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In a speech to the German Bundestag in 1998, the well-known Holocaust scholar Yehuda Bauer stressed the role of intellectual elites and especially university professors in making the Holocaust possible. To this, he added the question: ‘If we have indeed learnt anything, it is whether we do not still keep producing technically competent barbarians in our universities’. This article is a reflection on the implications of this question for present-day teaching and research in political science.
The study of public policies in the contemporary Welfare States does not give enough consideration to the character of the public organizations that handle the concrete implementation. Building on recent neo-Marxist studies of public administration, this article examines the organizational connection to the ‘Active Labour Market Policy’ that was launched in Sweden by the Social Democrats during the late 1950s and that was exported throughout the OECD countries during the 1960s. The success of this policy was the result of a major organizational change in the public administration of the labour market in Sweden, which broke with the traditional bureaucratic mode of operation and established new principles of organizing public activities. This organizational change in the Swedish case is interpreted as an attempt to create a specific mode of Social Democratic cadre-organization.
Issues about social and economic inequality have received increased attention lately. One example of this is that four major international economic policy organizations that historically did not care much about inequality – the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the World Economic Forum, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) – now are issuing warnings that the current level of economic inequality in developed countries is not socially sustainable. Since the 1980s, economic inequality has sky-rocketed in most OECD countries. One example is Sweden, which used to be a showcase for the possibility of combining a successful market economy with a low level of poverty. During the last two decades, the country has seen one of the most dramatic increases in economic inequality. In this important book, Lisa Dellmuth shows that Europe has experienced a poverty and economic inequality standstill in both rich and poor subnational regions since the 1990s. The central question asked is if the EU's ambition to support regional social and economic development has served as an instrument against this increased economic inequality by, for example, supporting employment possibilities, quality education and improved population health for disadvantaged citizens.
An important result from this study is that social investments launched by the EU so far have had only weak effects on wellbeing in rich regions and adverse effects on well-being in poor regions. A key empirical finding is that EU social investments have exacerbated income inequality in poor regions, as the spending mostly benefits already wealthy groups in these regions. Political promises for a more ‘inclusive growth’ or making the EU a ‘social investment state’ have not been fulfilled. Since the EU faces a declining confidence from its citizens and severe problems concerning political legitimacy, this massive policy failure needs to be addressed. Much of the debate about legitimacy problems for the EU has focused on the issue of a ‘democratic deficit’. Citizens cannot make their voices heard because of the complicated system for political representation in the EU. However, research in political science shows that when citizens make up their mind as to whether they perceive their government to be legitimate, what takes place on the ‘output’ side of the political system is often more important for them than issues about political representation at the ‘input’ side.
Corruption is a serious threat to prosperity, democracy and human well-being, with mounting empirical evidence highlighting its detrimental effects on society. Yet defining this threat has resulted in profound disagreement, producing a multidimensional concept. Tackling this important and provocative topic, the authors provide an accessible and systematic analysis of how our understanding of corruption has evolved. They identify gaps in the research and make connections between related concepts such as clientelism, patronage, patrimonialism, particularism and state capture. A fundamental issue discussed is how the opposite of corruption should be defined. By arguing for the possibility of a universal understanding of corruption, and specifically what corruption is not, an innovative solution to this problem is presented. This book provides an accessible overview of corruption, allowing scholars and students alike to see the far reaching place it has within academic research.
Ranking the World: Grading States as a Tool of Global Governance, edited by Alexander Cooley and Jack Snyder, assembles an impressive group of political scientists to critically discuss “the important analytical, normative, and policy issues associated with the contemporary practice of ‘grading states.’” The volume addresses a topic of importance to a wide range of political scientists in comparative politics, international relations, and political theory, and raises some fundamental questions about the role of political science at the nexus of theory and practice. We have thus invited a number of colleagues to discuss the volume and its broader implications for political science inquiry.