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Introduction

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 June 2023

Stephen Darwall
Affiliation:
Yale University, Connecticut

Summary

In “Modern Moral Philosophy” Anscombe famously argues against the main thrust of European ethical philosophy since the mid-seventeenth century. Her main complaint is that the conceptual structure of modern moral philosophy – focusing on obligation, duty, right, and wrong, rather than the classical Greek focus of virtue and the good life – cannot be sustained without divine legislation, which many moderns have tried to avoid. Modern Moral Philosophy: From Grotius to Kant will carefully analyze both canonical and lesser known texts to demonstrate that philosophers of the period have resources to answer Anscombe’s Challenge. Many of the philosophers studied were central in this: early modern natural lawyers Grotius, Pufendorf, and Hobbes; critics of natural law, like Leibniz and Shaftesbury; moral sentimentalists Hutcheson, Hume, and Smith; rationalists like Clarke, Price, and Reid; and, of course, Kant. One of the most interesting sources of response is a connection many philosophers made between morality and accountability and insights they had about the psychological prerequisites and presuppositions of accountability.

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Type
Chapter
Information
Modern Moral Philosophy
From Grotius to Kant
, pp. 1 - 14
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2023

Introduction

Anscombe’s Challenge

“Modern Moral Philosophy” is the title Elizabeth Anscombe gave to her famous broadside against the ethical philosophy she found around her in the middle of the twentieth century (Anscombe Reference Anscombe1958).Footnote 1 Anscombe’s chief complaint was that her contemporaries remained under the influence of a fundamentally mistaken turn that Western ethical thought had taken in the modern period, beginning roughly, I will suggest, with Hugo Grotius in the seventeenth century.Footnote 2

Anscombe’s most basic problem with modern ethical philosophy was that it is, as she put it, “moral philosophy.” It concerns, even if not exclusively, what it calls morality: a set of putatively universal deontic or “juridical” norms of right and wrong that purport to obligate all normal human adults, indeed, all moral agents, as it terms beings who have the capacity to respond to obligation (5).Footnote 3 Anscombe called this a “law conception” of ethics (5), since it posits a moral law of right and wrong, what Grotius and his followers called “natural law.”

All societies are structured by laws or social norms (mores) in some way, of course. But what modern ethical philosophers called and still call “morality” transcends socially constituted norms. Of any social or legal obligation, we can always ask whether it obligates us morally, that is, whether it would be morally wrong, and not just against social convention or illegal, or even our society’s moral beliefs, to violate it. Moral right and wrong can never be settled by looking simply to a society’s laws or mores. They concern morality’s norms.

This is not always apparent, since we use “morality” both as a count noun and as a non-count noun. In the count-noun sense there are as many moralities as there are societies with different mores (and perhaps different individual moral codes). Moralities, in this sense, are things we can count in the actual world. “Morality” in the sense that modern moral philosophers are concerned with, however, is not a countable aspect of actuality. It is an essentially normative deontic structure.Footnote 4 When modern moral philosophers use “morality” to refer to this normative structure, they are using it in a non-count sense that contrasts with the count-noun sense of “morality.”

Moreover, what modern philosophers call “moral agents,” those who are subject to morality, is determined not by membership in any actual society, but by having certain capacities of thought and will that philosophers dub “moral agency.” These include the capacity to guide themselves by the moral law, which binds each simply as one moral agent among others. “Moral agent,” or “Person,” as Locke puts it, “is a Forensick Term” that “belongs only to intelligent Agents capable of a Law” (Locke Reference Leibniz and Grua1975: 346).

Anscombe thought it obvious, however, that no practical law of any kind can exist without a lawgiver. So there can be a moral law only if it has a legislator whose jurisdiction transcends any posited earthly realm, even, indeed, that of the international law (jus gentium) that Grotius himself helped to originate in the early modern period.Footnote 5 Anscombe concluded that there can be such a thing as morality only if it is legislated by God.

The idea that morality binds only because it is divinely legislated has certainly been represented in modern moral philosophy, for example, in seventeenth-century natural lawyers like Pufendorf and Locke. But it has been a decidedly minority view. Most modern philosophers have been content to employ the essentially juridical concept of morality without any such grounding in divine legislation.Footnote 6 Grotius is an excellent example. And many deny that morality is even the kind of thing that could be legislated, even by God. It is not some actual thing that was made actual by creation or legislation. It is an essentially normative deontic structure.

Anscombe thought that this left modern deontic concepts with no “discernible content except a certain compelling [‘psychological’] force” (Anscombe Reference Anscombe1958: 18). Deontic moral concepts certainly do not present as psychological concepts, however. How could they present as such and have the distinctive normative purport that has been thought to be morality’s hallmark? We take morality to purport to be essentially normative, to provide us with normative reasons for acting.Footnote 7 Indeed, we take morality to purport to obligate us in an essentially normative way, to make violations not just unwise or imprudent but morally wrong: things we are accountable for not doing and for which we incur culpability and guilt when we do them without excuse. How could anything like that follow from psychological facts alone?

So powerful is this idea and so insidious is the moderns’ error, Anscombe thought, that the concept of moral obligation is often invoked as a necessary ground even for divine law itself. In order for God’s laws to obligate, it is said – for example, by the seventeenth-century Cambridge Platonist Ralph Cudworth – we must be obligated to follow God’s legislation independently of his legislative act.Footnote 8 Any moral obligation to comply with God’s commands cannot, Cudworth argued, itself be created by his commands. If Anscombe is right, however, the very idea of such a legislation-independent obligation is fundamentally confused. Philosophers who employ it end up deploying a contentless concept having only psychological force.

“Anscombe’s Challenge,” as we can call it, indicts much of the thought that ethical philosophers have produced in the West since the early seventeenth century. As we shall see, Anscombe is unquestionably right that a central feature of “modern moral philosophy” has been its fundamentally deontic or juridical character. Modern moral philosophers have indeed been concerned to articulate, understand, defend, and attempt to ground morality with its distinctively obligating normativity.

Even modern critics of the idea of morality – most prominently, Nietzsche, but also more qualified critics like Bernard Williams – have focused on the deontic features that Anscombe identifies. In seeking to overturn or at least rein in morality, they have implicitly accepted her point that deontic morality has been a, if not the, central focus of modern ethical thought (Nietzsche Reference Miller2007; Williams Reference Tuck1985: 1–4, 174–196).

To appreciate the distinctiveness of this conception of deontic morality, compare it to the view of ethics one finds in Plato and Aristotle. Notably, the term “morality” does not even appear in standard English translations of Plato’s Republic or Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, though it sometimes does in commentaries on these texts.Footnote 9 For Plato and Aristotle, the central ethical concepts all concern species of the good: virtue, intrinsically good or noble (kalon) action, and the good or benefit (eudaimonia) of human beings. Much of what modern ethical philosophers consider under the heading of morality, Plato and Aristotle discuss under the virtue of justice or intrinsically good just action.

When Socrates is challenged by Glaucon and Adeimantus at the beginning of Plato’s Republic to say why we should be just, his reply is not that justice is morally obligatory or that others’ rights provide, in themselves, reasons to respect them. Rather, Plato has Socrates argue that justice is both instrumentally and intrinsically good for the just person.Footnote 10

But consider how a modern like H. A. Prichard responded to arguments like this near the beginning of the twentieth century. Prichard maintains that such arguments “rest” “moral philosophy … on a mistake” (Prichard Reference Parfit1912: 21–37). That complying with the moral law can benefit us, even intrinsically, is an important fact; but it is not one, Prichard argues, that can either explain why morality obligates us or establish any reason for being moral that might flow directly from its doing so. For these tasks, Socrates’s argument provides a reason of the wrong kind.

Sidgwick’s Contrast

The great nineteenth-century moral philosopher Henry Sidgwick made a similar point when he wrote that according to “the Greek schools” of ethics,

Right action is commonly regarded as only a species of the Good. … Their speculations can scarcely be understood by us unless with a certain effort we throw the quasi-jural notions of modern ethics aside, and ask (as they did) not “What is Duty and what is its ground?” but “Which of the objects that men think good is truly Good or the Highest Good?”

As Anscombe would later, Sidgwick argued that modern moral philosophy differs from the ethical thought of the ancient Greeks in viewing the “quasi-jural” or deontic notion of moral duty or right as distinct from any “species of the Good.”

Sidgwick drew a further, related contrast between ancient and modern ethics concerning what philosophers these days call “normativity” or the force of normative reasons or oughts:

[I]n Greek moral philosophy generally, but one regulative and governing faculty is recognised under the name of Reason …; in the modern ethical view, when it has worked itself clear, there are found to be two, — Universal Reason and Egoistic Reason, or Conscience and Self-love

(1964: 198).Footnote 12

Plato, Aristotle, and other ancient thinkers tend to be eudaimonists, holding that all normative reasons for action must derive from the agent’s own good or happiness (eudaimonia) broadly conceived, even when it comes to virtue and justice.Footnote 13 In Socrates’s exchange with Glaucon and Adeimantus, it is simply assumed by all parties that if Socrates cannot establish that it is intrinsically or extrinsically beneficial to the just person to be just, he will not have shown any reason for them to act justly rather than, say, simply to appear to be doing so.

According to Sidgwick, however, “the modern ethical view” allows for the position that Prichard clearly assumes, namely, that the fact that an action would unjustly wrong someone and therefore be morally wrong is or entails in itself sufficient reason not to do it. “Conscience,” the mental power through which we make moral judgments, can be a “regulative and governing faculty” in its own right, an aspect of practical reason itself.Footnote 14 According to Sidgwick’s moderns, deontic morality can provide an independent source of normative reasons and oughts that are additional to those provided by any species of the good. As we shall see, even modern eudaimonists or rational egoists who hold that all reasons for acting must come from (the agent’s) good, like Locke, nonetheless often maintain that moral right and obligation are independent ethical ideas that cannot be reduced to any “species of the good.”

There are two separate but related aspects to what we can call “Sidgwick’s Contrast.” First, many moderns claim that the deontic concept of moral right or obligation is irreducible to any species of the good. And second, an important strain of modern ethical philosophy, at least, holds that the right has a normative practical force that is additional to that of the good.

Modern Moral Philosophy’s Shadow I

Obviously, I have chosen my title with Anscombe’s essay in mind. I agree with Anscombe, Sidgwick, and others (most notably, John Rawls and J. B. Schneewind) that the “quasi-jural” or “law conception” of morality has been at the very heart of ethical philosophy in the West, roughly from Grotius on (Rawls Reference Price and Raphael2000; Schneewind Reference Roberts1998). Of course, not all modern ethical philosophy can be categorized as moral philosophy in Anscombe’s sense. Just to take one example, G. E. Moore famously argued in Principia Ethica (Moore Reference Mandeville1993) that the concept of intrinsic good (though not that of a person’s good) is the single fundamental ethical concept, an ineliminable kernel of any ethical concept.

About the concept of moral right, Moore there says that “to assert that a certain line of conduct is, at a given time, absolutely right or obligatory is obviously to assert that more good or less evil will exist in the world, if it be adopted than if anything else be done instead” (Moore Reference Mandeville1993: 77). Clearly, there is nothing irreducibly juridical or deontic about the notions expressed by “right” and “obligatory” as Moore defines them in Principia. If what it means to say that an act is morally right or obligatory is just that it produces the most good, then the claim that it is morally right or obligatory to produce the most good is not a deontic normative claim. It is what Parfit calls a “concealed tautology” (Parfit Reference Murdoch2011: II:276).

In using deontic moral terms like “right” and “obligatory” to express his views, however, Moore is arguing against and arguably trying to co-opt more orthodox deontologically minded moral philosophers of his time like Prichard. Thus, even though Moore’s philosophical project is not itself moral philosophy in Anscombe’s sense, his use of deontic moral terms is testimony to modern moral philosophy’s powerful influence.

Even more obviously, if anyone counts as a modern ethical philosopher, Nietzsche surely does, though he is hardly a moral philosopher in Anscombe’s sense. Even so, the idea of morality unquestionably looms large in Nietzsche’s thought. On the Genealogy of Morality is devoted to understanding what Nietzsche argues to be the concept’s questionable origins and to a critique of “the value of these [i.e., morality’s] values” (Nietzsche Reference Miller2007: 7).

Thus, even when ethical philosophers in the West from the seventeenth century on have not been doing moral philosophy, strictly so called, their thought has often been shaped by it. Either their terms bear the influence of modern moral philosophy, as with Moore; their projects are defined in opposition to it, as with Nietzsche; or their thought is formulated and received against modern moral philosophy’s background and in its shadow.

Modern Metaethics

My aim in this book and the one to follow is to investigate central aspects of Western ethical philosophy from the publication of Hugo Grotius’s The Rights of War and Peace in 1625 through the end of the twentieth century, using Anscombe’s and Sidgwick’s characterizations as reference points. Mostly I will be concerned with philosophers’ attempts to understand, articulate, defend, and ground morality, as well as to grapple with the distinctive metaphysical and epistemological questions that arise in relation to it, metaethical questions, as we now call them. Are there moral truths, and if so, what makes them true? What is the relation between any metaphysical basis morality might require and that needed by the natural sciences that began to take a recognizably modern shape in the seventeenth century? Has modern moral philosophy the resources to respond adequately to Anscombe’s Challenge and to Nietzsche’s and his followers’ critiques? On the epistemological side: can we acquire moral knowledge? And if so, how might that be related to moral motivation?

Although philosophers since the ancient Greeks have concerned themselves with fundamental metaphysical and epistemological questions about ethics, metaethics as a subfield of ethical philosophy did not exist before the modern era, arguably, not before the twentieth century.Footnote 15 It was only in the aftermath of Moore’s Principia Ethica that philosophers began to distinguish and focus on so-called second-order issues about ethical language and concepts and their relation to questions in the philosophy of language and mind, metaphysics, and epistemology as a distinct area of inquiry, separable from “first-order” “normative ethics” (Mackie Reference Locke and Laslett1977).

Surely, one aspect of the modern period that stimulated metaethical thought was the decline of Aristotelian teleological metaphysics alongside the rise of modern science. If nature is not itself teleological, this forces the question of what place value can have “in a world of fact” (Köhler Reference Kant, Louden and Zöller1938). Another factor is that metaethical questions sometimes turn on technical issues in logic and the philosophies of language and mind, whose tools required the increasing specialization of the twentieth century to be developed sufficiently to pursue metaethics in a focused, fruitful way.

I speculate that a further important factor that led to metaethical reflection in the modern period, however, concerns Sidgwick’s Contrast. So long as there is believed to be only a single fundamental ethical concept, the good, the question need not arise of what makes something an ethical or normative concept in general, or of what the “sources of normativity” are (Korsgaard Reference Kant, Rorty and Schmidt1996a). No distinction between evaluative and normative concepts and questions seems possible. Once, however, there are thought to be two fundamental ethical notions, the good and the right, these more general and fundamental metaethical questions begin to seem unavoidable.Footnote 16

Moreover, once it is believed, for example, by the early modern natural lawyer Francisco Suárez, that the deontic moral concept of right has a distinctive normative profile that differs from that of the good – that the morally right obligates whereas the good recommends – these philosophical questions can seem even more urgent. As we shall see, Suárez makes a fundamental distinction between law and counsel, the influence of which extends through Grotius, Hobbes, Kant, and the moral philosophy that follows them.Footnote 17 This focuses Prichard’s question and also opens up philosophical space for thinkers like Nietzsche to argue that even if the good can be adequately grounded, the putatively obligatory normativity of morality (the right) cannot be.

In addition to these metaethical issues, modern moral philosophers have also grappled with substantive normative questions both at the level of normative moral theory and in thinking about specific cases. The familiar dispute between deontology and consequentialism is itself a creature of the modern period, requiring morality’s hallmark deontic categories even to be formulated. It is worth bearing in mind that though it begins with a view about the good, consequentialism is itself a view about the good’s relation to the right. Mill begins Utilitarianism, indeed, by saying that nothing is “more significant of the backward state” of ethical knowledge than the “little progress” that has been made in determining “the criterion of right and wrong” (Mill Reference Long2002: I:1). It is to this matter of deontic morality that utilitarianism and consequentialism more generally have historically been addressed.

Modern Moral Philosophy’s Shadow II

Modern philosophy about morality will not, however, be my sole focus. I seek also to understand and situate aspects of modern ethical philosophy that are not moral philosophy in Anscombe’s sense. Some of these concern traditional questions about the good – both, what kind of life is best for human beings, and, what is intrinsically choiceworthy – questions that have been a staple of ethical philosophizing since the ancient Greeks. But much such philosophy in the modern period, I shall be arguing, must nonetheless be understood in relation to modern moral philosophy, even when its aims are profoundly different. Sometimes this is because, as with Nietzsche and Williams, ethical conceptions are put forward in opposition to morality, as a replacement for or at least as a counterbalance to it. And sometimes, as with Moore, a philosopher’s project may not itself concern deontic morality, but still be formulated in moral philosophy’s distinctive deontic terms.

Different varieties of modern virtue ethics provide a particularly interesting example. Some virtue ethicists, like Francis Hutcheson in the seventeenth century and Rosalind Hursthouse in the late twentieth, put forward their theories in a moral philosophical idiom. Hutcheson is concerned with what he calls “moral goodness,” which he distinguishes from “natural goodness.” And Hursthouse draws on an account of moral virtue to ground a theory of what makes actions morally right or wrong (Hutcheson Reference Hume and Grieg2004; Hursthouse Reference Hostler1999). But modern virtue ethicists also often advance their virtue theories in opposition to deontic moral theories. Hume is a leading example. And a major aim of Anscombe’s “Modern Moral Philosophy” in 1958, after all, was to wean her readers from that subject and return them to a virtue-centered Aristotelian approach.

As it happened, the 1960s and 1970s intervened, with movements for social and political equality that made issues of justice and rights inescapable, forming a backdrop for Rawls’s monumental A Theory of Justice, which commanded the moral philosophical scene through the 1970s (Rawls Reference Pink1971). This required deontic moral philosophy, since there can be no moral rights without moral duties.

It was only in the 1980s, in a very different sociopolitical climate, that the revival of virtue ethics for which Anscombe called began to take place, frequently formulated in non-deontic terms, as by writers like Alasdair MacIntyre and Annette Baier, and sometimes put forward in opposition to morality, as in Michael Slote’s From Morality to Virtue (MacIntyre Reference Locke and Nidditch1981; Baier Reference Baier1985; Slote Reference Sellars1992).Footnote 18

The Case of Kant

Perhaps the most fascinating example of a philosopher whose thinking is shaped, and in some ways arguably distorted, by the modern moral philosophical frame, is Kant. On the face of it, Kant’s ethics can seem a paradigm of moral philosophy in the modern idiom, a textbook example of deontological ethics and an archetypical theory of the “moral law.” I shall argue, however, that on closer inspection the deontic categories of duty, obligation, and the moral law are, for Kant, only the shadow for finite rational beings of how a fully rational being would choose and act. Fully rational deliberation, according to Kant, always only involves questions of the good (albeit the intrinsically choiceworthy rather than agents’ good – das Gute vs das Wohl) and not deontic moral questions.

This means that duty, obligation, and the moral law have no independent normative force for Kant. Kant’s response to Anscombe’s Challenge is that it is reason that commands us finite rational beings to do what it is best (what there is most reason) for us to do, hence what a fully rational being would do in our place. But two questions then arise. What can give reason this distinctively deontic power, if it is itself concerned exclusively with the good? And how can reason create any further reason to do something by commanding what it has already determined there is independently reason to do? Any such deontic aspect would seem to be normatively epiphenomenal. And if that is so, morality itself may end up being epiphenomenal on Kant’s view also.

Despite this, Kant’s emphasis on freedom and what he calls “autonomy” is unquestionably modern and unlike anything to be found among the ancient Greeks or in ethical philosophy of the medieval period that derives from them. Moreover, I shall argue that the emphasis on the distinctive freedom of a deliberating rational agent in modern philosophers like Cudworth, Locke, and Samuel Clarke even before Kant, as well as in Kant himself, derives from their taking it to be necessary for the very possibility of morality and moral obligation. And this surely is an essential feature of philosophers who follow in Kant’s wake, most obviously, Fichte and Hegel, but also Kierkegaard and, arguably, even Nietzsche.

(Relatively) Modest Aspirations

I do not aspire to anything like a comprehensive treatment of modern ethics in this volume. Even were I capable of writing such a book, we already have in T. H. Irwin’s magisterial, three-volume The Development of Ethics a more widely ranging and detailed treatment, even of just modern ethics, than perhaps anyone else can or will be able to provide (Irwin Reference Hursthouse2007, Reference Huseyinzadegan2008, Reference Hutcheson2009). Irwin devotes almost all of his second and third volumes to the modern period, nearly nineteen hundred pages. I seek something significantly more modest.

There is a further difference between Irwin’s treatment and what I aim for here. Irwin tends to downplay the significance of Anscombe’s and Sidgwick’s contrasts and argues that much of the modern period carries forward a tradition of ethical thought that is continuous with that of the ancient Greeks. What Irwin calls Aristotelian naturalism is a combination of views he finds first in Aristotle, but which he argues carries through the ancient Stoics, notably Cicero, Aquinas’s classical theory of natural law, and, in Irwin’s view, many modern figures from Grotius on, including Grotius himself.

Aristotelian naturalists, according to Irwin, hold a teleological view of practical reason; they maintain that rational action aims always and only at the good. They are also eudaimonists, holding that the final rational end is the agent’s own good or eudaimonia. They thus deny that deontic standards of moral right or obligation can provide reasons for acting that are independent of the agent’s good. As Irwin emphasizes, this does not mean that Aristotelian naturalists cannot recognize distinctively moral virtues or intrinsically good moral acts that differ from other nonmoral virtues or noble action. Like Cicero, they can recognize a category of duty (officium) or right action (honestum) and hold, moreover, that there is reason to conform to moral duty or right even when it is not advantageous in the sense of being instrumentally beneficial (commodium or utile), because it is intrinsically beneficial.

Nevertheless, for Aristotelian naturalists like Cicero and Aquinas, duty and right are not identified independently of the good; they rather concern a species of good, the common good. Also, any reason that agents have to comply with their moral duty depends on their own good or eudaimonia, albeit by virtue of compliance’s being intrinsically, rather than just instrumentally, good for them. There is, as Cicero puts it, a bonum honestum, an intrinsic benefit in being moral and just, as indeed Socrates argues in The Republic and as Aristotle implies in the Nicomachean Ethics when he maintains that eudaimonia consists in virtuous (including just) activity (Irwin 2007: 620, Reference Huseyinzadegan2008: 31–32).

Finally, Irwin calls this position Aristotelian naturalism since it maintains that an intrinsically beneficial, virtuous life is one that best realizes our rational human nature. This means that when Irwin classifies a modern moral theorist like Grotius as an Aristotelian naturalist, he is interpreting him as holding that morality’s normative force derives from the fact that moral conduct realizes the agent’s good by virtue of realizing his rational human nature. On an Aristotelian naturalist view, morality can have no normative force that is independent of the agent’s good; nothing can. It can provide, in Suárez’s terms, only counsel and not genuinely obligating law.

Irwin writes at the beginning of The Development of Ethics that were he to give his volumes an “ampler title” on the model of some seventeenth- or eighteenth-century works, he might have chosen The Development of Ethics: being a selective historical study of moral philosophy in the Socratic tradition with special attention to Aristotelian naturalism (Reference Hursthouse2007: 1).

I agree that viewing the history of ethics, including that of the modern period, through the lens of Aristotelian naturalism provides an interesting and insightful interpretative prospect. But it is far from the only one. The history of modern ethics presented in this book will be guided by a very different viewpoint, one that, in my view, Irwin’s Development insufficiently appreciates. The thread that will run throughout these volumes is that ethics in the modern period is best appreciated in relation to moral philosophy conceived in the deontic terms Anscombe identifies, through the lens of Sidgwick’s claim that much modern ethical thought recognizes the morally right as having an independent normative force that is irreducible to that of the good.

I would like to say something in conclusion here, however inadequate, about race, sex, and gender as these enter into our history. No one can reasonably doubt that the larger culture that produced and supported philosophy and its publication during the modern period was, and remains, sexist and racist, patriarchal and white supremacist. It is not at all surprising, therefore, not just that so little published work was produced by women or people of color, but also that so many philosophers, including many here discussed, were themselves racist, sexist, or both. At least one philosopher who will be especially central to our story, Kant, himself produced a theory of races (Kant Reference Kames2013b).

There is really no way to deal adequately with issues of race, sex, and gender, and other forms of epistemic and, indeed, philosophical oppression in a history such as this. I agree with Lucy Allais and Dilek Huseyinzadegan that, for example, Kant’s racism is not a sufficient reason not to study his works (Allais Reference Allais2016; Huseyinzadegan Reference Howard2018). Kant’s ideas have not simply had great importance for philosophy; his doctrine of the equal dignity of persons has also had special significance in movements to resist racist and sexual oppression.Footnote 19 Still, some of what Kant says certainly bears the imprint of his racial, sexual, class, and Eurocentric position, and, as Allais and Huseyinzadegan point out, studying his works in context provides an opportunity for us to think about how our own moral and philosophical thought and practice bear those marks as well (Allais Reference Allais2016; Huseyinzadegan Reference Howard2018). We shall have occasion to return to this theme at the end of this volume’s final chapter, which is on Rousseau and Kant.

There will be many more men discussed in the following pages than women, as well as more white philosophers than philosophers of color.Footnote 20 Although women philosophers of the early modern period have begun to be more closely studied, many, like Mary Astell, Margaret Cavendish, Catharine Trotter Cockburn, Anne Conway, Mary Shepherd, and Princess Elisabeth of Bohemia, are more notable for their metaphysical and epistemological views than for their ethical philosophy (Atherton Reference Atherton1994).Footnote 21 It is only in the second half of twentieth century, beginning in the 1950s and 1960s, that women came to be widely recognized as important ethical philosophers. Anscombe’s Challenge in “Modern Moral Philosophy” (in 1957) frames our study, albeit retrospectively. And the post–World War II period also features Foot, Beauvoir, and Murdoch, all of whom produced ethical philosophy of enduring value.Footnote 22 Their works and those of numerous later prominent women philosophers, like Hursthouse, (Annette) Baier, Wolf, and Korsgaard will be central to the closing chapters of the volume to follow.Footnote 23

Finally, that volume will conclude with a chapter titled “Theorizing Oppression and Nonideal Theory,” which will discuss a steadily growing movement by academic philosophers in the latter third of the twentieth century and early twenty-first attempting to come to terms with systematic sexual and racial oppression. This begins with philosophical responses to the civil rights movement and continues with discussions of affirmative action and other attempts to address past racial and gender injustice and to eliminate it in the present (see, e.g., Boxill Reference Boxill1984, Reference Boxill2003). As formal and informal barriers to entry to academic philosophy began to be removed for women and philosophers of color, the topics that are considered to be moral philosophical topics of significance have changed accordingly.

The most notable development has been the pursuit of what has come to be called, following Charles Mills, “nonideal” moral and political theory, which attempts to theorize justice, not under ideal conditions, but in circumstances of historical and ongoing oppression, most especially the kind of white supremacy that has characterized the United States (Mills Reference Lu-Adler1997, Reference Lu-Adler2005). Although the terms “ideal” and “nonideal theory” come from Rawls, Mills has been the founding and central figure of nonideal theory, showing philosophers the need for moral- and political-philosophical accounts of urgent injustice that Rawls’s ideal theory leaves out. Also important have been Elizabeth Anderson and Tommie Shelby (Anderson Reference Anderson2010, Reference Anderson2014; Shelby Reference Schliesser, O’Neill and Lascano2005, Reference Schneewind2016). Nonideal moral and political theories have been pursued as well in fields like epistemology, as in Miranda Fricker’s pathbreaking work on epistemic injustice (Fricker Reference Fordyce and Kennedy2007).

All of this will be discussed at the end of the volume to follow the current one, which will take us from Fichte and Hegel through the end of a (long) twentieth century. The present volume, however, ends with Kant and begins with a moral philosopher who is justifiably regarded as the founding figure of modern moral philosophy, Hugo Grotius. To him we now turn.

Footnotes

1 Thomas Nagel also describes Anscombe’s article as a “broadside” (Nagel Reference Mill and Sher2022).

2 Anscombe had other concerns also. Partly, her target was the “consequentialism” that characterized, she said, “every single English academic moral philosopher since Sidgwick” (Reference Anscombe1958: 10). By “consequentialism,” she meant views according to which sufficiently extreme consequences might justify otherwise immoral acts. By this standard, even deontologists like W. D. Ross count as consequentialists. “Consequentialism” has come to have a narrower use, referring to theories of the right that are ultimately based on the goodness of consequences (either directly, of actions, or indirectly, of rules, practices, or motives that dictate them).

3 Except when context requires it, I shall use these terms more or less synonymously, although strictly speaking, “deontic” terms express concepts that do not require actual socially constituted accountability structures to be instantiated, although “juridical” terms do.

4 This also can also be confusing, since “normative” is often used, mostly outside of philosophy, to refer to actual social norms or to what is “normal” by their lights. For a helpful discussion, see Parfit’s distinction between “rule-involving” and “reason-involving” conceptions of normativity (Reference Murdoch2011: I:144–148).

5 Grotius’s De Jure Belli Ac Pacis (The Rights of War and Peace) was published in 1625 (Grotius Reference Gordon2005).

6 And even when philosophers like Pufendorf take this position, they often feel philosophical pressure to argue that the reasons that are distinctively tied to moral obligations are not eudaimonistic or egoistic. On this aspect of the modern view, see the next section. This is a crucial distinction between medieval theological voluntarists, like Ockham and Scotus, and modern ones. I am indebted to an anonymous reviewer for the Press for asking me to clarify this.

7 Even those who deny that morality’s imperatives are “categorical” and reason-giving for every person do not contest that they purport to be (see, e.g., Foot Reference Fleischacker1972).

8 “It was never heard of, that any one founded all his Authority of Commanding others, and others’ Obligation or Duty to Obey his Commands, in a Law of his own making, that men should be Required, Obliged, or Bound to Obey him” (Cudworth Reference Cudworth and Patrides1996: I.ii.3). For a discussion of Cudworth’s claim, which, in effect, argues that it begs the question against the Anscombean view, see Schroeder Reference Roberts2005a.

9 This can be confirmed by a search of electronically available translations, such as W. D. Ross’s and Terence Irwin’s translations of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, or Benjamin Jowett’s or Paul Shorey’s translations of Plato’s Republic. “Moral” appears in Aristotle, of course, for example, in his contrast between theoretical and moral virtue. But there it simply means virtues that are connected to character and the will.

10 On this point and Prichard’s response, discussed presently, see Brown Reference Brunero and Kolodny2007.

11 John Rawls’s Lectures on the History of Moral Philosophy, which aims to cover “Modern Moral Philosophy: 1600–1800,” begins with an invocation and brief discussion of Sidgwick’s contrast (Rawls Reference Price and Raphael2000: 1–2). In my discussion of Sidgwick in the companion volume to this one, I will discuss how Sidgwick himself uses deontic terms in a broader sense than the quasi-jural, accountability-entailing sense. In this, he is followed by Broad and Ross. Ewing notes the distinction between these in Ewing Reference Descartes2012a. For discussion, see Hurka, Reference Hohfeld2014. I am indebted to an anonymous reviewer for the Press for requesting clarification here.

12 For an excellent discussion of this passage, see Frankena Reference Foot1992. For a defense of a “reason-implying” conception of normativity, see Parfit Reference Murdoch2011: I:144–148.

13 The Stoics complicate this picture, though Irwin characterizes them as eudaimonists in Irwin Reference Hurka2003.

14 For an excellent history of the idea of conscience, see Sorabji Reference Shaftesbury and Den Uyl2014.

15 A search of JSTOR reveals “metaethics” first being used in its contemporary sense in Wisdom Reference Tucker1948.

16 It was only toward the end of the twentieth century when Gibbard introduced the idea that there is a single normative concept, which can be expressed equivalently by “ought” or by “normative reason” (in Gibbard’s terms, what “makes sense”), that metaethics came to be regarded as a species of the larger genus of metanormative theory, which concerns normativity more generally, including in, for example, normative epistemology (Reference Frankena1990). As we shall see, Gibbard follows a strain of thought that arguably begins with Sidgwick’s idea that ought is the fundamental ethical concept (Sidgwick Reference Schroeder1967: 23–38).

17 Suárez was not the first to draw this distinction. On this see Preface, n.3.

18 Another precursor was Philippa Foot, whose landmark papers, “Moral Arguments” and “Moral Beliefs,” appeared roughly contemporaneously with Anscombe’s (Reference Anscombe1958 and 1959, respectively), and whose Virtues and Vices (Foot Reference Fleischacker1978), appeared just before the heyday of virtue of ethics in the 1980s. In effect, Foot worked out both the metaethics and normative ethics of the kind of neo-Aristotelian virtue ethics for which Anscombe called. And she expressed her skepticism of orthodox moral philosophy in “Morality as a System of Hypothetical Imperatives” (1972).

Baier’s work was less concerned with the systematic development of virtue ethics than with defending a broadly Humean virtue approach against more orthodox normative moral theory (see, e.g., “Doing Without Moral Theory?” in Baier Reference Baier1985).

19 It is difficult to believe, for example, that it was simply a coincidence that in the years just following the civil rights movement, three important works of moral and political philosophy appeared in quick succession – Rawls’s A Theory of Justice, Wolff’s In Defense of Anarchism, and Nozick’s Anarchy, State, and Utopia – all of which appealed to Kant’s doctrine of equal dignity in their foundations (Rawls Reference Pink1971; Wolff Reference Wolff1970; Nozick Reference Mills and Walls1974). Hegel says, no doubt rightly, that philosophy’s “owl of Minerva begins its flight only at the onset of dusk” only after progressive social and political changes have taken place. But even if Rawls’s, Wolff’s, and Nozick’s Kantian philosophizing played no causal role in the civil rights movement, it seems pretty likely that Kant’s notion of the equal dignity of persons played an important background role in helping to create the intellectual political culture that made the civil rights movement possible. That the idea had become undeniable in the 1960s was surely part of Kant’s legacy.

Another important reason to study figures like Kant, including their most objectionable writings, is, as Allais argues, to help us better understand how someone like Kant could come to write what he did, so that we, who are no less subject to racist and sexist biases ourselves, might avoid similar errors of our own (Allais Reference Allais2016). And the same arguably holds for other important figures we will be considering. As important as it is to pursue the genealogical and self-critical work Allais calls us to, however, this is not work we shall do here.

20 The latter will begin to be discussed in the projected volume to follow the present one.

21 Damaris Masham, who did have interesting views on love and friendship, will enter into our story because of the link she provides between Cudworth and Locke on free will. Some of her most interesting thoughts occur in her correspondence with Leibniz on metaphysical topics.

22 See Benjamin Lipscomb’s The Women Are Up to Something for a fascinating account of Anscombe, Foot, Murdoch, and Mary Midgley’s philosophical lives, which began when they found themselves together as students at Oxford just before World War II (Lipscombe Reference LeBuffe2021).

23 This may be an appropriate place to explain my pronoun use in this work. Following the well-argued proposal of Dembroff and Wodak, I shall use “they” for both singular and plural neutral pronouns (except within quotations) (Dembroff and Wodak 2018). Happily, this practice is becoming increasingly widespread. I shall not, however, pursue this practice inside quotations, except infrequently when context requires it. On reflection, it seems wisest to allow the philosophers I am quoting to speak for themselves. I am indebted here to counsel from Michael Della Rocca, Molly Montgomery, Laura Radwell, and Ken Winkler.

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  • Introduction
  • Stephen Darwall, Yale University, Connecticut
  • Book: Modern Moral Philosophy
  • Online publication: 10 June 2023
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781139025065.002
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  • Introduction
  • Stephen Darwall, Yale University, Connecticut
  • Book: Modern Moral Philosophy
  • Online publication: 10 June 2023
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781139025065.002
Available formats
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  • Introduction
  • Stephen Darwall, Yale University, Connecticut
  • Book: Modern Moral Philosophy
  • Online publication: 10 June 2023
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781139025065.002
Available formats
×