Tables
1.3Plural personal forms of Swahili kusoma ‘read’ in three tenses
2.1Some disciplinary nouns and the corresponding practitioner nouns in English
2.3An example of the composition of two rules of inflectional exponence
2.6Present indicative and future‑tense forms of Breton karout ‘love’
2.7Some Breton collective nouns and their singulative derivatives
2.13Some nonpreterite and preterite forms of Fula wall ‘help’
2.15Derivational correspondences involving adjectives in ‑istic
3.1The agent suffixes ‑ŋ and ‑m in the positive nonpreterite paradigm of the Limbu verb huʔmaʔ ‘teach’
3.3The agent suffixes ‑ŋ and ‑m in the positive preterite paradigm of the Limbu verb huʔmaʔ ‘teach’
3.4The morphotactics of four forms of the Limbu verb huʔmaʔ ‘teach’
3.5Perfect and future indicative active paradigms of two Sanskrit verbs
3.7First‑person plural indicative active forms of eight Sanskrit verbs
3.8Four stem‑selection rules for a fragment of Sanskrit verb morphology
3.9Examples of the application of the stem‑selection rules (i)–(iv) in Table 3.8
3.10Distinguishing the five aorist exponence classes in Sanskrit by means of thm, sig, and seṭ
3.12Third‑person plural indicative active forms of eight Sanskrit verbs
3.13The morphotactics of four present indicative forms in the fragment of Sanskrit verb inflection
3.14The morphotactics of four perfect forms in the fragment of Sanskrit verb inflection
3.15The morphotactics of four aorist forms in the fragment of Sanskrit verb inflection
3.16The morphotactics of four future‑tense forms in the fragment of Sanskrit verb inflection
4.4Examples of the morphotactics of subject agreement and pronominal‑object marking in Fula verb inflection
4.11The morphotactics of six inflected forms of Udmurt gurt ‘village’ exemplifying the six FER types in Table 4.10
4.12Udmurt FERs of the type (RA ◦ RPOSS) for singular A‑case nouns with possessor marking
4.13Udmurt FERs of the type (RPOSS ◦ RB) for singular B‑case nouns with possessor marking
4.15The personal possessor suffixes on the nominative singular form of the Eastern Mari noun pört ‘house’
4.16Singular case forms of Eastern Mari pört ‘house’ with the first‑person singular possessor suffix ‑em
4.17Plural case forms of Eastern Mari pört ‘house’ with the first‑person singular possessor suffix
5.1Stem formation in the present‑system conjugations in Sanskrit
5.2Second‑person singular imperative active forms in Sanskrit (thematic conjugations)
5.3Second‑person singular imperative active forms in the second, third, seventh, and eighth conjugations
5.4Second‑person singular imperative active forms of some Sanskrit fifth‑conjugation verbs
5.5Second‑person singular and plural imperative active forms of some Sanskrit ninth‑conjugation verbs
5.6The distribution of the second‑person singular imperative active termination ‑hí in the ten present‑system conjugations in Sanskrit
5.7The morphotactics of four second‑person singular imperative active forms in Sanskrit
5.8Sanskrit second‑person singular imperative active forms distinguished according to the type of form cell they realize, the FER by which they are realized, and the phonological condition on that FER
5.9Synthetic passive forms of Latin audīre ‘hear’ and their active counterparts in the indicative and subjunctive moods
5.10Second‑person singular imperative active forms in Sanskrit
6.2Suffixes sequences in the inflection of Breton karout ‘love’
6.3Relations of form to content among prevocalic, terminal, and portmanteau suffixes in Breton conjugation
6.4Relations of form to content among vocalic suffixes in Breton conjugation
6.5Seven affix sequences exhibiting holistic exponence in Breton regular verb inflection
6.6FERs arising through holistic combination or solitary specialization classified according to their addends
6.7Combined carrier rules for indicative past and irrealis rules and the composite FERs based on them
6.8FERs defining the finite forms of Breton karout in Table 6.1
7.2Components of Noon adjectival inflections according to Soukka 2000
7.3An analysis of the definite location 2 forms of Noon yak ‘big’ that conforms to both the minimal rule criterion (Section 1.5.1) and the stem operand criterion
7.4Soukka’s analysis of the definite location 2 forms of the Noon adjective yak ‘big’
7.5The morphotactics of four forms of the Noon adjective yak ‘big’ from Table 7.1
7.6Differences between reflexives and their nonreflexive counterparts in Lithuanian
7.8Present indicative active paradigms of three Lithuanian verbs and their reflexive counterparts
7.9Present indicative active paradigms of Lithuanian su‑tikti ‘to meet, agree’ and its reflexive counterpart
7.10Past proximative/avertive paradigm of Lithuanian ateĩti ‘to come’
7.11Positive and negative present indicative active paradigms of Lithuanian lenktis ‘to bow’
7.12Some Lithuanian reflexive verb forms in which two prefixes precede the reflexive affix
7.13Some Lithuanian reflexive verb forms in which three prefixes precede the reflexive affix
7.15The orthogonal membership of nine Lithuanian verbs in the three conjugation subclasses and in the pa‑, nu‑, and ap‑ prefix subclasses
7.16The orthogonal membership of twenty Lithuanian verbs in ten Aktionsart prefix subclasses and in the reflexivity subclasses
7.17Inflection‑class property sets of twenty‑six Lithuanian verbal lexemes
7.18Present indicative forms (simple and negative continuative) of four Lithuanian verbs
7.19The morphotactics of five Lithuanian verb forms from Table 7.18
7.24Rules belonging to both Groups I and II in the inflection of Gurma nouns
7.25The morphotactics of two Gurma noun forms from Table 7.21
7.28Rules of exponence for Italian pronominal affixes and their suffixational, prefixational, and aggregative instantiations
8.1Real or apparent deviations from six criterial characteristics of canonical morphotactics in Swahili verb inflection
8.5Morphosyntactic properties for three cumulative fragments of Swahili verb inflection
8.6The morphotactics of three Swahili verb forms in Fragment I
8.7The morphotactics of five Swahili verb forms in Fragment II
8.8Aggregated relative tense/negation rules defined for Group II by (31)
8.9The morphotactics of five Swahili verb forms in Fragment III
8.10FERs are of either the type (RIII ◦ RII) or the type ((RIII ◦ RII) ◦ RI) in the morphotactics of Swahili verbs
9.2The inflection of the classifier see(13) (default stem ba-) in Murrinhpatha
9.3The inflection of the classifier say(34) (default stem ma-) in Murrinhpatha
9.4Five distinct types of concordial exponents in Murrinhpatha verb inflection
9.8The morphotactics of Murrinhpatha pu‑bam‑ngkardu ‘they saw her/him’ (= (10g))
9.9The three types of composite FERs conforming to the two-rule pattern (Group I ◦ Group III) in (21b)
9.10The morphotactics of Murrinhpatha pu‑bam‑ka‑ngkardu ‘they (two siblings) saw her/him’
9.11The morphotactics of Murrinhpatha bam‑ngintha‑ngkardu ‘they (two female nonsiblings) saw her/him’
9.12The morphotactics of Murrinhpatha pu‑bam‑nganku‑ngkardu ‘they (two siblings) saw us (two excl siblings)’ (= (11))
9.13The two types of composite FERs conforming to the nested pattern ((Group I ◦ Group II) ◦ Group III) in (21c)
9.14The morphotactics of Murrinhpatha pu‑bam‑ka‑ngkardu‑ngime ‘they (paucal female nonsiblings) saw her/him’ (= (10f))
9.15The morphotactics of Murrinhpatha pu‑bam‑ngi‑ngkardu‑ngintha ‘they (two female nonsiblings) saw me’ (= (10c))
9.16The morphotactics of Murrinhpatha pu‑bam‑nganku‑ngkardu‑ngime ‘they (two siblings) saw us (paucal exclusive female nonsiblings)’ (= (12b))
9.17Where R is a dns rule instantiating ⟦‑nginthaC/L⟧ or ⟦‑ninthaC/L⟧, R enters into one of three patterns of composition
9.18Composite rule pairs demonstrating the nonassociativity of rule composition in Murrinhpatha
9.21The morphotactics of the Murrinhpatha forms (32a) and (34)
9.22The morphotactics of the Murrinhpatha forms (36a) and (37a)
10.1Examples of conformity to the intermediate well‑formedness criterion
10.2Apparent examples of “nonpersistent ill‑formedness” in English derivation
10.6Some derivative stems defined by the composite (⟦‑ian⟧ ◦ ⟦‑ic⟧)
10.9Verb stems in which ⟦‑ate⟧ serves a thematizing function
10.10Instances in which (⟦‑ion⟧ CP30 ⟦‑ate⟧) applies to a ⟨lexeme, stem, Verb⟩ triplet
10.11Instances in which (⟦‑ion⟧ CP30 ⟦‑ate⟧) applies to a ⟨lexeme, stem, Noun⟩ triplet
10.12Adjectives derived by (⟦‑ive⟧ ◦ ⟦‑ate⟧) from verbs thematized by ⟦-ate⟧
10.13Adjectives derived by (⟦‑ive⟧ CP35 ⟦‑ate⟧) from verbs not thematized by ⟦-ate⟧
12.1Analysis of the Swahili verb forms in (39) and (40) in the rule‑combining approach to morphotactics
12.2The morphotactics of the Swahili relative forms anipigaye ‘who strikes me’ and aliyenipiga ‘who (sg.) struck me’
12.3Analysis of the Swahili verb forms in (39) and (40) in an IbM approach to morphotactics
12.4Simple rules and rule combinations belonging to the three rule groups defining Swahili verb inflection
12.6Analysis of the verb forms in Table 12.5 in a rule‑combining morphotactics
12.7Analysis of the verb forms in Table 12.5 in an IbM approach to morphotactics
12.8Analysis of the Eastern Mari noun forms in (46)–(49) in the rule‑combining approach to morphotactics
12.9Analysis of the Eastern Mari noun forms in (46)–(49) in an IbM approach to morphotactics
12.10The morphotactics of the nouns in (51) in a rule-combining analysis of Eastern Mari
12.11The purported structural ambiguity of dative nouns in an IbM approach to Eastern Mari morphotactics
12.12Templatic analysis of seven Swahili verb forms in an IbM approach
12.15Second-person singular indicative forms of three Old English verbs
12.16Templatic analysis of the shaded verb forms in Table 12.15
13.1How different combinations of two rules RA, RB differ from one another
