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The four fundamental forms of sociality structure our relationships. By comparing hundreds of cultures across more than 5000 years, this book builds on Relational Models Theory to reveal how each of the four basic types of relationship are conceived in its own distinctive cognitive medium. The text demonstrates how people use their food and bodies to foster affiliation, spatial dimensions to form hierarchy, concrete operations of one-to-one matching to create equality, and employ arbitrary, conventional symbols for proportion-based relationships. Originating from the author's ethnographic fieldwork in a West African village, this innovative social theory integrates findings from social, cognitive, and developmental psychology, linguistics and semiotics, anthropology, archeology, art history, religious studies, and ancient texts. The chapters offer compelling insights into readers' everyday social relations by showing what humans think their social relationships actually are.
Childless individuals have historically faced stigma with assumptions that they lack an interest in future generations because they do not directly contribute to genetic lineage. Individuals share approximately half of their genes with siblings, 12.5% with first cousins, and 6.25% with first cousins’ children. Norwegian census data (2005−2023), reflecting similar trends to the US, UK, and other European countries, indicates a moderate difference in the number of siblings (Parents: 2.03 [women and men]; Childless: 1.88 [women], 1.94 [men]) and nieces/nephews (Parents: 3.99 [women], 4.03 [men]; Childless: 3.32 [women], 3.42 [men]) for 514,777 women and 532,834 men, respectively. By linking four generations through grandmothers, both childless and childbearing women had a slightly higher number of biological extended family members (Parents: 9.63 cousins with 15.79 children; Childless: 8.66 cousins with 12.22 children). Linking four generations for men, numbers were similar: Parents: 9.68 cousins with 15.91 children, Childless: 8.83 cousins with 12.44 children. Based on the average number of children who are parents, the childless have an average genetic fitness that is 49% of that for parents for the next generation. Both parents and childless individuals have a stake in future generations through their biological extended family.
Historians of colonial and postcolonial attempts to deal with undernutrition in Africa have generally argued that, after the Second World War, scientists and doctors “medicalized” hunger by emphasizing specific deficiencies that could be medically “cured” or alleviated through dietary supplements, thereby covering up the economic, social, and political causes of (post)colonial hunger. This article argues that this explanation obscures the persistence of a more holistic approach immediately after the Second World War, which rejected this narrow vision of hunger and, on the contrary, framed it as a very broad problem requiring interdisciplinary research and ambitious economic and social solutions. It focuses in particular on the work of British nutrition specialist B. S. Platt and his “experiment” in The Gambia that was meant to devise a replicable recipe to cure colonial malnutrition through mechanization and agricultural development. Like many other such colonial projects, the project ended in dismal failure, but it illustrates how malnutrition was understood at the end of the war as a broad economic and social problem. It also shows how this more holistic approach was tightly associated with the postwar project of colonial “development” and was predicated on an ambition to thoroughly re-engineer colonial landscapes and subjects.
Sponge-Sticks (SS) and ESwabs are frequently utilized for detection of multidrug-resistant organisms (MDROs) in the environment. Head-to-head comparisons of SS and ESwabs across recovery endpoints are limited.
Design:
We compared MDRO culture and non-culture-based recovery from (1) ESwabs, (2) cellulose-containing SS (CS), and (3) polyurethane-containing SS (PCS).
Methods:
Known quantities of each MDRO were pipetted on a stainless-steel surface and swabbed by each method. Samples were processed, cultured, and underwent colony counting. DNA was extracted from sample eluates, quantified, and underwent metagenomic next-generation sequencing (mNGS). MDROs underwent whole genome sequencing (WGS). MDRO recovery from paired patient perirectal and PCS-collected environmental samples from clinical studies was determined.
Setting:
Laboratory experiment, tertiary medical center, and long-term acute care facility.
Results:
Culture-based recovery varied across MDRO taxa, it was highest for vancomycin-resistant Enterococcus and lowest for carbapenem-resistant Pseudomonas aeruginosa (CRPA). Culture-based recovery was significantly higher for SS compared to ESwabs except for CRPA, where all methods performed poorly. Nucleic acid recovery varied across methods and MDRO taxa. Integrated WGS and mNGS analysis resulted in successful detection of antimicrobial resistance genes, construction of high-quality metagenome-assembled genomes, and detection of MDRO genomes in environmental metagenomes across methods. In paired patient and environmental samples, multidrug-resistant Pseudomonas aeruginosa (MDRP) environmental recovery was notably poor (0/123), despite detection of MDRP in patient samples (20/123).
Conclusions:
Our findings support the use of SS for the recovery of MDROs. Pitfalls of each method should be noted. Method selection should be driven by MDRO target and desired endpoint.
In current Australian practice, higher education institutions provide access to reasonable adjustments for disabled students to support equitable access to learning. Although these practices can support access to learning, there are many barriers for students, including the requirement to disclose their disability, an administrative and advocacy burden, and variable implementation outcomes. In contrast, a Universal Design for Learning (UDL) approach reduces the individual student demand. It provides learning environments that are, by design, accessible, free of barriers, and appropriately challenging for all learners. In the present study, we conducted an anonymous online survey regarding the UDL practices used by academic teaching staff at a regional Australian university. In total, 113 respondents completed the 20-question survey, which included closed-response and open-text questions. The survey explored academic awareness and implementation of UDL in their teaching practice, and open-text questions were used to elicit their perspectives on UDL. Among other findings in the closed-response questions, there was a large discrepancy in the consistent implementation of UDL in practice, in which 50% of academics reportedly did not intentionally incorporate it. Results from the open-text questions revealed four key challenges academics encountered in implementing UDL: resources and time constraints, knowledge and awareness, institutional barriers, and implementation challenges.
In the nineteenth century Western art music advanced towards a peak of sonorous magnificence, perhaps reached in 1848 at Paris when Hector Berlioz conducted an ensemble of 1,022 performers. The guitar, however, continued to sound at the level of a small continuo group for an Italian opera of the 1640s. During the 1800s the guitar’s reputation was deeply affected, often for the better, by its evocation of past sonorities that the ear was prepared to relinquish but the historical imagination could not bear entirely to forgo. Various attempts were nonetheless made to strengthen the sound by external and internal changes, some of them well received in their day, but no increase in the size or depth of the guitar’s body, no change in the pattern of the internal bracing and no addition of extra strings fundamentally enlarged its scope. Not suited to the new concert halls in which provincial towns and cities invested much of their civic pride, the guitar fared no better amidst the din of the music halls either, according to the guitarist and vaudeville comedian Ernest Shand (1868–1924). The editor of Shand’s compositions finds that ‘interest in the instrument was all but gone’ by the 1890s when Shand was unable to make a living from his composing, playing and teaching.
Catharina Pratten was the only exponent of the guitar to make a lifelong career from the instrument in Britain. A living link with the ‘Great Vogue’ for the guitar of the 1830s, she composed companionable solo pieces designed for the amateur, arranged songs, published methods, and taught a wide range of pupils, including some form the aristocracy, during almost the entire Victorian period. The considerable revival of interest in Madame Pratten during recent years, however, is in danger once more of the underestimating the importance of accompanied song to the Victorian fortunes of the guitar. About half of her many publications comprise guitar-accompanied vocal music including settings of nursery rhymes, opera favourites and English ballads. Although this was not the part of her legacy most valued by the coterie of advanced pupils she left behind, it undoubtedly inspired many who sought the services of this unique female musical entrepreneur.
In the early Victorian period many popular entertainers began to realise how much the guitar could offer them as a portable source of accompaniment to use for a musical spot in their act. During the ‘hungry’ 1840s, sustained economic downturn, and a series of bad harvests, created conditions that demanded as much resourcefulness from travelling performers as they could muster, especially the small fry with no reputation to trade on. This large tribe of guitar-players, who have never received the attention they merit, included some who performed are in costume or worked under a stage name such as ‘The British Minstrel’ or ‘The Banker’s Daughter’. Although most of these players have left few traces, sometimes indeed only one, they do not form the background to Victorian guitar playing, unless we choose to put theme there. They populate the foreground as the paid exponents of the guitar that members of the public were most often given the chance to see.
Although the guitar was primarily used to accompany singing in Victorian England sophisticated chamber arrangements of music by Beethoven and Mozart were circulating in manuscript during the first decades of Victoria’s reign. This repertoire is almost entirely unknown and is discussed here for the first time. Duets for guitar and pianoforte were also fairly abundant into the 1840s. There was also a clear sense, especially among music publishers with a vested interest in the notion, that a ‘classical’ solo repertoire of guitar music had emerged during the first third of the century when the instrument was in fashion. Yet although there were still notable solo players towards mid-century, such as Joseph Anelli, making a career as a ‘serious’ guitar player, which had always been a precarious business was by 1850 virtually impossible, at least in Britain. Even Anelli’s concert programmes started to show the influence of the many popular entertainers who had begun to use the guitar, explored in the next chapter.
A wide range of new opportunities for playing in ‘public’ emerged after mid-century and awaited the venturesome amateur guitar-player who could sing, especially young and unmarried female player who might come from every social class above the labouring poor. Social clubs, political societies such as the Primrose League, and sports clubs for tennis, cycling, golf and cricket mounted regular (or at least annual) entertainments which provided amateur singers using guitars with something to play for in every sense of the expression. Their instrument seemed agreeably novel; so did their art of self-accompaniment as they faced the audience directly in a manner that few self-accompanying singers using a pianoforte could hope to do. In addition there were new contexts for amateur performance that have almost been in entirely overlooked by historians of nineteenth-century music, notably the ‘Penny Reading’ where a wide variety of vocal and instrumental music was performed, reaching down to the level of small villages in parish halls and school rooms, often to raise funds for some charitable or philanthropic purpose.
When Henry Mayhew produced the greatest single survey of the Victorian poor in London, in the years around 1850, he encountered and interviewed various street guitar players. With the aid of the contemporary newspapers and archives, the picture of these musicians given by Mayhew can be very much enlarged. The accounts of legal hearings in police courts and quarter sessions, for example, often give an edited paraphrase of statements given by the musicians themselves in court (usually as the defendant, on charges connected with affray and drunkenness, but also sometimes as the plaintiff). These reports disclose a large number of the street guitar players by name, both white and black, male and female, together with details of the life they led, the repertoire, they performed, and the many hardships that they endured. These are the lost players of an instrument hitherto lost to musical history.