Theoretical foundation

The key concept for our analysis is – as in our previous research – the social construction of reality (Berger and Luckmann Reference Berger and Luckmann1966), and specifically the social construction of target groups, to which the media can contribute significantly (Schneider and Ingram Reference Schneider and Ingram1993). Nonetheless, although Schneider and Ingram (Reference Schneider and Ingram1993) involved two variables, i.e. power and image, to formulate the typology of the target groups, we omit the element of power and focus merely on the perception of the target groups. Therefore, we combine the idea of the social construction of target groups with van Oorschot’s concept of CARIN dimensions (van Oorschot Reference van Oorschot2000, van Oorschot et al. 2017), which we extended to CARIN+A by including assistance as an intensifier of other dimensions (Zogata-Kusz, Öbrink Hobzová, and Cekiera, Reference Zogata-Kusz, Hobzová and Cekiera2023). The dimensions enable us to define exactly what deservingness means, and who is deserving of support and attention from the state and society. According to van Oorschot (Reference van Oorschot2000), we understand control as the given group’s control over their hardship as well as their potential responsibility for it; attitude means the group’s position towards receiving support, their compliance, gratefulness and conformity to ‘our’ standards; reciprocity refers to the group’s past (i.e. earned) or future (i.e. expected) contribution to ‘our’ group; identity means being like us, the group’s proximity to the majority or at least their ‘pleasantness’; finally, need means the extent to which the group is perceived as being in need. Furthermore, assistance, meaning aid provided by the state and the society, and the will of the societies’ to help, is a booster reinforcing perception of the target group as deserving in relation to certain deservingness dimensions (Zogata-Kusz, Öbrink Hobzová, and Cekiera, Reference Zogata-Kusz, Hobzová and Cekiera2023).

The deservingness dimensions require, however, some commentaries. First, recent research studies confirm that each CARIN criterion is a kind of box for a range of ideas, norms and manifestations of the dimensions. It means that understanding and applying a particular dimension is context-related, e.g. the meaning of need may differ in the case of refugees in comparison to the case of families (Theiss Reference Theiss2023). Second, the impurity of all deservingness criteria has been observed (Michoń Reference Michoń2021, 217) as they do not occur in the opinions separately but rather as a form of amalgams of the criteria (Heuer and Zimmermann Reference Heuer and Zimmermann2020, Nielsen, Frederiksen, and Larsen, Reference Nielsen, Frederiksen and Larsen2020, Blum and Kuhlmann Reference Blum and Kuhlmann2025). Third, as Laenen, Rosetti, and van Oorschot (Reference Laenen, Rosetti and van Oorschot2020) note, different criteria are applied to distinct target groups, with varying levels of importance assigned to each (‘deservingness valuations’). In earlier studies, for instance, van Oorschot (Reference van Oorschot2006, Reference van Oorschot2008, also in Reeskens and van Oorschot Reference Reeskens and Van Oorschot2012), together with other scholars (e.g. Ford Reference Ford2016, Reeskens and van der Meer Reference Reeskens and Tom van der2019, Bell, Valenta, and Strabac Reference Bell, Valenta and Strabac2022) call attention to the significance of the identity criterion in the case of migrants, leading to so-called welfare chauvinism. Nevertheless, it is not the rule that identity is the key deservingness dimension for migrants. For instance, Nielsen, Frederiksen, and Larsen (Reference Nielsen, Frederiksen and Larsen2020) highlight control, and also reciprocity. Their study confirmed the key importance of control, which in connection to perceived need may affect distinguishing the deservingness of economic migrants from the deservingness of refugees (thus to differentiate a subgroup of forced migrants – refugees – from the wider group of migrants). In contrast, de Coninck and Matthijs (Reference De Coninck and Matthijs2020) identified attitude as the most significant criterion with regard to settlement.

In relation to that we may refer to the idea of ‘a good refugee’ or ‘an ideal refugee’ which earlier studies (e.g. Szczepanik Reference Szczepanik2016, Wernesjö Reference Wernesjö2020) consider to be a legitimate recipient of care and compassion. An ‘ideal refugee’ is not a clear-cut concept. While some authors emphasis passivity of ‘good refugees’, who are helpless and poor, and additionally they are mostly female possessing a particular nationality (Szczepanik Reference Szczepanik2016) and they depend on charity (McDowell Reference McDowell, Karen, Elisha and Nick2013), others note that there is a requirement of activity within the concept. For instance, Clark, Haw, and Mackenzie (Reference Clark, Haw and Mackenzie2024) define ‘a good refugee’ as the one who follows proper channels, is law-abiding, grateful and contributing; and Haw (Reference Haw2021) points out that the ‘ideal’ refugee is someone who ‘fits in’ and/or ‘gives back’ to claim their place in Australian society (p. 3169) which relates to required refugees’ responsibility and utility to the host society. The concept of the ‘ideal’ or ‘deserving’ refugee is a socially constructed category (Heinkelmann-Wild, Beck, and Spencer Reference Heinkelmann-Wild, Beck and Spencer2019) that serves to regulate and discipline refugee behaviour. Although it plays a central role in integration processes (Etzel Reference Etzel2021), it is dangerous as it may exacerbate exclusion as well as leave out legal, rights-based grounds of protection (e.g. Szczepanik Reference Szczepanik2016, Clark, Haw, and Mackenzie Reference Clark, Haw and Mackenzie2024). The media is one of the essential factors contributing to social constructions of target groups (Schneider and Ingram Reference Schneider and Ingram1993). Media representation – namely, the way in which the media co-construct understandings of reality and disseminate these portrayals (Hall Reference Hall1997) – both reflects and influences society’s perception of these groups, including spreading the idea of their deservingness (or undeservingness) (van Oorschot and Roosma Reference van Oorschot, Roosma, van Oorschot, Roosma, Meuleman and Reeskens2017). Despite the fact that we recognise media users are an active audience often critical towards media messages involved in the negotiation of meanings (Fiske Reference Fiske1987), we consider public media as a significant constructor of meanings. Public media have remained influential despite the rise of social media and increased opportunities for sharing ideas on the internet, which have multiplied the number of public interpretations of reality. The opinions that internet users express under online articles and other virtual spaces may significantly impact the opinions of others. We are aware of the potential power of such commentary. Consequently, we refer to our findings as an important but only partial element affecting the perceived deservingness levels of Ukrainian refugees as public policy target groups. The media representation of target groups contributing to their social construction is significant also for their capability to affect public policies, and not only at the agenda setting stage (Kosicki Reference Kosicki1993, McCombs Reference McCombs2002, Birkland Reference Birkland2015), but also further stages, e.g. policy implementation, and revisions and amendments (Shanahan et al. Reference Shanahan, McBeth, Hathaway Paul and Arnell2008, Rose and Baumgartner Reference Rose and Baumgartner2013, Peters Reference Peters2016). In our case we may say that the media may influence government support for refugees, including widely understood integration policies affecting them. As many scholars confirm, the framing of the issue to the public may influence public acceptance or resistance to the policy (e.g. Soroka Reference Soroka2003, Baumgartner and Jones Reference Baumgartner and Jones2009, Crow and Lowlor Reference Crow and Lawlor2016). In the case of refugees, the media may affect the public’s attitudes towards arrivals, including nationalism and xenophobia, integration of foreigners, interethnic relations as well as public policies related to these issues (Schemer Reference Schemer2012, Greussing and Boomgaarden Reference Greussing and Boomgaarden2017, McCann, Sienkiewicz, and Zard Reference McCann, Sienkiewicz and Zard2023). They may either alleviate or intensify conflicts between different ethnic groups and nationalities, which subsequently (but also in advance, as a preventive measure) may require policy responses (e.g. Pandır Reference Pandır2020, Sheikh and Mustafa Reference Sheikh and Mustafa2024). Media may contribute to the demobilisation of solidarity (Thomas et al. Reference Thomas, Cary, Smith, Spears and McGarty2018), i.e. solidarity fatigue, a decrease in public support for refugees as a society becomes more used to the situation of refugees and less emotionally responsive over time. The term is similar to the much more frequently used concept of compassion fatigue, characterised in relation to the helping professions (Joinson Reference Joinson1992, Figley Reference Figley and Figley1995, Adams, Boscarino, and Figley Reference Adams, Boscarino and Figley2006, Bride, Rady, and Figley Reference Bride, Radey and Figley2007), which Aldamen (Reference Aldamen2023) described on a societal level referring to the representation of Syrian refugees in social media.

The Context

According to UNHCR data, by October 2024 as many as 623 thousand refugees from Ukraine applied for asylum, temporary protection or similar protection in Czechia. As of October 2024, there were 380 thousand refugees from Ukraine staying in Czechia. This means that refugees from Ukraine represent approximately 3.6% of the Czech population, which is the second highest number of Ukraine refugees as a share of population in Europe (after Moldova). Concerning Poland, by December 2024 as many as 1,880 thousand refugees from Ukraine applied for some kind of international protection, and at the end of 2024, 985 thousands refugees from Ukraine were living in Poland, i.e. about 2.6% of the Polish population (UNHCR 2024). Significantly, Ukrainians were the most numerous group of foreigners living in both Poland and Czechia even before Russia’s full scale invasion of Ukraine. The Central Statistical Office (2020) stated that at the end of 2019, there were over 1.35 million Ukrainians in Poland out of a total of 2.1 million foreigners. According to the data of the Czech Statistical Office, at the end of 2019, there were over 145 thousand Ukrainians out of almost 596 thousand foreigners in total; while at the end of 2021, there were almost 197 thousand out of 659 thousand foreigners (Czech Statistical Office 2022).

The sudden arrival of a large number of refugees from Ukraine affected the rapid evolution of refugee policies and integration policies in Poland and Czechia as several authors note. For instance, Andrejuk, referring to this situation, talks about the Russian invasion of Ukraine as a focusing event for refugee policy in Poland (Reference Andrejuk2023). Jelínková, Plaček and Ochrana (Reference Jelínková, Plaček and Ochrana2023a) point out that the substantial influx of Ukrainian refugees constituted an ‘external shock’ that has influenced Czech migrant integration policy. Even though integration policy in Czechia has undergone development for over twenty years in which many actors were involved (Zogata-Kusz Reference Zogata-Kusz, Duszczyk, Pachocka and Pszczółkowska2020, Zogata-Kusz Reference Zogata-Kusz2022), the situation after February 2022 provided new impetus for more rapid advancement (see also Ženková Rudincová and Vomlela Reference Ženková Rudincová and Lukáš2024), in particular at the municipal level (Jelínková, Ochrana, and Plaček Reference Jelínková, Ochrana and Plaček2023b, Jelínková and Zogata-Kusz Reference Jelínková, Zogata-Kusz, Łukasiewicz, Pachocka and Nowosielski2026). In Poland, where explicit state-level integration policy has not been developed, the arrival of Ukrainian refugees forced local governments to develop (in a few cases) or to establish their reception and integration policies (Matuszczyk Reference Matuszczyk2023, Bielewska, Ślęzak-Belowska, and Czeranowska Reference Bielewska, Ślęzak-Belowska and Czeranowska2024).

The governments of both countries provided Ukrainian refugees with extensive support, in particular in the first months of the conflict. In Poland, the special act of March 2022 introduced assistance for Ukrainian citizens, including the right to legal residence (initially for 18 months), access to free healthcare, education, and the labour market. Ukrainian citizens who arrived in Poland after February 24, 2022, received a single cash benefit per person, and gained access to many social benefits under the same conditions as Polish citizens. Czechia also introduced extensive support for refugees from Ukraine: the right to legal residence (initially for one year), access to free healthcare (for 150 days), education, and the labour market. Included in the support offered to Ukrainian refugees was, for instance, a one-time financial aid payment to cover basic needs, and humanitarian support provided monthly (Macková et al. Reference Macková, Smejkal, Jansová, Čejková, Bieliková, Halbová, Novotná, Slavík and Vérteši2024).

Despite some differences, both countries generally offered substantial public policy support to refugees considered deserving. However, such broad support was not sustainable nor desirable in the long term. As early as 2022, steps were taken to tighten the system to prevent abuse and – as we may assume – to prevent the development of xenophobia within some parts of society. In the spring of 2023, greater restrictions began to emerge. For instance, in Poland, from March 2023, individuals staying longer than 120 days in collective accommodation facilities were required to co-finance their stay (Dz.U. 2023 poz. 185). In Czechia, from April 2023, under the Lex Ukrajina 5, the system for paying monthly humanitarian allowances was substantially reduced (Cizinci.cz 2023). Starting September 1, 2024, Ukrainian refugees could use government-provided free accommodation for a maximum of 90 days. After this period, they would have to cover the costs of their stay (MPSV n.d.). Overall, both Poland and Czechia began efforts to motivate refugees to move toward self-sufficiency, reducing exceptions and attempting to integrate this group into the assistance system applicable to all residents of the country, and also to prevent xenophobia and emerging disapproval from some parts of society. However, it should be noted that these steps have frequently been criticised by non-governmental organisations, which, based on their daily work with refugees, view this stabilisation as premature and harmful to some refugees (e.g. Consortium of Migrants Assisting Organisations 2023, 2024).

However, the goal of this article is not to analyse or compare the development of policies toward Ukrainian refugees. The above examples illustrate that Ukrainian refugees were treated as deserving target groups in the policies of both countries, but as a result of the prolonged Russian invasion and the extended stay of refugees, as expected, Czechia and Poland reviewed and amended their policies toward this group.

Methodology

The research reported in this article refers to previous analyses resulting in the article ‘Deserving of Assistance: the Social Construction of Ukrainian Refugees’ (Zogata-Kusz, Öbrink Hobzová, and Cekiera, Reference Zogata-Kusz, Hobzová and Cekiera2023). In that text, based on Twitter posts from the first two months of Russia’s large-scale assault on Ukraine, we tried to identify the main narratives reinforcing social perceptions of Ukrainian refugees as deserving of assistance.

After two years, we decided to see if there had been any noticeable changes in the area we surveyed by carrying out a similar study – on a platform that had changed its name from Twitter to X – this time over a more extended period from February 24, 2023, to July 31, 2024. The extension of the analysis time was due to the apparent fact that the frequency of posts during this period devoted to Ukrainian refugees was lower than it had been in the first two months after the 2022 Russian invasion. We took data from the same accounts, which had been selected earlier for their popularity. These were the accounts of the five most popular news sites in each country at the time of Russia’s large-scale assault on Ukraine – in the case of Czechia: @SeznamZpravy, @novinkycz, @Aktualnecz, @denikcz, @iDNEScz; in Poland from: @onetpl, @wirtualnapolska, @tvn24, @Int_Wydarzenia, @RadioZET_NEWS. Although there have been a few minor changes in the popularity rankings of the various media sources in the meantime, we decided to stick with our original choices. This was done to create an opportunity to compare the type of messages published over time (MediaGuru, 2021, Wirtualnemedia, 2022). This selection was not based on a criterion of ideological or political differentiation but was based (for the first study) on a criterion of popularity and (for the second study) on a desire to capture potential changes made visible by the same publishers. In this way, the research reported here can be categorised as longitudinal research. As one researcher writes, ‘they are not very often used in communication and media studies, but many times their application in the field has contributed to important and interesting findings’ (Lorenc Reference Lorenc2017, 42). This approach to the analysis of media messages is sometimes also used to identify ways of communicating about migrants or refugees (e.g. Bos and Brants Reference Bos and Brants2014, Strömbäck, Andersson, and Nedlund Reference Strömbäck, Andersson and Nedlund2017, Beckers and Van Aelst Reference Beckers and Van Aelst2019, Erhard, Heiberger, and Windzio Reference Erhard, Heiberger and Windzio2021). The need to intensify longitudinal research is sometimes explicitly raised in connection with the issue of the effect of mass communication on migrants and refugees (Eberl et al. Reference Eberl, Meltzer, Heidenreich, Herrero, Theorin, Lind, Berganza, Boomgaarden, Schemer and Strömbäck2018, Seo and Kavakli Reference Seo and Kavakli2022). We may assume that alongside opinion polls, such research makes it possible to follow discrimination, xenophobia or the potential for ethnic conflict.

X was employed exclusively as a tool for analysing the content of news websites rather than as a medium for examining user interactions or discussions on the platform itself. News outlets utilise their X accounts primarily to direct audience traffic to their online articles. The posts typically replicate article headlines and include excerpts from the lead paragraphs – sections that are most prominently displayed and thus most likely to be read by users, many of whom do not engage with the full article content, as the digital platform plays a crucial role in distributing news (Wilding et al. Reference Wilding, Fray, Molitorisz and McKewon2018).

We conducted our research using the qualitative content analysis method (Mayring, Reference Mayring2000), which involved three procedures: data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing/verifying (see Miles and Huberman, Reference Miles and Huberman1994). In our data analysis, we adopted a constructionist perspective. As Silverman (Reference Silverman2005, p. 160) notes, constructionist analysis of documents focuses primarily on the processes by which texts construct representations of ’reality’ rather than on assessing whether the statements within those texts are true or false.

The material analysed was selected based on two key words – refugee (or refugees) and ’Ukrainian/Ukrainians’. Because both languages have grammatical cases, our search had to involve ’refugee/refugees’ and ’Ukrainian/Ukrainians’ in all grammatical forms as well as in both feminine and masculine forms. Posts that did not refer to refugees from Ukraine (and, for example, were linked to the situation in Gaza) were then excluded from the group. In this way, in Czechia the total sum of the posts was 265: 183 as ‘Ukrainian’/‘Ukrainians’ and 82 with the keyword ‘refugee’/‘refugees’); and in Poland it was 256 (164 posts triggered by the keyword ‘Ukrainian’/‘Ukrainians’ and 92 posts by ‘refugee’/‘refugees’).

The research procedure was similar to the one we used in the previous study. Unlike in the case of many studies using this platform to research the opinions of its users on migration (e.g. Shah Reference Shah2024), we did not analyse the discussion under the posts. We were only interested in the messages the media organisations conveyed and how they constructed the figure of the refugee deserving of help. We decided not to examine the content of the social media discussions and commentaries, as they do not reflect the opinion of solely Polish or Czech internet users. It has been proved already that Russia, as part of its hybrid war efforts, attempts to influence online discussion of the sensitive question of Ukrainian refugees and everything in the virtual space that relates to its invasion of Ukraine. As Tanchak (Reference Tanchak and Bertelsen2017), Zannettou et al. (Reference Zannettou, Sirivianos, Blackburn and Kourtellis2019), Zannettou et al. (Reference Zannettou, Finkelstein, Bradlyn and Blackburn2020) prove, Russian trolls enter internet discussion trying to influence public opinion (see e.g. Report), therefore, contrary to other authors (e.g. Łuczaj (Reference Łuczaj2024) who focused on the discourse of so-called ‘Ukrainisation’), we decided not to analyse internet commentaries in order to avoid presenting a biased picture of the views of Polish and Czech internet users on Ukrainian refugees and policies towards them.

After collecting the posts, the first coding was carried out when we assigned the posts to the individual letters of CARIN+A. Despite some differences in codes and categories, we observed that the themes in both countries were similar, and the representations were often similar too. Finally, the third reading allowed us to revise the findings and identify and correct errors. Regarding language procedures, we coded all posts in Czech or Polish and then translated them into English. The results were analysed individually for both countries and then compared and discussed. Such a procedure refers to models for analysing posts on X proposed in the methodological literature. (Madden et al. Reference Madden, Villanes, Reed, Brooks, Healey, Guerrini and Huston2025) The research material we refer to in the article is available in the appendices.

When researching dramatic events, it is crucial to remain aware of the ethical implications. This is particularly important in studies that directly or indirectly involve refugees (e.g. Birger and Shoham Reference Birger and Shoham2023, Fritzsche Reference Fritzsche2024, Pelletier, Kaewkitipong, and Guitton Reference Pelletier, Kaewkitipong and Guitton2024). Throughout the analysis, we remained mindful that our research was grounded in the traumatic experiences of real individuals. This context demanded a heightened sensitivity to the circumstances of refugees and thoughtful efforts to portray them with care. Ethical considerations were, therefore, central to our work. While working on this article, we were convinced that the study’s results could contribute to a better understanding of the various contexts of host societies’ relations with refugees, and consequently improve their situation. The results may also support the development of policies that promote the integration of refugees and help prevent potential ethnic conflicts or the rise of nationalism. This approach is consistent with guidelines in the scientific literature that draw attention to the ethical issues of research on refugees (e.g. Dyregrov, Dyregrov, and Raundalen Reference Dyregrov, Dyregrov and Raundalen2000, Mackenzie, McDowell, and Pittaway et al. Reference Mackenzie, McDowell and Pittaway2007).

Discussion and conclusions

This analysis has made it possible to observe that Ukrainian refugees continue to be portrayed as deserving in Czech and Polish media, as similar representations appeared on major news platforms in both countries. Nevertheless, while in the first weeks of the full-scale invasion the question of their image and deservingness related to who they are, later the question of how they behave seemed to be much more important. This deservingness manifested in all dimensions, but occasionally in a slightly different way than in the first weeks of the second phase of the invasion. In particular, this relates to the specific emphasis placed on certain dimensions, as well as the content of said dimensions. Moreover, we may observe normalisation of the situation in the media, which is in part related to stabilisation in policies. Significantly, what we do not observe is compassion fatigue, although after so many months we might expect some signs of tiredness due to following the tragic and sad stories of refugees and from ongoing efforts to provide them assistance.

Ukrainian refugees were portrayed predominantly, both directly and indirectly, as people who lacked sufficient control over their lives; directly when the media covered issues related to their flight from war; and indirectly when it described military combat and its consequences in Ukraine. They were also represented as people who were in great need, mainly through articles pointing out their poverty and other problems they faced despite their best efforts to solve them. Currently, however, this lack of control and ongoing level of need have somewhat exposed the shortfalls in the receiving countries’ policies, as the articles related to people who had been residing in the hosting countries for many months, not to those who had just fled the war.

Although over the period of our research both countries’ media recognised Ukrainian refugees as people in need, the dimension of need requires some additional remarks. We may assume that there is some threshold of needs that a society is able to accept. If more needs are expressed (types of work, language in school etc.), then there is a risk that a society will treat the target group as having a demanding attitude. Humanitarian narratives celebrate vulnerability, but if refugees ask for ‘too much’, they can be perceived as too demanding. On the other hand, if the relevant public policy is considered too generous, it may lead to public resentment. Daily observations from the first months of the Ukrainian refugees’ stay suggest that, for instance, in Poland many people were irritated by the fact that some municipalities introduced free public transport or free entrance to the zoo and other attractions for Ukrainian refugees. Gradually, public policies became less generous and more strict. We may presume that one of the reasons was to prevent ethnic tensions rising.

It seems that as time has passed the significance of attitude and reciprocity has clearly increased. Humanitarian need and assistance were no longer that important, and the news did not present Ukrainian refugees solely as victims. The meaning of how they behave became more relevant. Apparently, these two dimensions, attitude and reciprocity, are essential for the image of an ideal refugee, and in general we can see that Ukrainian refugees living in Poland and Czechia are portrayed as such.

The content, or rather the meaning, of attitude and reciprocity has slightly changed. While originally (compare Zogata-Kusz, Öbrink Hobzová, and Cekiera, Reference Zogata-Kusz, Hobzová and Cekiera2023) attitude mainly related to gratefulness, subsequently it additionally attached importance to a proactive stance towards integration (working, learning language, having relationships in the community). While originally reciprocity related mainly to the expectation that Ukrainian refugees would join the hosting countries’ labour markets, later the media reported on the gains made in relation to – primarily – the economic activity of Ukrainian refugees in the receiving countries. The media, especially Czech media, not only showed how many Ukrainian refugees were active on the labour market, but also emphasised how much the state earned on providing assistance to them, comparing government expenses and Ukrainian refugees’ contributions to the state budget. In the case of Poland, such articles only appeared later on, in the autumn of 2024. As previously, the dimension of reciprocity included the idea that Ukrainians were fighting for us (Zogata-Kusz, Öbrink Hobzová, and Cekiera, Reference Zogata-Kusz, Hobzová and Cekiera2023). To sum up, in the period we examined, the news websites in both countries presented Ukrainian refugees mostly as grateful, active and useful, what corresponds to the idea of ‘a good refugee’ in understanding of e.g. Haw (Reference Haw2021) and Clark, Haw, and Mackenzie (Reference Clark, Haw and Mackenzie2024).

As has been the case with other authors (e.g. Heuer and Zimmermann Reference Heuer and Zimmermann2020, Theiss Reference Theiss2023), our research has confirmed that the social construction of the target group in question has only rarely expressed individual dimensions. Even brief passages of text are in fact amalgams of multiple dimensions, where control intertwines with need and attitude, attitude meshes with reciprocity, and so forth, as we have noted above.

Regarding the dimension of identity, the media in both countries has emphasised cultural and physical (i.e. skin colour) proximity, and has also compared these attributes to those of newcomers from other countries. While Heuer and Zimmermann (Reference Heuer and Zimmermann2020) identified need and lack of control as key dimensions of the perception of refugees, and identity as central for migrants in general, our study has found that, in the case of Ukrainian refugees, identity was a significant element in their social construction. This confirms the findings of scholars pointing out the distinction the media (and governments) make between white and non-white refugees, between Ukrainians and – in particular – people from Africa and the Middle East (e.g. McCann, Sienkiewicz, and Zard Reference McCann, Sienkiewicz and Zard2023, Zawadzka-Paluektau Reference Zawadzka-Paluektau2022, Iberi and Saddam Reference Iberi and Saddam2022). And this distinction is not only based on ethnicity, but also, for instance, on religion. As Lukášová (Reference Lukášová2017) claims, being a Christian is a significant factor that blurs the boundaries between ‘us’ and ‘them’. Also, De Coninck (Reference De Coninck2022) points out that a significant factor is not only Ukrainians’ ethnicity and the related perception that they pose a relatively minor symbolic threat to the hosting culture (i.e. the fear that migrants challenge the receiving society’s values, religion, belief systems or ideology – see Stephan, Ybarra, and Morrison Reference Stephan, Ybarra, Morrison and Nelson2009), but also their perceived utility in countering an aggressor-based threat. Russia is considered a common enemy, and as De Coninck (Reference De Coninck2022) notes, there is a fear that Russia will not stop at the borders of Ukraine.

Finally, assistance that in the first weeks of the arrival of thousands of Ukrainian refugees was a significant booster of other deservingness dimensions, related to the fact that helping Ukrainians was almost considered ‘a national duty’ in which many ordinary people, NGOs and local governments engaged (Zogata-Kusz, Öbrink Hobzová, and Cekiera, Reference Zogata-Kusz, Hobzová and Cekiera2023, p. 16). With the passage of time, we can observe normalisation in this area as the media predominantly reported on official assistance provided by the state through their – already more stabilised – policies. In other words, both the assistance itself changed, and the way the media talked about it changed as well.

Some academics noted that the content, or rather the meaning, of particular deservingness dimensions differs depending on the target group. For instance, Theiss (Reference Theiss2023) discovered that in addition to the common understandings of the content of the attitude dimension, in the case of refugees it meant having respect for Poles, Polish culture and Catholicism; not imposing ‘one’s own values’, not violating law; integrating, assimilating learning Polish, being cultural, being nice, smiling and not shouting. In contrast, with regard to families with children, it meant having many children; raising children properly, doing the hard work of raising children (Theiss Reference Theiss2023, 970). Meanwhile, based on our study, we may formulate a hypothesis that the meaning of specific dimensions are modified over time in relation to the same target group as shown above, in particular with regard to attitude and reciprocity. As for control and need – to elaborate, at the beginning of the conflict it referred to people who had just arrived, whereas now these categories also encompass how their needs and lack of control relate to the state’s policies towards them. We may assume that the shifts in meanings relate to the fact that while in the first weeks of the full-scale Russian invasion Ukrainian refugees were represented in the media as people in emergency situations, on the move, escaping the war; later the media were in fact reporting on individuals who were already neighbours, colleagues, parents of Czech or Polish children’s schoolmates. Nonetheless, as the war continues, we can hardly claim that the target group has changed in any fundamental way. Our findings on how Ukrainian refugees are depicted led us to similar conclusions as in Theiss’ study (Reference Theiss2023). However, our findings led us to the conclusion that Ukrainian refugees usually are expected to contribute to society by working and integrating into the community. This involves them taking the first step. Moreover, the Ukrainians tick one more necessity: they are depicted mostly as women with children, which turned out, especially during the European Migration Crisis, to be an important factor in being perceived by host societies as victims (Szczepanik Reference Szczepanik2016).

This analysis has led us to conclude that the situation has normalised in many areas. The first manifestation of normalisation has been the clearly lower number of articles referring to Ukrainian refugees. The tone of writing on the topic has also become much less emotional than in 2022. Second, ‘the national surge of assistance’ has also not continued in its original form, as the number of Ukrainians arriving in Poland and Czechia has been decreasing. Also, the two national governments have been changing their policies towards Ukrainian refugees, moving from rules introduced under the then new emergency situation towards policy stabilisation, which conforms, for instance, with the ideas of the punctuated equilibrium theory (Baumgartner and Jones Reference Jones and Baumgartner2005, Jones and Baumgartner Reference Jones and Baumgartner2012). Similarly, other relevant groups and organisations have changed their approach towards Ukrainian refugees over time (TVN 24 2024c). Finally, most Ukrainians have adapted to the new situation and (at least a portion of them) have integrated into the receiving societies (PAQ Research 2024). For all these reasons, coverage of Ukrainian refugees as well as the topic of direct assistance has decreased in frequency in the media.

Interestingly, we noted that in many cases the media did not distinguish between Ukrainian refugees and Ukrainians who had arrived in Poland and Czechia before the full-scale invasion. Nonetheless, we may expect that because of the amount of support provided to Ukrainian refugees by both societies and governments, any mention of ‘Ukrainian’ would evoke connotations, in the given situation, regarding a representative of this specific group; despite the fact that in Poland the special law on assistance to Ukrainian refugees did not extend to those who had arrived before hostilities commenced.

Although, in general, the social construction of Ukrainian refugees appears to have remained constant, over time, we can observe that subtle distinctions have emerged within the target group, with certain subgroups becoming more apparent, which corresponds to Schneider and Ingram’s ideas on the subject (Reference Schneider and Ingram1993). While in the first weeks of the full-scale invasion, the media simply talked about Ukrainian refugees (although more often focusing on women with children and the elderly), in the period covered in the current study, we found some articles talking specifically about conscripts that lived in Poland and Czechia and did not want to join the Ukrainian army (Interia 2023k). Such articles appeared primarily in Polish media. Although they did not explicitly identify these people as being undeserving, nor employ an accusatory tone, they did describe the situation as a problem for the Ukrainian government, and in doing so one may observe that the deservingness of conscripts warranted at least ‘a question mark’. A similar situation exists in regard to Ukrainian refugees who have committed criminal offences.

As for differences, in both Czech and Polish media, Ukrainian refugees have consistently been portrayed as ‘deserving’ – that is, grateful, active, and beneficial to the host society. Most CARIN+A categories were represented similarly in both countries. However, certain examples reveal how each country has emphasized different aspects of this image, reflecting the specific conditions of its society. In the control category, media in both countries depicted Ukrainian refugees as lacking control over their lives due to the war. However, Czech media more frequently referenced articles addressing anti-Ukrainian attitudes, including incidents of physical attacks, and emphasized the need for society to prevent such occurrences. Under attitude, media in both countries identified a subgroup of refugees who were not considered deserving: wealthy refugees in Czechia, and possible spies in Poland. In reciprocity, Czech media highlighted the economic contributions of refugees relatively early, with articles comparing state spending on aid to the refugees’ contributions to the national budget. In Poland, similar discussions emerged only in the autumn of 2024. Czech coverage therefore placed more emphasis on economic contributions, whereas Polish narratives more often stressed moral duty and loyalty to the host nation. Within the identity category, Czech media reported instances of conflict between local Roma communities and Ukrainian refugees. Such tensions were absent from Polish media narratives. In the need category, Polish media drew attention to conscripts who either resided in Poland or sought to reach it as a vulnerable group. This narrative was entirely absent in Czechia. In assistance, Polish media initially focused more on the humanitarian dimension of support, partly due to demographic factors, as most arrivals were women and children, and often framed this help in moral terms, which was recognized both nationally and internationally. Over time, however, criticism arose concerning overly generous benefits, eventually leading to stricter policies. By contrast, Czech media focused more on cases of misinformation and hatred spread online, stressing the need to counteract such phenomena.

Final remarks

The longitudinal study of the representation of Ukrainian refugees in Polish and Czech media allows us to conclude that despite time passing, in general the main news websites have presented refugees as deserving even after one to two and a half years. It is a positive finding from the perspective of how the media may influence both inter-ethnic relations and public policy development. Nevertheless, we observed that over time, certain subgroups – with somewhat different levels of deservingness as represented by the media – have begun to be distinguished from among the given group.

The melting of various dimensions into deservingness amalgams is a natural phenomenon that our research also confirmed. Based on our study we may, however, formulate a hypothesis of dimension content modifications, i.e. that the meaning of and emphasis on specific deservingness dimensions changes over time for the same target group. In both countries, this was most visible in the dimensions of attitude and reciprocity, which are closely related to the concept of the ‘ideal refugee’, although identity was also important in the case of Ukrainian refugees. We also observed normalisation of the situation (fewer articles, less emotions, stabilisation in policies). Likewise, it is significant that we did not observe compassion fatigue in either the media’s content or tone.