemel (Reference Winter-Froemel, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019). In English, sombrero has come to denote specifically a ‘Mexican hat,’ rather than the broader meaning of ‘hat’ in the source language. As Winter-Froemel (Reference Winter-Froemel, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019:117) explains, this shift can be classified as a case of “catachrestic reinterpretation” – where a borrowed lexical item, despite having a native translation equivalent, is reanalyzed with a more specific meaning to refer to a new concept within the receiving language.

1. (2) Abstract Concepts, Distant and Usually Invisible Referents

According to Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 71), “[t]he second type of motivations concerns conceptual domains whose referents are either abstract or usually distant or hard to see and thus rather difficult for us to seize intellectually.” Blank’s method of exploring metaphorical sense developments mirrors the core concepts of Lakoff’s metaphor theory from [1979] (Reference Lakoff and Ortony1993). In cognitive linguistics, a metaphor represents a set of conceptual parallels from a particular source domain (reflecting a speaker’s worldview) that are applied to a target domain, typically more abstract or general (Lakoff Reference Lakoff and Ortony1993: 203).

Metaphorical sense developments are the most common forms of semantic changes in this category. A semantic trend that becomes apparent in the culinary expressions examined is the use of dishes with several different ingredients as a synonym for a mixture, a potpourri of several different elements or things. An example is jambalaya. It has been documented in OED since 1872, designating a “dish composed of rice together with shrimps, chicken, turkey, etc.” A number of metaphorical uses of jambalaya can be found in present-day English, as in:

A similar example is ragout, originally denoting a spicy dish typically consisting of minced meat and various vegetables. By metaphor, it came to denote “[a] varied or piquant mixture” (OED). Typical recent usage examples are:

The conceptual link between jambalaya and ragout as dishes made from diverse ingredients and a type of state or condition lies in the similarity of the characteristics of the dish to the newly designated abstract referent. Similar to the original culinary referent, the new metaphorical concept is marked by an assortment of various elements, such as various cultural references.

1. (3) Sociocultural Change

Semantic change may also be related to sociocultural change. Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 72–73) outlines that “[c]hanges in our conception of the world can also lead to the transformation of an already existing complex conceptual system by the loss of one or more concepts, by shifting concepts or by introducing new ones.”

The investigation of the changes in meanings in the corpus examined shows that a number of sociocultural developments and trends can lead to semantic variation. Cartoon is an example of a term that has evolved semantically throughout history due to sociocultural changes. According to OED, cartoon originally referred to designs for works of art in the nineteenth century, see:

Over time, cartoon broadened in meaning. Sociocultural trends, such as the growing importance of the entertainment industry, including the development of film and cinema over the decades, have significantly shaped and expanded the semantic scope of the term. For example, cartoon has become a fairly common term for a type of animated film. In this meaning, it is frequently used attributively in present-day English, as in cartoon films, see:

1. (4) Close Conceptual/Factual Relation

An additional category established by Blank is close conceptual or factual relation. Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 74) points out that

Within this category, Blank distinguishes between three types of cognitive mechanisms: frame relation, prototypical change, and blurred concepts. These are explained in more detail in the following sections.

1. (a) Frame Relation

Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 74) points out that “[a] strong and habitual relation between two concepts within a frame makes speakers express them by using only one word: the frame relation is ‘highlighted’ […].” Most examples that fall into this category are metonymies. Metonymic processes serve to emphasize, detail, or broaden the meaning of the vehicle concept, thereby offering a new perspective (Panther Reference Panther, Ruiz de Mendoza Ibáñez and Peña Cervel2005: 357). The role of conceptual metonymy lies in facilitating mental access to a specific concept through contiguity. An example of a French borrowing with metonymic development of meaning is casserole, which initially referred to a type of pan before it came to be used for the dish prepared in it (see OED), see:

In this example, the corresponding metonymy is due to the conceptual recategorization of UTENSIL/DEVICE as a PRODUCT concept.

1. (b) Prototypical Change

Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 75–77) limits the phenomenon of prototypical change to the following cases: first, a lexeme can be used to refer to the prototype of the category it denotes in its general usage, which may result in semantic narrowing. In the second constellation, a lexeme originally designating the prototype of a particular category widens its semantic scope and comes to relate to the overriding category as such (see also Blank Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 75–77). Of the lexical items that underwent prototypical changes in the present corpus, most were first recorded in a more general sense before assuming a more specific meaning. They can be categorized as hyperonyms that came to denote a more specific semantic category. An example is the French borrowing assemblage, which has been recorded in the general sense of “[a] number of things gathered together; a collection, group, cluster” in OED since 1690. Over time, the word has adopted several specialized technical meanings. For example, it has evolved into a fairly common term for “a collection (e.g. of artefacts); a work of art consisting of miscellaneous objects fastened together” (OED), as in:

This excerpt from The Vintage Mac Museum Blog exemplifies how assemblage is used in a broader artistic or design context, even beyond traditional fine arts. The term here refers to the empty setup of a Macquarium, reinforcing the idea of collected elements awaiting transformation. Its presence alongside other conceptual discussions about design and repurposing subtly reflects the influence of French terminology, emphasizing sophistication and creativity – qualities often associated with French artistic heritage. This aligns with the idea that the speaker, consciously or subconsciously, employs French-derived vocabulary to evoke a refined aesthetic, reinforcing the prestige of such expressions within artistic and creative discussions.

1. (c) Blurred Concepts

Blurred concepts occur when one particular concept is unconsciously associated with another (Blank Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 77). Landmann (Reference 85Landmann2023: 344) points out that this “may be due to the fact that the boundaries between a concept and the corresponding categories are blurred in the mind of a speaker.” This could also result in what Blank calls a “co-hyponymous transfer” (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 77). Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 77) emphasizes that the animal kingdom is one area in the Romance languages where this type of diachronic semantic change is documented. For example, the Latin word sorex, ‘shrew-mouse’, developed into French souris, ‘mouse’ (see also Blank Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 77). The corpus of French-derived cooking and art terms contains no examples of blurred concepts.

1. (5) Complexity and Irregularity in the Lexicon

Due to language economy and efficiency, speakers tend to diminish unnecessarily complex and irregular structures in the lexicon:

Within this category, Blank identifies four lexical phenomena: lexical complexity, orphaned word, lexical gap, and untypical meaning/untypical argument structure.

1. (a) Lexical Complexity

Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 77–78) outlines that “[t]he more frequently a word is used, the more speakers tend to reduce its signifiant […].” This is also known as Zipf’s law (see Zipf Reference Zipf1945: 142–144). For example, a phrase or a compound may be shortened, a process commonly referred to as lexical ellipsis. Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 78) rightly draws attention to the fact that from a semantic point of view, “a simple lexeme also receives the meaning of a complex word of which it is formally a part, so that “absorption” or “incorporation” (of the meaning of the complex lexeme) would be more appropriate terms […].”An example of a term that is often used in its abbreviated form is the French culinary term pâté, which was originally shortened from pâté de foie gras (see OED). Over time, this abbreviated version has become more prevalent, as in:

1. (b) Orphaned Word

Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 78) points out that what he calls an orphaned word is related to the process by which “a lexically isolated word, which is the unique member of its derivational class and rather restricted in use, is interpreted by speakers as belonging to another derivational class and, therefore, becomes formally and semantically integrated into this class.” This phenomenon is also known as popular etymology or reinterpretation (see also Blank Reference Blank, Foltys and Kotschi1993). Popular etymology may only concern the orthographic and phonological levels. According to Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 78), this can be exemplified by the Middle English word soverein and its spelling variant sovereign, the latter of which occurred because of the influence of the Middle English form reign. Landmann (Reference 85Landmann2023: 346) points out that “[w]hen a sense development is involved, a lexical item considered to be similar in form to another lexical unit is used in a meaning that is semantically contiguous to its related form” (see also Blank Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 78–79).

1. (c) Lexical Gap

Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 79) points out that a lexical gap is the result of what he refers to as “asymmetry” in the lexicon of a language. He illustrates this phenomenon using the polysemous Latin form eques, which refers to a ‘cavalryman’ or, in a metonymic sense, to a ‘knight’ as a member of the social group that constituted a cavalry in the Roman era (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 79). According to Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 79), eques motivated a metonymic change in meaning of pedes, ‘infantryman,’ which adopted the additional sense of ‘plebeian’ as part of the group of people belonging to an infantry. There are no examples of lexical gaps in the collection of French-derived cuisine and art terms under review.

1. (d) Untypical Meaning/Untypical Argument Structure

Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 80) points out that

For example, nouns that are used to designate actions (also referred to as nomina actionis) are less typical than nouns that refer to the result of an action or a location (see also Hopper and Thompson Reference Hopper and Thompson1980: 152–154). Such lexical items thus tend to adopt senses referring to outcomes of an action or localities (see also Blank Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 80). Among the French-derived words being examined, some terms initially described types of actions but later came to denote the resulting state or condition, a shift attributed to metonymic semantic change. For example, the term montage was first used to describe the act of assembling a picture (or film, music, writing), and later referred to the assembled product itself, similar to its French counterpart. In contemporary English, both meanings are widely accepted. The dataset under analysis reveals that borrowings that can denote both an activity and its result are more commonly employed to signify the result (i.e., the outcome of an activity) rather than their original, metonymically transferred sense.

In addition, Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 80) emphasizes that “[p]rototypical transitive verbs place the most active argument in the subject position,” which might result in “auto-converse” semantic changes (see also Hopper and Thompson Reference Hopper and Thompson1980: 252). According to Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 80), Latin lucere ‘to be visible’ is an example of a verb assuming the position of the subject in form of Catalan llucar ‘to see.’

1. (6) Emotionally Marked Concepts

Emotionally marked concepts constitute a further category in Blank’s Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999 typology. Conceptual domains that fall under this category include eating and drinking, anger and sex (Blank Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 80). A characteristic feature of these domains may be their taboo nature. Pizarro Pedraza (Reference Pizarro Pedraza and Pizarro Pedraza2018: 2) notes that the term taboo is often employed to denote “any socially imposed prohibitions or restrictions, with social or even legal consequences […].” Rather than explicitly stating a taboo subject, a speaker may use a semantic euphemism, often arising from metaphorical or metonymic evolution. Blank (Reference Blank, Blank and Koch1999: 81) highlights that these developments may also stem from semantic narrowing, “ironic antiphrasis” or abbreviations/ellipsis.

In the analyzed dataset, there are some emotionally marked concepts. These reflect euphemisms associated with sociocultural attitudes. An example is macaroon. In its culinary sense, macaroon, the name of an item of confectionary, was derived from the French word macaron in 1611. It has been recorded in a metaphorical sense since about 1631, denoting “[a] buffoon; a blockhead, a dolt” (OED), or, in regional usage, “a fop” (OED), as in:

The sources consulted do not record any corresponding metaphorical meaning later than 1974. An emotive-affective motivation for the metaphorical use by the speakers may have been the pursuit of politeness in order to avoid explicit insults such as fool or idiot.

Global Copies

In Verschik’s (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019) typology, global copies refer to content words, such as nouns and adjectives. Verschik (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 62) points out that

As in Verschik’s survey, in the present case study, nouns represent the largest category. The data also includes a considerable number of nominal compounds. As one might expect, most of them are specific terms from the discourse of fashion, beauty, and lifestyle. Typical examples from the blogs examined are:

Similar to Verschik’s 2019 study, adjectives form the second largest group among global copies. They are either specific terms related to fashion, beauty and lifestyle (see example 12) or, as Verschik points out, emotionally charged adjectives such as happy (see example 13):

Most adjectives in the studied data (i.e., approximately 72%) do not have German morphological endings.

This is consistent with a preference for predicative use, as in example (13) – which corresponds to the German grammatical system in which predicative adjectives are not inflected after a copula verb such as sein (‘to be’). The majority of attributive adjective borrowings follow German inflectional rules, as demonstrated by the use of clean in example (12), which was adapted to German inflectional morphology by attaching the ending -en. Adjectival borrowings with inflectional endings are generally comparatively common and established in the recipient language.

Selective Copies

According to the classification scheme of Verschik (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019), selective copies are semantic extensions or, in most cases, literal reproductions of idiomatic expressions. The latter category is also called loan translations in traditional terminology (e.g. Betz Reference Betz1949).

Semantic expansion occurs when an existing lexical element in the recipient language takes on a meaning from another language. In the blogs examined, there are only a few instances of semantic extensions. One such example is the use of etwas lieben in the sense of to like something, as in:

In the meaning illustrated previously, lieben might be influenced from English, particularly from advertising slogans such as McDonald’s I’m lovin’ it. Traditionally in German, ich liebe es conveys a stronger sentiment than ich mag es, which is more akin to I like it. This example highlights the importance of language and culture, particularly the impact of advertising and global media.

Much more common is the word-by-word rendition of a foreign language structure. An example is Schritt für Schritt, which reflects the English step-by-step, as in:

Mixed Copies

According to Verschik (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 70), mixed copies are intermediate cases such as hybrid/mixed compounds (e.g. Sommerlook, Lieblingspart), containing a native and a foreign-language element, as in:

In the analyzed data set, hybrid compound formations represent by far the largest category of mixed copies. Verschik (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 71) points out that “cognitive-structural transparency of compounds is one of the factors facilitating copying.” In some cases, idioms and fixed expressions also represent mixed copies, as is illustrated by example (18):

The expression eine Person ghosten corresponds to the English phrase to ghost a person/somebody. In example (18), the past participle geghostet is used, which is adapted to the German language with the corresponding inflectional ending.

Code Alternations

Code alternations comprise linguistic blocks that represent syntactically autonomous units (Verschik Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 62). Muysken’s (Reference Muysken2000) typology of code-mixing – which includes insertion, alternation, and congruent lexicalization – is highly relevant to Verschik’s (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019) discussion of code alternations. Muysken defines alternation as a type of code-mixing where two languages remain structurally independent within a bilingual utterance. This aligns with Verschik’s claim that code alternations represent syntactically independent elements. According to Verschik (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 71), code alternations can include quotations, direct speech paraphrases, or chunks of speech on specific topics. This aligns with Muysken (Reference Muysken2000), who emphasizes that the distinction between insertion (where elements from one language are integrated into another) and alternation (where languages switch at broader syntactic boundaries) is often ambiguous. Muysken’s framework permits congruent lexicalization, enabling elements from both languages to utilize shared grammatical structures. This could explain why quotations, paraphrases, and topic-specific chunks might be classified as alternations rather than insertions. Alternations that comprise entire English sentences or their combinations are common in the German blogs studied. In the context of fashion, beauty, and lifestyle, these types of structures quite often include expressive and emotional fixed expressions and phrases, as in:

In line with Verschik’s (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019) findings, certain characteristics of language items, such as their specific or expressive meanings, their clarity and analytical nature, and their prominence in discourse, make them easier to copy. Verschik (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 72–76) creates a cognitive-structural model of copying to show how these characteristics influence the process at different stages. She (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 73) points out that for a language item or combination of items to be used, it must be available and understandable to speakers, implying some knowledge of a different language. Once a language user notices an item, they compare it to their existing knowledge, establishing equivalence or identifying gaps. This process can be unconscious. The nature of this equivalence is debated, with structuralist views clashing with explanations based on mental representation and use. Johanson (Reference 84Johanson, Robbeets and Cuyckens2013), for example, suggests that copying relies on subjective assessment of equivalence, not precise linguistic similarity. The concepts of entrenchment (individual usage) and conventionalization (community-wide usage) are also discussed, highlighting that not all copied elements become widely used (Verschik Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 73).

Verschik (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 74) highlights that before the occurrence of language copying, certain cognitive factors enable individuals to notice and compare elements from various languages. These factors comprise the meaning (specific, expressive, pragmatic, social), frequency, and novelty/metaphoricity of linguistic items, making them more noticeable and cognitively salient. Items that appear frequently are more easily noticed, whereas unique and high-frequency items are copied in distinct ways. Factors such as specificity and expressivity have been demonstrated by the examples provided earlier; however, a comprehensive analysis of these factors and their influence on copying still requires further research (Verschik Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 74).

Verschik (Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 75–76) also discusses factors that help speakers notice and compare language elements before copying them. These factors, labeled structural or structural-cognitive, include transparency and similarity. Multi-word items and idioms are particularly noticeable due to their cognitive prominence. Similarity between languages, like shared tendencies in grammar or common international terms, also facilitates copying. The more frequently copying occurs, the more entrenched and conventionalized these similarities become, further promoting language contact. Additionally, both micro- and macro-sociolinguistic factors drive language contact. Micro-factors involve individual linguistic repertoires and situational contexts, while macro-factors include the status, prestige, and societal attitudes toward languages (Verschik Reference Verschik, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019: 76).

Data and Methodology

Every Latin-derived proverb under examination has an equivalent English translation. However, some are still used in their original, Latin form even if there is an English counterpart. To understand why speakers choose these synonyms, Latin-origin proverbs with native English equivalents have been qualitatively analyzed to identify the sociocognitive motivations behind their usage. Furthermore, to ascertain the connection between the preferred use of a borrowed proverb over an English synonym and sociocognitive attitudes, evaluations of culture-specific values have been conducted. The main objectives and corresponding research questions (abbreviated RQs) of the present study are:

• Aim: To explore the interaction between language usage and social or cognitive attitudes and assessments.

• RQs: Which social or sociocognitive values and attitudes affect language usage? What emotional and cognitive factors might influence English speakers’ preference to use borrowed proverbs instead of their native translations?

The 2015 edition of Speake’s ODP features a collection of English proverbs with Latin equivalents. ODP assembles a wide variety of proverbs documented in English, meticulously providing etymological insights into their possible origins. With over 1,100 entries, it consists of the most frequently used proverbs in English, each supported by thorough research, historical context, and illustrative examples (ODP, introduction xi–xiv). For example, ODP states that the proverb Little strokes fell great oaks is equivalent to the Latin phrase Multis ictibus deiicitur quercus, which translates as ‘the oak is felled by many blows.’ ODP posits that this proverb may have been introduced into the English language via Erasmus’ Adages, a collection of ancient proverbs and sayings from 1500. The present analysis of the proverbs under study relies on ODP data, which records their earliest known appearances in English and their potential origins in other languages.

Proverbs with Latin equivalents that trace back to Greek were considered as well. For instance, Constant dropping wears away a stone aligns with the Latin Longa dies molli saxa peredit aqua, meaning ‘length of time eats away stones with soft water’ (ODP). The Latin phrase is said to originate from Greek (see ODP). In addition, proverbs with a Latin root that could have entered English through French were examined. An example is No smoke without fire, mirroring the Latin Flamma fumo est proxima, ‘the flame is right next to the smoke,’ which may have been adopted into English via French (see ODP). ODP comprises 165 proverbs along with their Latin counterparts. Section 2 of the Appendix offers a chronological overview of English proverbs that have Latin equivalents documented in ODP. Contemporary usage examples of the proverbs under study were gathered from newspaper archives available via Nexis Uni, illustrating their significance and common usage in modern English. Nexis Uni provides access to a compilation of newspapers from English-speaking regions spanning the last two to three decades, including prominent publications such as The Independent and The New York Times.

Latin-Derived Proverbs in English: Some Typical Sociocognitive Aspects of Their Use

A plethora of Latin proverbs have been translated into English, highlighting the significant impact of Latin on the evolution of the English language. This influence originates from several sources, notably the Church, since Latin was the ecclesiastical language of the Roman Catholic Church, which had extensive influence throughout Europe during medieval times. Numerous religious texts, initially written in Latin, were later translated into English. Latin was the lingua franca among scholars, with a wide range of scientific and philosophical works originally written in Latin before being translated into English, thus reaching a wider audience. The Roman Empire left behind a significant cultural legacy, including many proverbs and maxims that have been assimilated into the English language (see Durkin Reference Durkin2014: 227–250).

In addition, the Renaissance era saw the recovery and translation of ancient texts into English, igniting a renewed interest in Latin literary and philosophical traditions. These translations have secured the continuous influence of numerous Latin aphorisms and idioms in modern English (Landmann Reference Landmann, Caon, Gordon and Porck2024a: 188, Reference Landmann and Belkhir2024b; see also Durkin Reference Durkin2014: 305–349). The heightened fascination with Latin language and culture during the English Renaissance may also account for the surge in Latin-based proverbs from 1500 to the early decades of the seventeenth century, as depicted in the chronological overview in Section 2 of the Appendix.

A significant number of the Latin-derived proverbs under review can be classified as loan translations, which corresponds to what Onysko (Reference Onysko, Zenner, Backus and Winter-Froemel2019) refers to as instances of replication (see also Section 2.1.4). These proverbs frequently evoke cultural knowledge and are rooted in worldly wisdom, often revolving around universally recognized themes such as life and death, which are fundamental human concerns. An illustrative example is Dead men don’t bite, which has a direct Latin equivalent: Mortui non mordent – literally, ‘the dead do not bite’ (ODP). This saying may have entered English in the sixteenth century, potentially influenced by Erasmus’ Adages (ODP). Most Latin-origin death proverbs present a relatively positive perspective on death – while acknowledging its inevitability, many also offer a sense of consolation. An example is Whom the Gods love die young, which reflects the Latin Quem di diligunt, adolescens moritur, ‘the whom the gods favour, dies young’ (ODP). According to ODP, this proverb was first recorded in English in 1546 and might ultimately go back to Greek. It is still used in the same meaning in present-day English, see:

Several factors may explain why the original Latin proverbs have remained semantically stable over time, without developing linguistic variations. Many of these proverbs encapsulate universal truths about human existence, such as mortality and fate. Their meanings remain relevant across centuries, reducing the likelihood of semantic change. One might also argue that Latin has historically been associated with scholarship, religion, and classical education. Because of this prestige, Latin-origin sayings were preserved with minimal modification to maintain their authoritative tone (see also Durkin Reference Durkin2014: 227–250). Latin proverbs often have a rhythmic or aphoristic quality that makes them easy to recall and transmit across generations. Their brevity reinforces semantic stability. Since these proverbs address timeless themes – life, death, wisdom – they do not require linguistic evolution to remain relevant. Unlike idioms tied to historical or technological contexts, they transcend cultural shifts.

The following provides an overview of the predominant social and sociocognitive values and attitudes that shape language use, specifically concentrating on emotional and cognitive factors that may influence English speakers’ preference for using borrowed proverbs over native equivalents/translations.

The linguistic documentary evidence indicates that Latin proverbs are frequently employed in their original form within English contexts to evoke prestige. They contribute an element of education, sophistication, and tradition to the discourse. These expressions of language carry a sense of authority and knowledge, granting them a distinguished status. Latin proverbs appear more frequently in mainstream English newspapers sch as The Times or The Guardian than in tabloids such as The Sun. The incorporation of Latin proverbs can lend an intellectual and sophisticated flair to articles, aligning with the image and target readership of more serious publications. Conversely, tabloid newspapers often opt for simpler, more accessible language to attract a broader readership (see also Landmann Reference Landmann and Belkhir2024b: 125–130). An example of a proverb that is sometimes retained in its original Latin form for reasons of prestige is Exitus acta probat, which coexists with its more common English translation equivalent The end justifies the deeds (see ODP). One could argue that in the following article, the original Latin form serves as a kind of eye-catcher to make the article more attractive to a “sophisticated” audience:

Using foreign-derived proverbs can help add emphasis to a statement. They can also create a cultural or intellectual connection that gives an utterance additional meaning (Landmann Reference Landmann and Belkhir2024b: 125–130). Proverbs of Latin origin such as Manus manum lavat, ‘hand washes hand,’ are often used in the pursuit of rendering a statement more expressive or pointed, as in:

Foreign-language synonyms are often used to address certain topics in a less direct or less confrontational way. It is a clever way of avoiding sensitive or taboo topics. Foreign-derived phrases are often used to create a certain distance or to express things more politely or less explicitly. Playing with language can also serve as a rhetorical device to obscure or soften the message without losing the actual content. Latin-derived proverbs may also be employed for the sake of decency and linguistic politeness, allowing one to convey a subject matter in an allusive way, rather than stating it outright (see also Landmann Reference Landmann and Belkhir2024b: 125–129). An example is Pecunia non olet, ‘money has no smell,’ sometimes also abbreviated to Non olet (see ODP). It is frequently used allusively and euphemistically to express that the origin of money is often not questioned as long as it is useful. This proverb is often used to allude to morally questionable but financially rewarding deals, as in:

The collection of proverbs being examined also contains instances that appear in contexts that suggest a tone of subtle humor on the part of the speaker or author. An example of this is In vino veritas, ‘there is truth in wine,’ which was first recorded in English in 1545 (see ODP). A recent article in The Independent, for instance, using the phrase in its original Latin form, reports a name change to Banksy with the aim of making lucrative advertising for wine, see:

In the above context, the Latin proverb is used allusively and with a slight touch of humor to point out that this is a hoax that, although it has something to do with wine, does not reveal the truth as the proverb suggests.